CHAPTER 14

Uncovering Historical Sequences in Central Coast Salish Oral Narratives

DUNCAN MCLAREN

Introduction serves, or political jurisdictions of the various Sto:lo groups (Duff 1952, Suttles 1990, M. Carlson et al. 1997). The goal of this paper is the exploration of the The language of the Sto:lo is referred to as manner in which transcribed Salishan oral nar­ Halkomelem, a language community of the ratives provide insights into the sequence of greater Coast Salish language stock. There are human history in the Fraser River region of several dialects of Halkomelem that are referred southwestern British Columbia. Drawing upon to as Upriver Halkomelem, Downriver Halko­ six different sources of transcribed oral narra­ melem, and Island Halkomelem (Galloway tives, I discovered that these orators used several 1993). These dialects can be further subdivided. different methods of sequential ordering of For example, Galloway (1993) divides Upriver historical events. These methods include consen­ Halkomelem into the Chilliwack dialect, the sual remembering, genealogical referencing, and Chehalis dialect, the Tait dialect, and the Su- use of sequencing references within a given mas/Kilgard dialect. narrative to connect it temporally with another Transcribed oral narratives from the region narrative. The resulting sequences are traced and traditionally occupied by Mainland Halkome­ tabulated for each individual source and then lem speakers (Upriver and Downriver dialects) compared to the other sources by creating a are reviewed in this paper. Two of the sources time-space chart. Such charts are employed in are from the close neighbours of the Sto:lo: the other studies of the past including palaeo- Squamish (a separate Salishan language com­ ecological, geological, and archeological in­ munity related to Nooksack), and Lummi (a quiries. The oral historical space-time sequence Straits Salish dialect). presents an interesting perspective on the human One factor that links all of these groups and past in the Fraser Valley that both contrasts with dialects together and differentiates them from and complements the archaeological sequence most other Northwest Coast peoples is the leg­ for the same region. endary transformer figure(s), Xexa’ls, who appears as the protagonist and sometimes the The Study Area antagonist in many narratives. Xexa’ls is “the collective name for the powerful transformer The study area used in this survey includes the sibling - three sons and one daughter of black valleys of the Fraser Drainage from Yale, at the bear and red-headed woodpecker” and is often lower end of the Fraser Canyon, to the Gulf of referred to in the plural and sometimes in the Georgia at the mouth of this mighty river. Many singular. The relationship of the people of the of the First Nations people that now inhabit the study area covered in this paper is based on a area identify themselves with the overarching common history as relayed through mutual political identity of the Sto:lo Nation. Sto:lo references to Xexa 'Is. translates as ‘river’ (Galloway 1993) and identi­ fies the close relationship of the people with the History through Language river. The Sto:lo Nation includes an amalgama­ tion of numerous different groups located along Language is a means through which the social the course of the Fraser River from Yale to the memory of a particular group of people is con­ mouth of the Fraser at Musqeum. Several veyed, shared, transmitted, and remembered. sources list traditional village sites, present re­ Certainly the use of any language conveys 190 Archaeology of Coastal British Columbia through it a learning of what has gone before. Here the sequence of events in the narrative does However, language is also used to describe and not rely on the temporality of language alone, explain events of the past. Many different types but is aided by the employment of sentences of speech events can be used to convey the past beginning with coordinating conjunctions. In through language. Speech events are particu­ this manner, various passages of a particular larly important in terms of conveying informa­ narrative are ordered relative to the temporality tion about the past: “speech events are where of each other. communities are formed and held together” Two different narratives may share common (Duranti 1997:289). Oral-historical narratives references to particular events that occurred in are particularly powerful social bonding mecha­ the past. The shared references are often a link nisms. They provide means through which (conjunction of sorts) between narratives form­ commonly shared notions of time and space can ing a sequential relationship between the differ­ be expressed. When “we remember, we repre­ ent narratives. Alternatively, one narrative may sent ourselves to ourselves and to those around have a reference that relates it temporally to all us. To the extent that our ‘nature’ - that which narratives. For example, “in the beginning” is we truly are - can be revealed in articulation, we a statement that suggests that there are no narra­ are what we remember” (Fentress and Wickham tives that come before this narrative. These types 1992:7). of references are referred to in this paper as The use of chronological references to order sequencing references. A narrator’s use of a such remembrances enables them to be articu­ sequencing reference demonstrates conscious­ lated linguistically, and hence re-remembered. ness of the temporal order of events within and Thus, rendering of the past as a sequence of between narratives. events in the past is in and of itself an important means through which communities are bonded. Sources All speech and narration has some inherent temporal properties. Duranti (1997:336) sug­ All of the sources of transcribed oral narratives gests that there is a temporality of speaking, reviewed for this paper have been recorded in where the last 125 years. The relevance of particular references to the details are slowly revealed one at a time, giving dif­ tasks at hand was found to be variable. A rough ferent participants a chance- although by no means categorization of sources enabled me to choose assuming the same authority or linguistic ability - those that were most relevant to the stated goals to affect the construction of a story and the moral of this project. Several sources were found to be identities of its character. in amalgamations of transcribed oral narratives from across North America (Morgan 1974; Where details are slowly revealed one at a time a MacFarlan 1974; Melancon 1967; Jenness sequence of events is cast. This sequence may 1960) or from the Northwestern North America involve cyclical patterns, blurring the beginning (Teit 1917). Rarely is there any contextual back in the end, much as the sequence of sea­ information given in these sources as to the sons change but repeat themselves annually, or informants or the process of translation. In most repeating the same themes over and over again. cases little could be accomplished with these The sequence does not necessarily have to end sources, as there was not enough material pro­ at the beginning, although it might be said that vided or information included to draw conclu­ at the end of every sequence there is, by neces­ sions in regards to the relative chronology of the sity, a new beginning. stories written. Galloway (1993:613-614) identifies linguis­ All other sources included narratives exclu­ tic devices that work to aid in building the tem­ sively from the Sto:lo region or neighbouring porality of Halkomelem narratives. He found areas. Some of these sources were found to be that many narratives and stories that he collected more useful than others in terms of the analysis and analyzed feature sentences that began with being conducted. In many instances these coordinating conjunctions: sources provided over-arching temporal se­ quences related by the narrator (Jenness 1955; sometimes conjunction-intial sentences follow one Hill-Tout 1897; Hill-Tout 1902, reprinted another for a page or more. These indicate subse­ 1978), or there were enough common refer­ ences between narratives to place them in a type quent events and serve to carry on and structure the of sequence (Stem 1934; The Optimist 1961; narrative. Street 1974). These sources form the backbone of the present analysis. Sequences in Central Coast Salish Oral Narratives 191

Several other sources were found to be col­ air. He went on without pause for about ten min­ lections of narratives, but little was found to utes, and then the interpreter took up the story. The connect the tales due to a lack of an over­ story was either beyond the interpreters power to arching temporal framework, a lack of internal reference, or a lack of adequate review under­ render into English, or there was much in it he did taken before the preparation of this manuscript not want to relate to the white man, for I did not (Lerman 1976; Wells 1970; Wells 1987). unfortunately get a fifth of what the old man had ut­ Based on direct interviews on the subject or tered from him, and it was only by dint of question­ on impressions gained from the study of Salis- ing and cross-questioning that I was enabled to get han culture, several anthropologists have relayed anything like a connected narrative from him at all. general scenerios of historical sequences. Hill- Stories told to Lerman (1976:6) were also Tout (1978) seems to have been very interested translated by an interpreter, but with very differ­ in ensuring that culture chronologies were ex­ ent results: plained to him and he recorded them thus. Suttles (1990), Miller (1999), M. Carlson et al. Harry Uslick was then seventy-nine, totally blind (1997), and Bierwert (1999) all provide some and partially deaf. He had been born at Sardis and general inferences about the sequence of Sto:lo had been a trained woodcrafter. He spoke little Eng­ or Coast Salish mythological cycles, but it is not lish, and the stories he told were interpreted to me clear if their inferences are drawn directly from by his wife. She was three years younger than he, informants. Six sources from the above were chosen to and had also been bom at Sardis. conduct the analysis of relative chronologies as Lerman (1976:6) suggests that Mrs. Uslick’s sequenced in transcribed oral narratives. These translation added to the substance of the tales six sources are Hill-Tout (1897), Hill-Tout being told and that the stories became “both her (1902, reprinted 1978), Stem (1934), Jenness own and those of her husband”. The narratives (1955), Street (1974), and the Optimist (1961). told to Eloise Street by Chief K'HHalserten The sequences devised and discussed by various Sepass were translated by her mother Sophia anthropologists have also been included in this Street (1974:12): analysis. These include Suttles (1990), Miller (1999), Carlson et al. (1999), and Bierwert ... I was surprised when a tall Indian appeared sud­ (1999). Other sources are referred to through­ denly through the trees and sat on the other end of out the course of this paper, but are not used in the log. Without a glance at me, he began to speak constructing the final mosaic for reasons that are in a musical flow that continued for some minutes. discussed above. He stopped and turned to look full at me. It was Chief Sepass. In scanty English, he asked me to Transcription and Translation take his songs and put them in a book. I agreed, and at our home during the next four years, my mother All of the materials reviewed have been trans­ translated the songs ... During the four years, lated into English. Certainly there are many speaking mostly in Salish, the Chief gave various difficulties in the process of translation (see pieces of information. Duranti 1997:154). There are many ways in which the sources Similarly, Old Simon Pierre’s stories were used have undergone translation and transfor­ translated by Simon Pierre Jr. while Diamond mation into English and transcribed forms. Jenness (1955) transcribed (Suttles 1955). Often there is little information given on the Stories collected by Galloway (1993) were actual process of translation as, for example, in transcribed in Halkomelem phonetically from many of the narratives recorded in Hill-Tout tapes. Galloway then translated each sentence (1902, reprint 1978), but also in Teit(1917) and word for word, and then reorganized the sen­ Stem (1934). In Hill-Tout (1897) a translator is tences so that they follow English rules of known to have been used and to have been, at grammar. Each stage of this translation is pre­ least in Hill-Tout’s eyes, problematic. Hill- sented to the reader with the phonetic transcrip­ Tout’s lack of knowledge of the Squamish tion provided above the direct translation and language necessitated the use of an interpreter. then the finished translation below that. This Limitations of this process are described in the traditional Boasian approach to recording and following quote from (Hill-Tout 1897:85-86): transcribing is intended to provide the reader with many insights into the process of transla­ .. .he began his recital in a loud high pitched key, as tion and the decisions made by the translator. if he were addressing a large audience in the open The onus of translation was often undertaken by 192 Archaeology of Coastal British Columbia the narrators themselves. This would appear to The Narrators of Six Sources be the case of three different informants whose stories were recorded by Norman Lerman Analyzed (1976), including Bob Joe, Agnes James, Mrs. Reid, and Louis George. The stories of Agnes The names of the narrators are often provided James and Mrs. Reid seem to have been re­ by the ethnographer or transcriber. Unfortu­ corded during sessions with both informants and nately, it is by convention that the ethnographer translations were often worked out in dialogic or transcriber of the story is cited rather than the fashion (Leman 1976:6). narrators themselves. For this reason a clarifica­ The process of transcribing, rewriting, and tion of the particular narrators of the materials editing various stories that were collected during analyzed is given. The transcribers are also interview-like sessions also plays a part in the discussed. The purpose of this section is to process of translation. For this reason, the tran­ provide some insight into the process by which scribers of these works also put their fingers in oral/aural transmitted information is textualized the realms of translation: from oral recitation to and to re-empower the narrator as having a great scripted format. Often decisions that were made deal of influence in the authorship of the text. It in modes of transcription are not clear, and the is without a doubt that the context of perform­ ‘artistic’ license that is employed by some ance and the relationship of the narrator and the authors may distort or change important aspects transcriber (listener) helped to shape the overall of various narratives. For example, Chief Sepass sequences presented in the narratives. This sec­ was particular about the form that the English tion may also help to orient the reader to a transcriptions of his tales took. Thus, he ensured better understanding of the nature of the sources that Street recorded the lines of his tales using analyzed for this project. appropriate rhythm (Bierwert 1999:94). This exactitude can be contrasted with the M ul’ks rambling and dictation style transcription of Old Pierre’s narratives recorded by Jenness (1955). Perhaps the clearest description of the perfor­ The order in which tales are placed has an effect mative context in which the narration and tran­ on how they may be read. Stem (1934) seems to scription of stories told comes from Hill-Tout’s have attempted a chronological ordering of the (1897:85) Notes on the Cosmogony and History tales that he recorded among the Lummi, but it of the Squamish that divulges the background of is not clear whether the tales were narrated in Mul’ks the narrator: that order. Duanti (1997:161) suggests: I received a cordial reception at the hands of the chief men of the tribe, and on learning what I Transcription is a selective process, aimed at high­ wanted they brought out of retirement the old histo­ lighting certain aspects of the interaction for spe­ rian of the tribe. He was a decrepit creature, stone- cific research goals blind from old age, whose existence until then had Certainly the research goals of the translator been unknown to the good bishop, who himself has may be particularly different from those of the this tribe in charge. I am disposed, therefore, to narrator. Sequencing references noted in tran­ think that this account has not been put into Eng­ scriptions may have been highlighted in narra­ lish before. I first sought to learn his age, but this tion and downplayed in transcription or visa- he could only approximately give by informing me versa. Any sequences that are apparent then, that his mother was a girl on the verge of woman­ must be highlighted as resulting from the per­ hood when Vancouver sailed up Howe Sound at the formative and transcriptional processes. close of last century. He would therefore be about Many researchers note that there are Chris­ 100 years old. His native name, as near as I could tian influences in many Coast Salish transcribed get it, is “Mul’ks.” He could not understand any oral narratives (Suttles 1987; Bierwert 1999). English, and his archaic Squamish was beyond my Some may be concerned that such influences may take away from the ‘traditional form’ that poor knowledge of the language, it was necessary to these histories would have at one time had. Such have resort to the tribal interpreter. This account, as distinctions are considered irrelevant to the a result will be less full and literal. following analysis. The conventionalisation of Sqtcten et al. elements or new ways of perceiving the past into old stories would seem to be a common and Another of Hill-Tout’s (1902, reprinted ongoing character of oral histories (Fentress and 1978:67) ethnographic works, The Ethnological Wickham 1992). Studies o f the Mainland Halkomelem, A Division Sequences in Central Coast Salish Oral Narratives 193 of the Salish of British Columbia, includes a August Martin, Matt Paul, and Mrs. Matt Paul, section on the Kwantlen. Very little is provided William McClusky, Timothy Jefferson, and Frank regarding the context of narration or ethno­ Hillaire. graphic interview and only the following de­ scription of the narrators is provided: It is not clear whether one individual narrated the various stories in the monograph to Stem or In my studies of the Kwantlen I was assisted by a whether several of the informants provided these native named August Sqtcten, of the Fort Langley stories. Reservation, an intelligent and thoughtful Indian, Old Pierre who had been trained in his younger days in the mission school of the Oblate Fathers, and who had Anthropologist Diamond Jenness visited Katzie a very tolerable knowledge of English; by Jason Al­ in February of 1936 (Jenness 1955). In the lard, a fairly educated half-breed; and to a less extent introduction to Faith of a Coast Salish Indian be an elderly Indian women named Mrs. Elkins. (Jenness 1955:5), it is remarked that: Sepas Nowhere did he find the religious beliefs of the Indians so well integrated, or the rites so well inter­ Of Chief K’HHalserten Sepass, the narrator of many songs and tales, much is known and de­ preted, as by Old Pierre, a man about 75 years of scribed. The transcription of Chief Sepass’s tales age who enjoyed a wide and honourable reputation occurred over a four-year period beginning in as medicine man both on Vancouver Island and on 1911 (Street 1974:12-13), the performances the Mainland. taking place at Street’s house. Sepass was born The work of Jenness and Old Pierre is one of the in the Kettle Falls region of Washington State in most often cited works of traditional Coast Sal­ 1847 and moved to the Sardis region of the ish society (e.g. Sutties 1955,1987, 1990; Miller Chilliwack Valley after small-pox decimated the 1999; Bierwert 1999). Colville peoples of the Kettle Falls region. Splockton The Chief said that his family group were con­ nected to with the Nooksaaks in the state of Wash­ Tsawwassen Legends is a collection of narratives that were originally published in The Optimist ington, that in British Columbia they married Newspaper of Ladner B.C. between 1946 and Cowichan or Thompson tribes people, and that they 1947. These stories were then printed in a col­ could “talk to the Susquatches” - Hairy Giants said lection by The Optimist (1961). The stories were to range the Coast Mountains. He had seen a giant collected by Geraldine McGreer Appleby, the skeleton in Chilliwack ... In the days of the Sun editor of the Optimist. The narrator of most of ceremonies, still celebrated every four years at the the stories was Joe Splockton a resident on the beginning of white penetration and settlement (later Tsawwassen reserve. inevitably to be overridden by the pressure of the new regime), Chief Sepass was host to a large gath­ The Chronological Ordering of Oral ering from Pacific Coastal settlements. This was Narratives the occasion for particular rites, songs and dances, In this section examples of relative ordering and and parleys on matters of administrative concern. sequencing references that were employed either Two songs were sung each taking four days, The in the context of a performance or in the narra­ Song of Nations, a history, and The Song of Gen­ tive itself are given. This discussion is specific to erations, a genealogy.. the six collections of transcribed narratives that were analyzed specifically for this purpose. Hillaire et al. The Chronological Consensus of The only information provided on the infor­ M ul’ks Narration mant for Stern’s (1934:9) monograph on the Lummi Indians of Northwest Washington is in Hill-Tout (1897:85) provides information re­ the Introduction: garding the means through which the ordering of Mul’ks Narration of Squamish stories was to The author is especially indebted to Joseph Hil­ unfold: laire, a Lummi Indian whose sincere interest in pre­ serving the traditions of his people made him and Before the old man could begin his recital, some eager and intelligent informant. Among other mem­ preparations were deemed necessary by the other eld­ bers of the tribe who served as informants were erly men of the tribe. These consisted in making a 194 Archaeology of Coastal British Columbia

bundle of short sticks, each about six inches long. The original signification of these names seems to These played the part of tallies, each stick represent­ be forgotten. ing to the reciter a particular paragraph or chapter in Many events that took place during the his story. They apologized for making these, and course of the existence of various ancestors are were at pains to explain to me that these were to remembered in reference to this lineage. When them what books were to the white man. These “Skwelselem II was chief there was a mighty sticks were now placed at intervals along a table conflagration spread all over the whole earth, round which we sat, and after some animated discus­ from which few people and animals escaped” sion between the interpreter, who acted as master of (Hill- Tout 1902 reprint 1978:70). Hill-Tout ceremonies, and the other older men as to the rela­ goes on to suggest that this event refers to tive order and names of the tallies, we were ready to “some volcanic phenomenon”. During the time begin. of Skwelselem III the flood occurs and the Nooksack tribe becomes separated from the This is the only reference to this means of or­ Squamish. During the time of Skwelselem IV a dering the narrative flow. It is particularly note­ large snow storm of long duration occurs and worthy that this sequencing appears to have many people starve. been agreed upon consensually. For this reason, The direct lineage approach to temporal the means of order narratives in this example ordering may or may not have a direct relation­ demonstrates the importance of creating a se­ ship to the temporality of average human gen­ quence that listeners agree upon and sanction. erations. Fentress and Wickham (1992:80) note: Kwantlen Genealogy These lineages and genealogies function not only as a source of information about ‘real’ ances­ Kwantlen genealogy is related in Hill-Tout tors, but also to situate a group as a clan or kinship (1902, reprinted 1978) as being a means of group in relation to other such groups. In other ordering events of the past. This is done by the linking of a remembered sequence of ancestors words, lineages and genealogies also situate a group with various epics. A lineage of ancestor is a within a system of symbolic classification repre­ means through which narrative sequences are sented by totemic and mythological figures. remembered and the sequence of narratives can be used to remember the lineage. Both provide Unfortunately, Hill-Tout (1902) only published means for diachronic oriented examinations and two Kwantlen narratives in full. Neither narrative explanations of the past. Following Hill-Tout’s was presented in relationship to the siam- (1902, reprinted 1978:69) explanation: genealogy nor contains references to other stories. In fact, the first narrative begins: “Once Of their origin they give various mythical ac­ upon a time”. Regardless, enough information counts. Among the Kwantlen proper the first man is given in the section on genealogy to construct was called Swaniset, meaning “to appear or come in a relative sequence of historical events. a mysterious manner.” He was ten sweyil ‘descen- dent of the sky’, who suddenly appeared on the The Sequence in Sepass’s Tales Fraser River. Another account makes the first man Many of tales told by Chief Sepass use se­ a ten tumah ‘descendent of the earth’. This latter is quencing references. Such references operate to possibly an adaptation of the Mosaic account of the connect the temporality of one narrative by first man. With him were created all the tools and making temporally oriented references to other utensils, and also the Coquitlam tribe as his slaves. stories. These types of references are important His name is given as Swkelselem. The siam- and their usage suggests that Sepass intention­ Kwantlen [chiefly family] have a genealogicalrecord ally sought to order his narratives in a cohesive of their chiefs for nine generations: (1) Skwelselem and understandable sequence. It is of impor­ I (2) Skelselem II (3) Skwelselem III (4) Ctalsitet, tance to note that not all of the narratives re­ layed by Sepass were found to have sequencing afterwards changed to Skwelselem IV (5) Sqtcten I references. The following are some examples. (Skwelselem IV dying without male issue the siam- From The Beginning of the World, the sequenc­ ship passed to his sisters son; hence the change of ing reference related to all other narratives as it name.) (6) Sqtcten II, afterwards changed to Stltim- implies a beginning (Street 1974:30): ten, Which has reference to thunder (The story in connection with the change of name was forgotten. Long, long ago The name is a sulia name.) (7) Sqtcten III (8) Before anything was, Sqtcten IV (9) Sqtcten V, who is the present chief. Saving only the Heavens, Sequences in Central Coast Salish Oral Narratives 195

From the seat of his golden throne From Khwat-Say-Lum, the Salmon Baby (Street The Sun God looked out on the Moon Goddess 1974:84): And found her Beautiful. When the flood was gone From The Slollicum, Lake Mystery, the se­ And the banks of the streams quencing reference occurs relative to a particu­ Rose out of the mud ... lar event by employing foreshadowing (Street 1974:49): Together there is a consistent flow of a large narrative cycle within these narratives presented Many years ago in Sepass Tales. The narratives of Chief Sepass Before the first thought demonstrate that there are many different ways Of the oldest man ... in which sequencing references can be em­ ployed. From K’Hhalls, the Sun God, the sequencing reference is connected to the order of creation and relates this narrative back to the beginning Linking Lummi Narratives (Street 1974:55): There are also sequencing references in the K’Hhalls made Tsee-ah-khum, the sun, Lummi narratives recorded by Stem (1934) And Thuh-galtz, the white moon. These are not as clearly defined as those in the K’Hhalls made Kwah-sil, the stars, Sepass Tales (Street 1974). Again different types of sequencing references were found And Tsu h-khil-ghil-um, the coloured rainbow including references to the relative position of a From Tsee-o-hil, Mankind, here the flow con­ narrative in relation to all other narratives, cross- tinues in relation to human action and the ac­ referenced characters, and the movement of tions of K’Hhalls (Street 1974: 57): peoples from one location to another. And K’Hhalls said: From In the Beginning (Stem 1934:107): “Let him have the earth for a while. Two Brothers were placed upon this earth. They Let him see what he can do. first landed in the vicinity of Somane. There they Let him build a great people on earth. discussed the problem of getting a livelihood. They I will come back.” concluded that salmon would not come to this place And K’Hhalls slept. so they moved south ... to both brothers, Xelas, the From Miktzal the Painter, the sequencing refer­ Transformer had given some important gifts - the ences refer to the actions of K’Hhalls (Street salmon, the reef-net, the spear, suin and fire. 1974:59): From The Origin of Fire Making (Stern Miktzal laughed loud and long 1934:108) The sequencing reference foreshad­ As he looked at the bird folk, ows the coming of Xelas: Eager and waiting. While the Indians were assembled at Xanetan they His painter’s eye glinted with mischief. heard of the coming of Xelas, the transformer. He said: They prepared to welcome him with a feast. “K’Hhalls is asleep; Why may I not be K’Hhalls For a little while?” Another story relating how Xelas created He turned to his paint bowls. deer follows. Other sequencing references occur in this collection of narratives, but these are Several Narratives follow which relate transfor­ difficult to cross-reference with those from other mations undertaken by an awakened K’Hhalls stories due to a lack of context and the small including the flood in which humans are buried number of stories. The story of How the Lummi in the mud. The following narratives make Came to Their Present Abode is a good example indirect or direct reference to this event sug­ of where a sequencing reference appears to be gesting that they occur after the flood (Street used, but there is not enough information pro­ 1974:75): vided to adequately form a sequential relation­ ship. In addition, this particular narrative has From Quait-Tzal Spahtz, the Grizzly Bear specific names given to an individual actor: Tsee-o-hil Whtathum who becomes Skalaxt. This figure Lay buried in the mud... may have specific hereditary meaning and sig­ nificance much like the genealogy of the Kwan- tlen (Hill-Tout 1902, reprint 1978). 196 Archaeology of Coastal British Columbia

Old Pierre’s Katzie Genesis Slowly the Indians multiplied again after the great flood, and the Lord Above who was watching them The Katzie Book of Genesis, as Jenness (1955) saw once more they were too numerous in the land calls Old Pierre’s historical narrative of the (Jenness 1955: 33). Katzie people, is one of the most clearly and concisely ordered sequence of events of all the It is clear that there are many types of sequenc­ material reviewed. The Katzie book of Genesis ing references that Old Pierre draws upon, and includes the succession of many intertwined the examples used are by no means exhaustive. narratives all arranged in historical sequence. It These sequencing references act much in the is unlikely that Jenness had much influence in same manner as the coordinating conjunctions the ordering of these stories or in guiding the that Galloway (1993) noted in many Upriver performative context along these lines. This Halkomelem narrative speech events: as devices ordering is attributed to the genius of Old Pierre and tools used to connect the narrative into an himself (Jenness 1955:5) who uses a combina­ integral and temporal structure. The sequencing tion of genealogy, the presentation of the his­ references employed by Pierre seem to have tory as a single narrative, and many sequencing much in common with those used by Sepass references as guides. The Genesis is described (Street 1974) and in the Lummi Narrative re­ by Old Pierre as “not a mere fairy-tale, but the corded by Stem (1934). true history of my people, as it was taught to me Certainly Old Simon Pierre’s recounting of in my childhood by three old men whom my the Katzie Book of Genesis to Diamond Jenness mother hired to instruct me” (Jenness 1955:10). is of great value in terms of understanding the The following are some examples demonstrating relative chronology of historical event that oc­ the use of sequencing references. The first is the curred in the region. Suttles (1955:6) suggests: commonly used opening sequence reference ...the integration of the myths themselves into a that is related to the sequence of all narratives by coherent cycle is rare, if not unique among the introducing the first human beings (Jenness 1955:10): Coast Salish. The plots and incidents exist in other bodies of myths but remain separate elements. And When the Lord Above created these first human be­ the coherent explanation of the social and the cere­ ings, the land was strangely different from what it monial in light of this cycle of myths is so unusual is now ... in the waters of the sea and the rivers that Jenness asks whether it is the normal expres­ there were clams and mussels, but no salmon, eu- sion of Katzie culture or the expression of the gen­ lachon, or sturgeon, no seals, and no sea-lions. ius of a single man, Old Pierre. Regardless of the Another sequencing reference involves the answer, the expression itself has intrinsic value. It tracing of environmental changes such as the reveals at least one possible interpretation of Katzie introduction of certain animals into the area myth and Katzie life. (Jenness 1955:12): Certainly in terms of a cohesive sequence of historical events, Old Pierre’s narratives are He then led her to the water’s edge and said: ‘My extremely detailed in their relative chronological daughter, you are enamoured of the water. For the ordering. However, as is the premise of this benefit of generations to come I shall now change paper, and unlike Suttles (1955) ruminations you into the Sturgeon”. above, the integration of the stories into “ a Pierre also directly links the sequence of char­ coherent cycle” is not necessarily rare or acters in his narratives by foreshadowing (Jen­ unique. ness 1955:21). Joe Splockon’s Orderings Thus Sw aneset accomplished two great deeds for the benefit of mankind: he brought eulachon down from Joe Splockton ordered his narratives much in the sky, and he brought the sockeye salmon from a the same manner as many other narrators, by far-away country... A rumour now reached the Indi­ using sequencing references. Splockton’s nar­ ans on the Lower Fraser that three brothers, accom­ ratives are not as specific to other stories in all panied by twelve servants, were coming from the cases. Temporal references are made to all other west to finish S w an eset’s work. narratives such as “the beginning”, the first Tsawwassen settler, the collapse of one village or Another example of a type of sequencing refer­ another. From the Legend of the First Tsawwas­ ence is the means through which Old Pierre sen Settler the sequencing reference refers to the links human activities to catastrophic events. first man (The Optimist 1961:21): Sequences in Central Coast Salish Oral Narratives 197

Tsaatzen is the man in the Delta totem. He was the M. Carlson et al. (1997) struggle to identify first man to discover and live in this part of the exactly where the distinction between these two country. He came from up in the hills. narrative types lies. The basis of M. Carlson et al. (1997) and Galloway’s (1993) differentia­ From the Legend of the Cranberry Bog the tion seem to be based on the dichotomy of real sequencing reference refers to the first white versus unreal or mythical versus historical, man (The Optimist 1961:37): which, as is apparent from the quote above seems to be a difficult realm to explore in re­ This legend of long ago begins with a story about gards of differentiating these types of narratives. a man it is said was the first white man to arrive in While the emic differentiation may be blurry or this neighbourhood. Some claim that the first white complex in identifying one type from another, man was called Portugee Joe. a review of these two different types of narra­ From The Legend of the Dancing Fisherboy the tives presented in contrasting form in Galloway sequencing reference relates to the age of the (1993) and M. Carlson et al. (1997) provides first man at Tsawwassen (The Optimist insight into the some of the differentiating fea­ 1961:51): tures. Thus, rather than struggling with the real/unreal dichotomy, I would argue that the The first man at Tsawwassen was an old man. Now, placement of the narrator in the narrative is in according to stories of olden times - and some be­ some cases a defining feature. Whereas the lieve them still - there were three persons going sqwelqwel often includes the narrator in the around the world: three brothers, who could change narrative, for example using personal pronouns anyone into anything they wished. such as “I” or “my cousin”, personal signifi­ e s of the narrator tend to be absent from sxwoxwiyams. A further distinction is that Anthropological Orderings of sxwoxwiyam tend to be set in a past that oc­ Salishan Narratives curred before the life history of the narrator or an immediate ancestor thereof, and the sqwe­ Several researchers note that there are two dif­ lqwel occurs in the more recent past. ferent narrative types recognized by Halkome- Suttles (1990:466) discussion of Central lem speakers. The sxwoxwiyam is a narrative that Coast Salish mythology is limited to a division relays events of the distant past, often described of the historical sequence into two distinct eras: or conveyed as the mythological past (Galloway 1993; Suttles 1990; M. Carlson et al. 1997; In the myths there was an age when the world was Bierwert 1999). Alternatively, the sqwelqwel is a different, its people were like both humans and narrative that is an “historical narrative, narra­ tive of recent events, or news” (Galloway animals of the present age, and it was full of dan­ 1993:613). As with the mixing of types of gerous monsters. The myth age ended when x e ’ls speech events, the sxwoxwiyam and the sqwe­ the Transformer came through the world, transform­ lqwel are often found together in a single narra­ ing monsters and other myth-age beings into rocks tive, and it is often not possible to classify a and animals, and setting things in order for people narrative as being either one or another (M. of the present age. Carlson et al. 1997:193): Discussion This stems primarily from the fact that both types of narratives illustrate various realities that often ex­ The results of the temporal analysis of oral ist simultaneously. The narratives shared by the historic sources from the study area are pre­ Sto:lo often do not make a distinction between a sented in Table 14:1 which is organized by distant history that was and a contemporary history placing the sequences of the narrators in col­ umns. Different eras of the sequences are then that is, or a distant history that is unreal and a con­ identified by the rows. Only episodes that were temporary history that is real. There is no line temporally linked by the narrators are included. drawn between the mythical/ supernatural/ spiritual The occurrences of common events are linked and the natural/ordinary that cannot be bent. Even across rows of the table where possible. The last the inferred difference between the past and the pre­ column I have added to provide a means of sent, or a supernatural versus a natural experience, delineating each era of the created sequence. A can be blurred (yet the distinction between a careful review of the constructed table will reveal sxw oxw iyam and a sqw elqw el are clear to Sto:lo to the reader how the sequences of these differ­ elders). ent historical narratives share much in common 198 Archaeology of Coastal British Columbia when they are cross-referenced in this manner. sequence has been undertaken before (Linklater It is clear that chronological sequences between 1993). One of the first charts of this sort used to narratives can be pieced together. The orators order archaeological cultures is attributed to V. themselves pieced these sequences together for Gordon Child in 1932, whose charts detailed the the listener (reader). Certainly themes reappear archaeology of Europe “in terms of a complex and repeat themselves frequently through the mosaic of culture” (Trigger 1989:170) and course of these sequences, particularly, reoccur­ became the prototypes for the format that ar­ rences. The destruction and reconstruction of chaeologists adopted to illustrate chronological human communities often reoccur. Such re­ and geographical relationships between ar­ peated themes contribute to the classification of chaeological cultures. Such charts are of par­ the narratives as cycles (e.g. Suttles 1955). ticular use as they provide a means to visually There is also a linear trajectory of the related display differences and similarities of contem­ narratives. Researchers have often dichotomized poraneous archaeological cultures through time. cyclical and linear chronologies into non- These types of charts can also be useful in dis­ Westem (or subordinate) and Western (or domi­ playing the relative histories of transcribed oral nant) modes of temporal classification (eg. narratives. The chart created from this analysis Connerton 1989:19-20). Hymes 1990) descrip­ provides a visual means of displaying the mosaic tion of temporality in Northwest Coast mythol­ and relative temporality of different narrator’s ogy attempts to clarify (muddle) this dichotomi- sequences of past events. zation: Archaeology and Oral Sequences It would be a mistake to think of a strict linear Compared sequence, one age wholly replacing another. It would be more useful to think of a center and a pe­ Both the archaeological and oral historical se­ riphery. There is indeed the great divide of transfor­ quences for the study area provide insight into mation, when beings that are humanlike in voice the human history of the region. However, there and action became entirely animal, being overcome seems to be few similarities in regards to per­ and diminished or simply choosing to take on their ceived phases or categories in these two types of later characteristics and habitats ... the established sequences. For example, there seems to be no world is the center, which the events and beings of equivalent of the shift from the Locarno Beach the narratives encircle at a distance. One can go out to the Marpole culture type in the oral historical to the periphery, as on a quest for spiritual power. sequence. Whereas the phases of the archaeo­ logical sequence are based primarily on fre­ The periphery can come closer, as in the winter sea­ quencies of artifact types and ascribed radiocar­ son, when power may be displayed in dramatic bon dates, the temporal markers of the oral dance and song, and myths brought to life in words. historical sequence seem to be based on large- Especially when the myths are travels of a trickster scale changes, both environmental and social. or transformer, they bring within the confines of the Differing perspectives of the past are revealed winter house origins in a world of summer. when one considers the archaeological and oral The findings of this analysis would suggest historical sequences. Recent interpretations of that elements of both temporal frameworks the archaeological sequence are characterized present themselves in many different ways in the by gradual change (Mitchell 1971, 1990; Mat­ narratives analyzed. Indeed, the temporality of son and Coupland 1995). Environmental up­ language would preclude that any linguistically heavals rarely figure into the archaeological based communication can recognize both cycli­ sequence with the exception of the shift from cal and linear time frameworks. Cyclical narra­ the Milliken to Mazama Phases in the Fraser tives may contain linear attributes, just as linear Canyon (Mitchell and Pokotylo 1996). These narratives can contain cyclical attributes. It must two phases are separated by a layer of Volcanic be stressed that one does not necessarily pre­ ash that represents the massive eruption of clude the other. Mount Mazama 6600 years ago. Otherwise the archaeological sequence of the study area is interpreted as a slow and gradual process with An Historical Sequence of change occurring and developing out of each Transcribed Oral History antecedent phase. Few catastrophes or environ­ mental factors are given for changes in the The basic premise of Table 14:1 is drawn from sequence, with the notable exception of a per­ the same types of charts used in archaeology. ceived ‘stabilization’ in salmon stocks around The placing of oral narratives into this type of 5000 BP [5730 cal BP] (Fladmark 1975).. Sequences in Central Coast Salish Oral Narratives 199

Table 14: Space-Time Grid of Oral Historical Sequences, Central Coast Salish Region. M ul’ks Hillairelillaire et al. Joe Splockton SatctenSqtcten et al. Simon Pierre - CChief h ief K’Hhakerten K’Hhalserten Oral HistoricalH Squam ish Lum m i Tsawwassen K w antlen K atzie Sepass - Chilliwack E ra 1897 1928-29 1946-47 1902 1936 1911.

-In the begin­ -K’HHalls creates the -The beginning. ning there is sky, thunder, lightening, water every­ fierce wind, sun, moon, where and no stars, rainbow. land. -K’HHalls sees the first human from the sky.

-The Great -Two brothers -T z a a te n -Sw aniset is -Creation of groups -Sun and moon’s long­ -The first hip Spirit makes placed on this cam e to the first hu­ of people (including ings mingle and create m ans. land appear, earth . Tsawwassen m an to a p ­ Swaniset), leaders, the w orld. lakes and from the hills. pear in the and sun, moon, -Sun’s letter of love to rivers, trees, a re a . seaso n ’s and ra in ­ moon falls and creates animals and -Tsawwassen bow . land. the first man. was an Island - Skwelselem -Only clams and -Moon’s tears creates at this time. I. mussels for people the w ater. to eat. -From thoughts, longings, and loving came trees and flowers. -Moon and Sun leap into the sky and their new love creates humans. - Skwelselem -Three white rocks -K’HHalls sleeps. -Before the' II. cre a te d . -Mankind walks the tranformation. - Possible -Creation of the earth in defiance of V olcan ic north and west K ’H H alls. eruption (may winds Sxwa’yxwey -Miktzal paints the birds. be related to mask (and other the shattering masks) given to of Sheriden M usquem . Hill described -Creation of stur­ by Simon geon and owl-like P ierre). bird. -Pit meadows drained and sloughs cre a te d . -Swaniset climbs arrow ladder to the world above. -Swaniset shatters Sheriden Hill. -Seagulls created. -Eulachon created. -Swaniset plays lehal. -Many animals are human in form. -Swaniset marries sockeye daughter. -Swaniset brings salmon up the Fraser.

-Xelas grants -T he first -Khaals comes from -K’HHalls awakes. The age of trans­ gifts to the m an at the W est. Turns Sky-ak (the magi­ form ation first people: T saw w asse n -Begins to transform cian) into mink. the salmon, w as an old people into rocks. -K’Hhalls creates the re e f-n e t, man. -Prophesizes that sucker from Gekt the spear, deer -Three broth- Tsawwassen island boaster (similar to the an d fire. ers arrive and will become joined creatio n o f d eer in -Xelas con- begin to to the mainland. P ierre). vinces Mt. ch an g es -Changes people -Turns were-wolf into B a k e r’s things. into animals (raven, m osquitos. wife.Whateth, -O ld m an is mink, wolf, king­ to lie down. changed into fisher, racoon, a deer. crane, supernatural beings, sucker fish, beaver, muskrat, sandhill, goats, cranes, geese, eagle, wolf, black bear, grizzly, deer, seals).______200 Archaeology of Coastal British Columbia

Table 14;1. Space-Time Grid of Oral Historical Sequences,Central Coast Salish Region, (cont’d) M u l’ks Hillaire et al. Joe Splockton Sqtcten et al. Simon Pierre - Chief K’Hhalserten Oral Historical Squam ish Lummi Tsawwassen K w antlen K atzie Sepass - Chilliwack E ra 1897 1928-29 1946-47 1902 1936 1911.

-Deer fence in­ World trans­ vented. form ed. -Deer fence forbid­ den. -Thunder controlled by sya’ykwel.

-Great spirit S kw elselem Flood. -Flood. The great flood. m akes the III. Refuge on golden -Human's die. waters rise Great flood ears and Mt. Cheam. -K’HHalls watches from and all are overwhelms the sun. d ro w n ed the people -K’HHalls calls human except for and shatters from the mud after the C heatm uh, the tribes. deluge. son of the -K’HHalls sleeps again. first man Ka- la’na, and his w ife.

-The popula­ -The population re­ -Grizzly awakes and After the flood. tion r e ­ establishes itself. remembers the days establishes before the flood. itself -Hy-o-hah-lah takes Grizzly to the world above. -Squirrel, sunk, raccoon, mink, and grouse rescue G rizzly. -Different tribal groups are created. -Grizzly remembers salmon from the days before the flood. Beaver and friends travel to salmon village on the o cean . -Bring salmon up river. -C heatm uh -Skwelselem -Cold and snow sent. The great snow. dies and the IV. -Starvation ensues. Great Spirit -Great fam­ sends a great ine occurs snow-storm. caused by a -T he snow p ro lo n g ed c o v e re d snowstorm. everything. -The Coquit­ Starvation lam a re and cold. forced across the river from N ew W e s t­ m inister.

-The popula­ -Sqtcten I -The population re­ After the snow. tion r e ­ establishes itself establishes itself -Salm on -Sqtcten II -News from the east The great sick­ b eco m e of a great sickness. ness. covered with sores and blotches. -A loathsome skin disease breaks out -Sqtcten III

-V an co u v er -Portugee Joe -Sqtcten IV -Europeans arrive The Arrival of arriv es arrives and on the Fraser. E u ro p ean s. marries an Indian w om an and lives of Reed Island. -S qtcten V Sequences in Central Coast Salish Oral Narratives 201

The oral historical sequence is much more stability during which populations recovered, concerned with profound environmental and salmon were reestablished, and people thrived. large-scale social change the most profound of In comparison to the events of the late Pleisto­ these being the Transformation, the Great Flood cene climatic conditions during the Holocene and the Long Snow. Indeed, these are the types are relatively stable. The archaeological record of events that make stories interesting and thus, of the Holocene reflects this stability in the repeatable and memorable. Whereas the ar­ interpretation of gradual change over several chaeological sequence of the study area is con­ millennia. Few long terms and large-scale cata­ cerned with the gradual, the oral historical se­ strophic events are related by the palaeo- quence focuses on the punctuation of catastro­ ecological, oral historical, and archaeological phe and upheaval. data during this time (there are certainly short Since the oral historical sequence includes lived tectonic and volcanic episodes). The long­ reference to environmental upheaval there is term stability of this period provides little up­ some possibility for comparisons between pa- heaval for oral historical temporal references. laeo-ecological and oral historical data. It is Conversely, the stability of this period provides impossible to be certain about absolute dates for accumulations and centralization of human events in the oral historical sequence. Regard­ activity so as to provide highly visible and acces­ less, the relative temporality of events for the sible concentration of archeological material of oral historical sequence has striking similarities the type that archaeologists like to take advan­ with the sequence of events that occurred in the tage of, particularly since 4500 years BP [5200 study area since the last glaciation at the narra­ cal BP] (Clague et al. 1982: 603). Some eco­ tive level (See Schaepe 2001.). logical change does occur during this period The oral historical sequence provides a rela­ including the gradual rise of sea levels and the tive temporal framework for the study area that complimentary growth of the Fraser Delta (Wil­ suggests when the first people arrived here the liams and Hebda 1991). The growth of the land was unoccupied by other humans. Simi­ Fraser delta is referred to in the oral historical larly, the palaeo-ecological model for the study sequence where Tsawwassen is said to have been area suggests that the area was likely uninhabit­ an island before it became connected to the able before 13,000 [cal 15,600] BP as a result of mainland. The next great change referred to by the large-scale glaciation of the region (Arm­ the oral historical data is the onset of the Great strong 1981:12; Mathewes 1973; Clague et al. Snow. This may coincide with the Little Ice Age 1982). After the arrival of the first human, the that may have increased hardships in the area by local and presently identifiable fauna of the area lowering average temperatures around 1350 BP begin to become established as related by the [1220 cal BP]. Clearly there are many similari­ oral historical sequence. Along the same lines, ties in the sequences created by these diverse this period is characterized by the establishment means of historical inquiry. of species in formerly glaciated regions (e.g. Hebda and Frederick 1990). The coming of C o n c l u s i o n Xals brings about great transformation in terms of the landscape, people, and ecology (McHalsie et al. 2001). Similarly, the events that occur This analysis of transcribed oral narratives has around deglaciation bring about serious envi­ sought to discover ways in which historical ronmental shifts that any animate being would events are sequenced in narration. The results of have to contend with though profound change this analysis found many different ways in and adaptation (Armstrong 1981). The great which sequences can be produced including flood brings about yet another catastrophe in consensual remembering, genealogical refer­ the sequence of the oral histories. Similarly, The encing, and employing sequencing references Pleistocene/Holocene transition in the lower during the course of relating a narrative. The Fraser River and adjacent Strait of Georgia is resulting space-time chart of the sequences marked by a catastrophic flood event resulting provides a coherent and clear unfolding of from the sudden draining of a large ice dammed historical events for the region studied. Com­ lake in the in the B.C. interior (Conway et al. parative efforts undertaken in this paper reveal 2001), This flood event occurred between 9800 that the oral historical sequence provides an and 9160 [cal 11,200-10,300] BP, deluged this overall narrative that is consistent with post- Wisconsin glaciation historical events described part of the region, and deposited a thick layer of clay on the floor of Georgia Strait. in palaeo-ecological, geological, and archaeo­ Following the flood, according to the oral- logical studies in the study area when all are historical sequence, there was a period of relative considered in tandem. 202 Archaeology of Coastal British Columbia

Acknowledgements

This paper is derived in part from material in my forthcoming M. A. thesis at the University of Victoria.