DOCSLIB.ORG

Copyright by Meghan Elizabeth Vail 2011

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Copyright by Meghan Elizabeth Vail 2011 Copyright by Meghan Elizabeth Vail 2011 The Report Committee for Meghan Elizabeth Vail Certifies that this is the approved version of the following report: Media Cold Warriors of Operation Pedro Pan: Examining the impact of U.S. Cold War rhetoric on contemporary U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: Jossianna Arroyo-Martínez Chandler Stolp Media Cold Warriors of Operation Pedro Pan: Examining the impact of U.S. Cold War rhetoric on contemporary U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba by Meghan Elizabeth Vail, BA Report Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degrees of Master of Arts and Master of Public Affairs The University of Texas at Austin May 2011 Dedication This report is dedicated to the men and women of Operation Pedro Pan. Acknowledgements Between June 2009 and April 2011, I had the privilege of interviewing many Cuban American men and women who arrived in the United States as children of Operation Pedro Pan. Although all of their comments and memories are not directly referenced in this report, these men and women have inspired me to continue to expand this research project after completing my degree programs at the University of Texas at Austin. I am indebted to these Pedro Panes for their candidness while discussing their experiences with me, as well as for their contributions to our collective knowledge of this covert endeavor. I am most grateful to Jossianna Arroyo-Martínez and Chandler Stolp for their mentorship as I prepared this professional report, as well as for their enthusiasm for the project when I first suggested it. I offer heartfelt thanks to my colleagues Megan Eatman, Lauren Gantz, Kristine Kotecki, and Connie Steel for their critical feedback at different stages of my writing. Jon Rogers and Joanna Schenke were wonderful writing companions and cheerleaders. Thanks are due to Alan and Kathy Vail for their unconditional support and love. Finally, I express my sincerest appreciation to and for Talitha May, whose encouragement and guidance at every step of the writing process have made all the difference in the world. This report would not have been possible without you. May 2011 v Abstract Media Cold Warriors of Operation Pedro Pan: Examining the impact of U.S. Cold War rhetoric on contemporary U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba Meghan Elizabeth Vail, MA; MPAff The University of Texas at Austin, 2011 Supervisor: Jossianna Arroyo-Martínez “Media Cold Warriors of Operation Pedro Pan” is a case study in which I examine the impact of 1960s Cold War rhetoric on contemporary U.S.-Cuba policy. In my report, I contextualize the 1960s covert U.S. endeavor Operation Pedro Pan and draw parallels between the media portrayals of Pedro Pan children from the 60s and the discourse utilized by adult Pedro Panes today to market their immigration experience to contemporary voters and younger generations of Cuban Americans. Operation Pedro Pan was intended to undermine the Castro Government and accomplish democracy in 1960s Cuba. I argue, however, that because of the contemporary publicity surrounding Pedro vi Panes and their use of the same Cold War rhetoric to characterize their immigration experiences, the children of Operation Pedro Pan will ultimately prevent the same achievement of democracy in Cuba that the covert endeavor purported to accomplish in the 1960s. vii Table of Contents Introduction..............................................................................................................1 Operation Pedro Pan .......................................................................................2 The Legacy of U.S. Government Propaganda ................................................5 Chapter 1: An Open Door to Diplomacy .................................................................9 Cuban Environment For Change ....................................................................9 The Tentative Environment For Change in the United States ......................14 H.R. 4645.............................................................................................14 The New Cuban American Voter ........................................................16 Cold War Kids: The Children of Operation Pedro Pan ................................17 Cold War Voters: Maintaining the Status Quo.............................................22 Game Changer: The Elián González Affair.........................................23 Cuba as a campaign liability: Jeff Greene in Florida...........................24 From Cold War Subjects to Agents: Pedro Panes in the Cuban American Community ..........................................................................................25 Chapter 2: The Operation Pedro Pan Experience ..................................................27 Scholars: Operation Pedro Pan as U.S. Political Strategy ............................28 Prominent Literary Representations of Operation Pedro Pan.......................32 The “footnote is my memory”: the Writing of Carlos Eire .................32 Operation Pedro Pan in Children’s Literature ..............................................39 Children as Social Actors.....................................................................40 Sanitized story: Children of Flight Pedro Pan ....................................41 Writing the Revolution: Operation Pedro Pan in The Red Umbrella ..43 Operation Pedro Pan in Theater....................................................................50 Theater as nationality: Eduardo Machado ...........................................56 Chapter 3: Pedro Panes as Media Pawns ...............................................................58 Media Touts United States as a Safe Haven .................................................58 The Lost Apple: A Cold War Visual Media Tool .........................................67 viii Chapter 4: Pedro Panes in Contemporary Media...................................................70 The Miami Herald Operation Pedro Pan Database.......................................70 News Coverage of Operation Pedro Pan Reunions ......................................72 Operation Pedro Pan Group, Inc. and Formal Commemorative Events.......75 The Rhetoric of Operation Pedro Pan in Contemporary Visual Media........79 Still Escaping: the CNBC Documentary..............................................79 Pedro Panes, Social Media, and Blogs.................................................82 Chapter 5: Implications and Concluding Observations .........................................85 Bibliography ..........................................................................................................89 ix Introduction Since January 1961, the governments of Cuba and the United States have not shared formal diplomatic relations. One of the primary U.S. motivations for refusing to have normal diplomatic relations with Cuba is the same today as it was fifty years ago, when U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower suspended diplomatic ties with Cuba in response to the Cuban Government’s decision to progressively nationalize U.S. companies in the island, expropriate U.S. properties in Cuba, and engage in trade with the Soviet Union.1 The utmost authority over the Cuban Government from his position as Prime Minister of Cuba in 1959 until his resignation in February 2008, Fidel Castro remains the focal point of U.S. political hostility as the creator of a communist state in Cuba. Even after his resignation and the handing of power to his brother, Raúl Castro, Fidel Castro continues to have a palpable influence in the island. Fidel himself indicated that he would not withdraw from Cuban politics upon his resignation. “I am not saying goodbye to you,” he wrote to the Cuban people, “I only wish to fight as a soldier of ideas.”2 Describing the conditions needed for the United States to resume diplomatic relations with Cuba, Marifeli Pérez-Stable points to the Castro brothers and to the undemocratic legacy of Cuban politics. “Under either Castro brother, Cuba is a dictatorship,” she writes, “neither Castro brooks political opposition nor has anything but disdain for civil liberties.”3 Accordingly, Pérez-Stable writes, “the question ‘What is the 1 Louis A. Pérez, Jr., Cuba and the United States: Ties of Singular Intimacy (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2003), 238-243. 2 James C. McKinley, Jr., “Fidel Castro Resigns as Cuba’s President,” New York Times, February 20, 2008, http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/20/world/americas/20castro.html. 3 Marifeli Pérez-Stable, “Cuba in Transition: The Role of External Actors,” in The Obama Administration and the Americas: Agenda for Change, ed. Abraham F. Lowenthal, Theodore J. Piccone, and Laurence Whitehead (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2009), 124. 1 current state of governance and the rule of law in Cuba?’ lies at the core of current U.S. policy toward Cuba…without a democratic rule of law, there can be no progress toward an understanding with Havana.”4 President Barack Obama affirmed the impact that a Cuban shift to democracy would have on the quality of U.S.-Cuban relations when he commented in a March 2011 speech that the Cuban Government “must take some meaningful actions to respect the basic rights of their own people.”5 While U.S. progress towards an understanding with Havana may require (from the U.S. perspective) significant changes in both the leadership of the Cuban Government and the Cuban economic model – namely,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Canada, the Us and Cuba
    CANADA, THE US AND CUBA CANADA, THE US AND CUBA HELMS-BURTON AND ITS AFTERMATH Edited by Heather N. Nicol Centre for International Relations, Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada 1999 Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Main entry under title: Canada, the US and Cuba : Helms-Burton and its aftermath (Martello papers, ISSN 1183-3661 ; 21) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-88911-884-1 1. United States. Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act of 1996. 2. Canada – Foreign relations – Cuba. 3. Cuba – Foreign relations – Canada. 4. Canada – Foreign relations – United States. 5. United States – Foreign relations – Canada. 6. United States – Foreign relations – Cuba. 7. Cuba – Foreign relations – United States. I. Nicol, Heather N. (Heather Nora), 1953- . II. Queen’s University (Kingston, Ont.). Centre for International Relations. III. Series. FC602.C335 1999 327.71 C99-932101-3 F1034.2.C318 1999 © Copyright 1999 The Martello Papers The Queen’s University Centre for International Relations (QCIR) is pleased to present the twenty-first in its series of security studies, the Martello Papers. Taking their name from the distinctive towers built during the nineteenth century to de- fend Kingston, Ontario, these papers cover a wide range of topics and issues rele- vant to contemporary international strategic relations. This volume presents a collection of insightful essays on the often uneasy but always interesting United States-Cuba-Canada triangle. Seemingly a relic of the Cold War, it is a topic that, as editor Heather Nicol observes, “is always with us,” and indeed is likely to be of greater concern as the post-Cold War era enters its second decade.
    [Show full text]
  • Trading with the Enemy: Opening the Door to U.S. Investment in Cuba
    ARTICLES TRADING WITH THE ENEMY: OPENING THE DOOR TO U.S. INVESTMENT IN CUBA KEVIN J. FANDL* ABSTRACT U.S. economic sanctions on Cuba have been in place for nearly seven deca- des. The stated intent of those sanctionsÐto restore democracy and freedom to CubaÐis still used as a justi®cation for maintaining harsh restrictions, despite the fact that the Castro regime remains in power with widespread Cuban public support. Starving the Cuban people of economic opportunities under the shadow of sanctions has signi®cantly limited entrepreneurship and economic development on the island, despite a highly educated and motivated popula- tion. The would-be political reformers and leaders on the island emigrate, thanks to generous U.S. immigration policies toward Cubans, leaving behind the Castro regime and its ardent supporters. Real change on the island will come only if the United States allows Cuba to restart its economic engine and reengage with global markets. Though not a guarantee of political reform, eco- nomic development is correlated with demand for political change, giving the economic development approach more potential than failed economic sanctions. In this short paper, I argue that Cuba has survived in spite of the U.S. eco- nomic embargo and that dismantling the embargo in favor of open trade poli- cies would improve the likelihood of Cuba becoming a market-friendly communist country like China. I present the avenues available today for trade with Cuba under the shadow of the economic embargo, and I argue that real po- litical change will require a leap of faith by the United States through removal of the embargo and support for Cuba's economic development.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cuban American National Foundation and Its Role As an Ethnic Interest Group
    The Cuban American National Foundation and Its Role as an Ethnic Interest Group Author: Margaret Katherine Henn Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/568 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2008 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Introduction Since the 1960s, Cuban Americans have made social, economic, and political progress far beyond that of most immigrant groups that have come to the United States in the past fifty years. I will argue that the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) was very influential in helping the Cuban Americans achieve much of this progress. It is, however, important to note that Cubans had some distinct advantages from the beginning, in terms of wealth and education. These advantages helped this ethnic interest group to grow quickly and become powerful. Since its inception in the early 1980s, the CANF has continually been able to shape government policy on almost all issues related to Cuba. Until at least the end of the Cold War, the CANF and the Cuban American population presented a united front in that their main goal was to present a hard line towards Castro and defeat him; they sought any government assistance they could get to achieve this goal, from policy changes to funding for different dissident activities. In more recent years, Cubans have begun to differ in their opinions of the best policy towards Cuba. I will argue that this change along with other changes will decrease the effectiveness of the CANF.
    [Show full text]
  • Documenting Cuban Exiles and the Cuban American Experience in South Florida Esperanza B
    Provenance, Journal of the Society of Georgia Archivists Volume 17 | Number 1 Article 6 January 1999 Documenting Cuban Exiles and the Cuban American Experience in South Florida Esperanza B. de Varona University of Miami Diana Gonzalez Kirby University of Miami Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/provenance Part of the Archival Science Commons Recommended Citation de Varona, Esperanza B. and Kirby, Diana Gonzalez, "Documenting Cuban Exiles and the Cuban American Experience in South Florida," Provenance, Journal of the Society of Georgia Archivists 17 no. 1 (1999) . Available at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/provenance/vol17/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Provenance, Journal of the Society of Georgia Archivists by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 85 Documenting Cuban Exiles and the Cuban Ameri­ can Experience in South Florida Esperanza B. de Varona and Diana Gonzalez Kirby When Fidel Castro rose to power on 1January1959, Cu­ bans left their Caribbean island in a mass exodus with hopes of returning in the near future. Miami, Florida's geographic loca­ tion made it the logical point of entry into the United States. Today, forty-two years after the triumph of the Cuban revolution, Miami-Dade County contains the largest concentration of Cu­ bans living in exile, approximately seven hundred thousand. With Hispanics comprising 49 percent of Miami-Dade County's popu­ lation, Cubans by far outnumber all other Hispanics and are a majority across more than half the county's residential areas.' Along with demographic growth and occupational mobility, many members of the Cuban American community made the Hispanic presence evident in local politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Diaspora and Deadlock, Miami and Havana: Coming to Terms with Dreams and Dogmas Francisco Valdes University of Miami School of Law, [email protected]
    University of Miami Law School University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository Articles Faculty and Deans 2003 Diaspora and Deadlock, Miami and Havana: Coming to Terms With Dreams and Dogmas Francisco Valdes University of Miami School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/fac_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Francisco Valdes, Diaspora and Deadlock, Miami and Havana: Coming to Terms With Dreams and Dogmas, 55 Fla.L.Rev. 283 (2003). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty and Deans at University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DIASPORA AND DEADLOCK, MIAMI AND HAVANA: COMING TO TERMS WITH DREAMS AND DOGMAS Francisco Valdes* I. INTRODUCTION ............................. 283 A. Division and Corruption:Dueling Elites, the Battle of the Straits ...................................... 287 B. Arrogation and Class Distinctions: The Politics of Tyranny and Money ................................. 297 C. Global Circus, Domestic Division: Cubans as Sport and Spectacle ...................................... 300 D. Time and Imagination: Toward the Denied .............. 305 E. Broken Promisesand Bottom Lines: Human Rights, Cuban Rights ...................................... 310 F. Reconciliationand Reconstruction: Five LatCrit Exhortations ...................................... 313 II. CONCLUSION .......................................... 317 I. INTRODUCTION The low-key arrival of Elian Gonzalez in Miami on Thanksgiving Day 1999,1 and the custody-immigration controversy that then ensued shortly afterward,2 transfixed not only Miami and Havana but also the entire * Professor of Law and Co-Director, Center for Hispanic & Caribbean Legal Studies, University of Miami.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuba: Issues for the 109Th Congress
    Cuba: Issues for the 109th Congress Updated December 19, 2006 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL32730 Cuba: Issues for the 109th Congress Summary Since the early 1960s, U.S. policy toward Cuba under Fidel Castro has consisted largely of isolating the communist nation through comprehensive economic sanctions, which have been significantly tightened by the Bush Administration. Another component of U.S. policy has consisted of support measures for the Cuban people, including private humanitarian donations and U.S.-sponsored radio and television broadcasting to Cuba. While there appears to be broad agreement on the overall objective of U.S. policy toward Cuba—to help bring democracy and respect for human rights to the island—there are several schools of thought on how to achieve that objective: some advocate maximum pressure on Cuba until reforms are enacted; others argue for lifting some U.S. sanctions judged to be hurting the Cuban people; and still others call for a swift normalization of U.S.-Cuban relations. Fidel Castro’s announcement in late July 2006 that he was temporarily ceding political power to his brother Raúl in order to recover from surgery has prompted some Members to call for re-examination of U.S. policy. In the 109th Congress, legislative initiatives included the approval of five human rights resolutions: H.Con.Res. 81, H.Res. 193, H.Res. 388, S.Res. 140, and S.Res. 469. P.L. 109-102 funded Cuba democracy projects in FY2006. Action on several FY2007 appropriations measures were not completed, so action will need to be completed in 2007: House-passed H.R.
    [Show full text]
  • Case 1:20-Cv-24328-MGC Document 1 Entered on FLSD Docket 10/21/2020 Page 1 of 40
    Case 1:20-cv-24328-MGC Document 1 Entered on FLSD Docket 10/21/2020 Page 1 of 40 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA CASE NO. ANA MARGARITA MARTINEZ, Plaintiff, v. NETFLIX, INC., ORANGE STUDIOS, S.A., and OLIVIER ASSAYAS Defendants. / COMPLAINT AND DEMAND FOR JURY TRIAL Plaintiff, ANA MARGARITA MARTINEZ (“Plaintiff” or “Ms. Martinez”), by and through undersigned counsel, hereby sues Defendants, NETFLIX, INC., ORANGE STUDIOS, S.A. and OLIVIER ASSAYAS, (collectively, “Defendants”) and alleges as follows: NATURE OF ACTION 1) This defamation action arises from Defendant Netflix, Inc.’s (“Netflix”) release of the film The Wasp Network (the “Film”) to its worldwide streaming service on June 19, 2020. Since then, the Film has been accessed by, and remains accessible to, more than 192 million Netflix subscribers and viewers.1 2) The Film romanticizes, or glorifies, the criminal activity conducted by agents of Cuba’s Ministry of the Interior, i.e., the “Cuban Five,” whose espionage work was responsible for the death of four Americans in 1996, as being based on “True Events.” 1 https://www.netflixinvestor.com/financials/sec-filings/default.aspx Case 1:20-cv-24328-MGC Document 1 Entered on FLSD Docket 10/21/2020 Page 2 of 40 Martinez v. Netflix, et al. 3) In doing so, the Film attempts to rewrite history in a dishonest and irresponsible way by legitimizing and justifying the communist Cuban government’s crimes of espionage against the United States; crimes of fraud, sexual battery, and rape against Ms. Martinez; and acts of terrorism in shooting down two unarmed civilian planes operated by Hermanos al Rescate (“Brothers to the Rescue”) on Saturday, February 24, 1996 during a humanitarian mission to search for and aid Cuban refugees fleeing on rafts in the Straits of Florida.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuba: Issues for the 110Th Congress
    Order Code RL33819 Cuba: Issues for the 110th Congress Updated May 1, 2007 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Cuba: Issues for the 110th Congress Summary Since the early 1960s, U.S. policy toward Cuba under Fidel Castro has consisted largely of isolating the communist nation through comprehensive economic sanctions, which have been significantly tightened by the Bush Administration, including restrictions on travel, private humanitarian assistance, and payment terms for U.S. agricultural exports to Cuba. A second component of U.S. policy has consisted of support measures for the Cuban people, including private humanitarian donations and U.S.-sponsored radio and television broadcasting to Cuba. As in past years, the main issue for U.S. policy toward Cuba in the 110th Congress will be how to best support political and economic change in one of the world’s remaining communist nations. Unlike past years, however, Congress is now examining policy toward Cuba in the context of Fidel Castro’s temporary, and potentially permanent, departure from the political scene because of health conditions. Although there has been broad agreement in Congress on the overall objective of U.S. policy toward Cuba — to help bring democracy and respect for human rights to the island — there have been several schools of thought on how best to achieve that objective. Some advocate maximum pressure on the Cuban government until reforms are enacted; others argue for lifting some sanctions that they believe are hurting the Cuban people, or as part of a strategy of lifting sanctions incrementally in response to positive changes in Cuba.
    [Show full text]
  • Growing up in Neverland: an Assessment of the Long-Term Physical and Cognitive
    Palenzuela, 1 Growing Up in Neverland: An assessment of the long-term physical and cognitive correlates of the Operation Pedro Pan exodus Deanna Palenzuela Advisor: Dr. James McPartland PSYC 493 Pages: 28 1 credit Palenzuela, 2 Abstract Between December 1960 and October 1962, over 14,000 Cuban youths arrived in the United States through Operation Pedro Pan and were sent to Catholic Welfare Group Homes, foster homes, and family members throughout the country as they awaited their parents. No prior studies have explored the long-term physical and cognitive correlates of the developmental disturbance of being an unaccompanied minor in the now adult Pedro Pan population. This study aimed to investigate whether the Pedro Pan population exhibits persistent differences in their physical health, mental health, and attachment secondary to childhood separation from their family, as compared to a control sample. The control group consisted of comparably-aged Cuban immigrants who immigrated to the United States with their families at the same time as the Pedro Pan participants. We hypothesized that, for the Pedro Pan cohort, physical health, mental health, and attachment insecurity would correlate with the adversity of their immigration experience, as quantified through online questionnaires. Questionnaires were divided into three main categories: demographics, Pedro Pan experience, and standardized assessments of attachment style. Results indicated anxious and avoidant attachment styles were associated with poorer mental and physical health outcomes, as well as weaker parental relationships in childhood. Insecure attachment was correlated with younger age of arrival in the United States in the Pedro Pan group, but with older age of immigration in controls, highlighting the effect of parental separation on younger unaccompanied minors.
    [Show full text]
  • Carroll College from Havana to Helena
    CARROLL COLLEGE FROM HAVANA TO HELENA: CASTRO, COMMUNISM, AND CUBAN REFUGEE CHILDREN IN THE WESTERN DIOCESE OF HELENA, MONTANA, 1961-1966 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR GRADUATION HONORS DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BY CLINT ATTEBERY HELENA, MONTANA APRIL 2005 SIGNATURE PAGE ii CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.............................................................................. v INTRODUCTION........................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1. FIDEL CASTRO AND THE ORIGINS OF OPERATION PEDRO PAN.................................................... 3 2. AMERICAN COLD WAR MEDIA AND CUBAN CHILDREN...... 20 3. RELIGIOUS COMMITMENT TO THE IMPERFECT PROGRAM OF CUBAN REFUGEE CHILDREN IN THE DIOCESE OF HELENA.............................................................................. 35 4. REFUGEE STATUS AND DISTINCT SOCIALPRIVILEGES FOR CUBAN CHILDREN AND ADULTS.................................................................59 CONCLUSION........................................................................................................72 BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................... 75 iii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Political Cartoon ........ 27 2. Cuban Students Arrive in Helena ...... 29 3. Monsignor Harrington and Cuban Children .... 37 4. Ana Plasencia ........ 39 5. Cuban Boys Playing Baseball ...... 44 6. Cuban Boys on Bikes ....... 44 7. Family With Cuban Students ..... 46 IV ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would have never known this
    [Show full text]
  • |||GET||| the Bay of Pigs 1St Edition
    THE BAY OF PIGS 1ST EDITION DOWNLOAD FREE Howard Jones | 9780199754250 | | | | | Bay Of Pigs The point was to create confusion in Havana and have it be a distraction to Castro if they could "break all the windows in town. Inquisition Epilogue Abbreviations in Notes Bibliography. Political relations were another hot topic of these conferences. Osprey Publishing. Archived from the original on 13 February Balseros rafters Dialoguero Dry foot. Kennedy of the Democratic Partycampaigned on the issue of Cuba, with both candidates taking a hardline stance on Castro. Latin-American Military Aviation. Following the air strikes on the Cuban airfields on 15 April, the FAR prepared for action with its surviving aircraft which numbered at least four Ts jet trainers, four Sea Fury fighters and five or The Bay of Pigs 1st edition B medium bombers. Navy operation was code-named Bumpy Roadhaving been changed from Crosspatch. Secretary of State Dean Rusk raised some eyebrows by contemplating airdropping a bulldozer to extend the airfield. Sorties were flown to reassure brigade soldiers and pilots and to intimidate Cuban government forces without directly engaging in acts of war. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Or questions you have concerning a particular item or want. Army special forces groups, members from the U. Zapata 4. Cuban American Foundation. The Baseball Trust Stuart Banner. Fair Winds Press, Massachusetts. Death of a Generation Howard Jones. Visit Seller's Storefront Terms of Sale: You may e- mail or call us for information of any and all of our items or books. Donovana U. At aboutsouth of Playa Larga, Houston was damaged by several bombs and rockets from a Sea Fury and a T, and about two hours later Captain Luis Morse intentionally beached it on the western side of the bay.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuba: Issues for the 110Th Congress
    Order Code RL33819 Cuba: Issues for the 110th Congress Updated January 24, 2008 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Cuba: Issues for the 110th Congress Summary Since the early 1960s, U.S. policy toward Cuba under Fidel Castro has consisted largely of isolating the communist nation through economic sanctions, which the Bush Administration has tightened significantly. A second policy component has consisted of support measures for the Cuban people, including private humanitarian donations and U.S.-sponsored radio and television broadcasting to Cuba. As in past years, the main issue for U.S. policy toward Cuba in the 110th Congress is how to best support political and economic change in one of the world’s remaining communist nations. Unlike past years, however, Congress is now examining policy toward Cuba in the context of Fidel Castro’s potentially permanent departure from the political scene because of health conditions. In the first session of the 110th Congress, Congress fully funded the Administration’s request for $45.7 million for Cuba democracy programs in the Consolidated Appropriations Act for FY2008 (P.L. 110-161). The act also provided $33.7 million for Radio and TV Marti broadcasting to Cuba, and added Cuba to the list of countries requiring a special notification to the Appropriations Committees for funds obligated under the act. The act did not include provisions easing restrictions on U.S. agricultural exports to Cuba that had been included in the House-passed and Senate-committee versions of H.R. 2829, the FY2008 Financial Services and General Government appropriations bill, and in the Senate-committee version of S.
    [Show full text]