Nicaragua Rapid Education and Risk Assessment

July 2018 This publication was produced at the request of the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared independently by Resonance (formerly SSG Advisors). It was authored by Maximillian Ashwill. The research team consisted of Maximillian Ashwill (Team Leader), Dr. Rafael Lucio Gil (Education Specialist), Roberto Cajina (Security Specialist), Donald Méndez Quintana (Regional Coordinator, Pacific), Shanda Vanegas (Regional Coordinator, RAAS), and Claudia Sofía Manzanares (Regional Coordinator, RAAN).

This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development by Resonance Global, through USAID Contract # AID-OAA-M-14-00024.

This report was prepared by: Resonance 1 Mill Street, Suite 201 Burlington, VT 05401

SSG Advisors Contact: Carrie Conway Director Tel: (802) 578-4780 Email: [email protected]

The author’s views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government.

Resonance (formerly SSG Advisors) is a woman-owned SBA-certified 8(a) small disadvantaged business based in Burlington, Vermont with a global presence. By harnessing the power of

I collaboration among companies, communities, and governments, Resonance is improving lives and achieving transformative impacts around the world.

II Table of Contents Table of Contents ...... III Table of Maps, Tables, Figures, and Annexes ...... IV Abbreviations ...... VI Acknowledgements ...... VII Executive Summary ...... VIII Findings ...... VIII Recommendations ...... X 1. Introduction ...... 1 2. Methodology ...... 2 Scope ...... 3 Data collection ...... 4 Desktop review ...... 5 Training ...... 5 School observations ...... 5 Key Informant Interviews ...... 6 Focus Group Discussions ...... 7 Reporting and analysis ...... 8 Challenges ...... 9 3. Education context ...... 9 4. Risk overview ...... 14 5. Poverty ...... 15 6. Unemployment ...... 18 7. Migration ...... 19 8. Crime and Violence ...... 21 9. Drugs ...... 24 10. Health ...... 26 11. Climate risk ...... 27 12. School infrastructure ...... 28 13. Political instability ...... 29 14. Gender and ethnic discrimination ...... 29 15. Resiliency factors ...... 35 16. Conclusions ...... 37 Recommendations ...... 38

III References ...... 41 Annexes ...... 45

Table of Maps, Tables, Figures, and Annexes Map 1: Regional focus...... 4 Map 2: Areas of land conflict ...... 20 -- Table 1: FGD distribution...... 8 Table 2: Regional risk matrix...... 15 Table 3: USAID programing benefitting youth and education...... 37 -- Figure 1: Sample of school observations...... 6 Figure 2: Key informant interview breakdown...... 7 Figure 3: Number of FGD teachers and youth...... 8 Figure 4: Number of FGD participants by age...... 8 Figure 5: Number of FGD participants by ethnicity...... 8 Figure 6: Number of FGD participants by gender...... 8 Figure 7: Adjusted net enrollment rate for primary-aged students, both sexes...... 10 Figure 8: Cumulative drop-out rate to the last grade of primary education ...... 10 Figure 9: Primary and secondary completion rates...... 11 Figure 10: Adult (15+ years) literacy rate, both sexes ...... 11 Figure 11: Percent of minimally trained teachers ...... 12 Figure 12: Government expenditure on education as a percent of GDP ...... 12 Figure 13: Dedicated funding to education levels, 2012 and 2016 ...... 13 Figure 14: School enrollment by gender and location...... 13 Figure 15: Percentage of teachers at each school level ...... 13 Figure 16: Student population per school type ...... 14 Figure 17: GDP per capita for Nicaragua and Latin America and the Caribbean ...... 16 Figure 18: Annual GDP growth...... 16 Figure 19: Poverty headcount ratio at national poverty line...... 16 Figure 20: Percent of rural and urban populations living in extreme poverty, by region...... 16 Figure 21: Internet users per 100 people...... 17 Figure 22: Electric power consumption ...... 17 Figure 23: Reading abilities for poor and non-poor in Bluefields...... 18 Figure 24: Nicaragua unemployment...... 19 Figure 25: Children in employment ...... 19 Figure 26: Police reports per 100,000 inhabitants ...... 22 Figure 27: Robberies in all forms per 100,000 inhabitants ...... 22 Figure 28: Intentional homicides per 100,000 inhabitants ...... 23 Figure 29: Percentage of crimes committed with a gun...... 24 Figure 30: Seized kilograms of crack, cocaine, and marijuana, 1990-2016 ...... 26 Figure 31: Incidence of malaria per 1,000 population at risk...... 27 Figure 32: Coverage of people receiving ART, all ages ...... 27 Figure 33: People living with HIV, all ages ...... 27 Figure 34: Percentage of people detained for crimes (left); Percentage of victims of crime ...... 30 Figure 35: Sexual crimes per 100,000 inhabitants...... 31 Figure 36: Adjusted net enrollment rates ...... 33 Figure 37: Reading abilities by gender ...... 33 --

IV Annex 1: Climate risk vulnerability maps...... 45 Annex 2: Institutions in Nicaragua working with youth and on education...... 46

V Abbreviations

ANPDH Nicaraguan Association for Human Rights ASODEL Association for Survival and Local Development AIDS Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome BASES Better Approaches for Sustainable Education Services CENSTEC Central American Security Conference CARS Community Action for Reading and Security COPRAJ Occupational Center for Youth and Adolescent Prevention and Rehabilitation CSJ Supreme Court of Nicaragua EFS Education for Success FDGs Focus Group Discussions GBV Gender Based Violence GEMAJ Group of Former Youth and Adolescent Migrants GDP Grows Domestic Product HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus INHCO Instituto Hermanos Costeños INL Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs KII Key Informant Interviews LAC Latin America and the Caribbean LGBTI Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender/Transsexual and Intersexed LLECE Latin American Laboratory for Assessment of the Quality of Education MINED Ministry of Education’s Values Education NGOs Non-Governmental Organizations PAHO Pan American Health Organization QTECC Quality Technical Education in the Caribbean Coast RAAN North Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region RAAS South Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region RERA Rapid Education and Risk Assessment SRGBV School-Related Gender-Based Violence SINAPRED National System of Disaster, Prevention, Mitigation, and Awareness UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNESCO United Nations Education, Scientific, and Cultural Organization UNODC United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime USAID United States Agency for International Development WHO World Health Organization

VI Acknowledgements This report was prepared by Resonance at the request of USAID. The report was authored by Maximillian Ashwill, who also served as the research team leader. The rest of the research team comprised Dr. Rafael Lucio Gil (Education Specialist), Roberto Cajina (Citizen Security Specialist), Donald Méndez Quintana (Regional Coordinator, Pacific), Shanda Vanegas (Regional Coordinator, RAAS), and Claudia Sofía Manzanares (Regional Coordinator, RAAN). Resonance’s main project management team, which managed and supported the research team, included Carrie Conway (Director), Daniela Cardozo, and Andrea Alcala.

The Resonance team is grateful to USAID counterparts for their guidance and feedback on this report. Specifically, the team acknowledges Barbara Knox-Seith, Megan Meinen, and Ashley Henderson from USAID’s E3 Bureau and Michelle Parker, Alicia Slate, Mappy Cortez, and Marcela Villagra from USAID’s mission to Nicaragua. The team also acknowledges important report feedback from Jim Rogan from USAID’s Education in Conflict and Crisis Network (ECCN), which developed the original Rapid Education and Risk Assessment (RER) methodology.

VII Executive Summary The purpose of this report is to present the findings from the Rapid Education and Risk Assessment (RERA) in Nicaragua. The RERA is a rapid assessment of Nicaragua’s education system, the multiple risk that threaten it, and the assets and capabilities that help manage these risks. USAID Nicaragua will use the RERA’s results, analyses, and recommendations to make decisions to improve risk management and educational planning in Nicaragua. The RERA will help USAID articulate a new outcomes-focused strategic plan.

Findings The ongoing civil unrest in Nicaragua threatens the country’s education system. In April 2018, protests led by university students against the government’s pension reforms were met with violence. This prompted larger protests against Nicaragua’s ruling party, the Sandinistas, leading to cancelled school classes and insecurity across the country. However, if the protestors achieve their goal of removing the Sandinista party from power, the basic foundations of governance and education in Nicaragua would change. The Sandinistas control most branches of the government, including the ministry of education, which is a highly centralized and partisan institution. If that system were to change, there would be repercussions at all levels of education.

With the exception of political violence, crime and violence indicators have declined over the past few years, reducing its impacts on schools and students. This is true in all regions, but especially notable in areas with traditionally high levels of crime, such as Managua, the North Atlantic Autonomous Region (RAAN), and the South Atlantic Autonomous Region (RAAS). Gang activity, never a major risk in Nicaragua, and drug use also seem to have not worsened, although drug and alcohol consumption among youth remain high. These encouraging trends provide a respite for students, who can more safely travel to school and avoid being swept up into delinquent activities. That said, crime and violence is still a threat that policy makers and law enforcement should continue to monitor with diligence. This is especially true with the increased incidence of gun crime nationwide and evidence suggesting that land disputes between settlers and indigenous groups in the RAAN could become more violent. Thankfully, evidence suggests most crime and violence stays out of schools.

The true education risks seem to begin once students arrive at school. Not because students are unsafe or exposed to delinquent activities, but because public schools are dilapidated. Eighty-four percent of Nicaraguan students at all levels attend public schools. However, these schools are in ruin, especially in the Caribbean regions where classrooms lack roofs, supplies, and security fences. In these areas, at-risk youth are free to enter school grounds and distract students and generally disrupt learning. Teachers and administrators feel powerless to prevent this. Also, especially in the Caribbean, students and teachers often feel unsafe in classes during natural hazards. They say school buildings become flooded during heavy rains and some face serious risks of collapse. Moreover, schools lack proper supplies, like textbooks, didactic materials, and even desks for students. Teachers are insufficiently trained and are so underpaid most cannot even afford teaching materials. The government only invests

VIII between 2.5 and 4.5 percent of its already miniscule GDP in education, suggesting a lack of resources is the main problem. This is reflected in student performances, with Nicaragua lagging behind the rest of Latin America in enrollment, literacy, and other educational outcomes.

At the same time, family instability and violence in the home persist, threatening education outcomes. Migration, whether by students to attend distant secondary schools or by adults to find work, leaves children without parents or mentors to provide guidance or assist them in their studies. Several public-school teachers in the Caribbean complained of a lack of parent participation in students’ education. Interfamilial violence, domestic violence, and gender-based violence (GBV) are also likely frequent, but the Nicaragua RERA did not delve deeply into these issues out of ethical concerns. That said, peripheral evidence is strong that most GBV occurs away from school, either at home or in the community. Despite these challenges, girls are performing well in key education indicators compared to boys, meaning the educational gender gap in Nicaragua is smaller than most low-income countries.

Table ES shows the relative risk levels of the RERA’s six study sites, with poverty and political instability posing the highest educational risks. Likewise, issues like crime, violence, and gender discrimination, which includes GBV, demonstrate high risk, but most frequently occur outside of schools. Gender discrimination is an especially high risk in Caribbean regions, especially indigenous communities. Poor school infrastructure, especially in Caribbean public schools, detrimentally impacts school learning environments and also makes climate hazards a threat to learning. Generally, health risks are not a major risk to education, although teen pregnancy is a high risk for young girls’ ability to attend and perform well in school.

Table ES: Regional risk matrix.

Pacific RAAN RAAS Ciudad Somotillo Bilwi Waspam Bluefields Laguna de Sandino Perlas risk Youth Attendance Learning risk Youth Attendance Learning risk Youth Attendance Learning risk Youth Attendance Learning risk Youth Attendance Learning risk Youth Attendance Learning

IX Ethnic L L L L L L L L H L L H M M H M M H discrimination Family instability M M M M M M M M M H H H H H H M M M Risk values include low, moderate, high, and extreme. Low risk (L) means the risk factor is a very minor or nonexistent issue that needs little additional attention beyond what is currently happening. Moderate risk (M) means it is worrisome and should be monitored but is not affecting many youths. High risk (H) means this factor should be targeted for intervention because it is currently affecting many youths. Extreme risk (E) means these factors are threatening the foundations of the education system. These rankings were determined after the research team’s risk, education, and regional specialists examined the RERA data and triangulated it among primary and secondary data sources.

Recommendations USAID can continue with current programing. This programming largely concentrates on supporting NGOs to reduce educational risks in the Caribbean regions, which have poorer schools and higher levels of crime, poverty, and unemployment. At the same time, the autonomous Caribbean regions have faced less of the recent civil unrest than the Pacific regions. In this sense, it is convenient that USAID already focusses many of its education efforts in the RAAN and RAAS, since they have not been disrupted as they may have been in Managua, Masaya, or other regions that have seen more political violence. Moreover, USAID programs have largely been effective in achieving USAID’s education goals, namely to improve primary-level reading, increase youth employment, and improve access to education in crisis and conflict environments. Continuing to work in the autonomous regions allows USAID to continue supporting priority areas while minimizing its exposure to the civil unrest.

There are opportunities for USAID to expand programming into other regions and manage other risks. These include:

• Expanding support to high-risk areas in the Pacific regions. The Pacific regions face many of the same risks as the Atlantic regions, with each risk factor having potential implications on education. As such, programs that USAID has shown success in supporting, could function well in the Pacific, for example Education for Success. However, implementing these programs in the Pacific would require new partners. • Supporting families impacted by migration. USAID could expand its mission to support groups that assist youth impacted by migration and divided families. • Working with the most at-risk, delinquent youth. Currently, USAID focusses efforts on at-risk youth but not delinquent youth, or those involved, or previously involved, in gangs, crime, and drug use. However, there are many potential organizations USAID could support in these areas. • If civil unrest or democratic change leads to a different ruling party, USAID could change its country engagement model to more directly support public schools and the Ministry of Education. Such political changes would allow USAID to act in its traditional role of helping develop state institutions, something it is not permitted to do while the Sandinistas control the government.

Finally, education can play in important role in healing the country once the current political unrest concludes. Education can help bring stability and routine back

X to society. It can also heal old wounds by minimizing trauma for children who have experienced political violence firsthand. This can happen through school-based counseling and awareness raising. Moreover, efforts to improve education are goals that all of society can support.

XI 1. Introduction The purpose of this report is to present the findings from the Rapid Education and Risk Assessment (RERA) in Nicaragua. The RERA is a rapid assessment of Nicaragua’s education system, the multiple risks that threaten it, and the assets and capabilities that help manage these risks. USAID Nicaragua will use the RERA’s results, analyses, and recommendations to make decisions, informed with updated data, to improve risk management and educational planning in Nicaragua. The RERA will help USAID articulate a new outcomes-focused strategic plan.

The report finds that Nicaragua’s education sector faces many risks and opportunities, highlighted by the current civil unrest (see Box 1 for a snapshot of the unrest). This political instability is detrimentally impacting schools but also may provide opportunities for positive, more holistic changes to the education sector. This is important because this report finds Nicaragua’s education system is seriously deficient in several areas, most notably in its poor public-school infrastructure, its lack of supplies and resources, and insufficient teacher capacity. This leads to poor educational outcomes. The education system also faces many exogenous risk factors related to rampant poverty, youth drug use, gender discrimination, and persistent crime and violence. Although, luckily, many of these risk factors have improved in recent years and are minimized in schools.

The report begins with a description of the RERA’s methodology and Nicaragua’s education context. It then examines various risk factors and how they interact with the educational system. These risk factors include poverty, unemployment, migration, crime and violence, drugs, disease, climate, school infrastructure, and political instability. The report then looks at these risk factors’ differential impacts on different genders and ethnicities and identifies resiliency factors that can mitigate these risks. Resiliency factors refer to actions or assets that help reduce youth or educational risk factors in the study sites or within the educational system. The report concludes by briefly discussing the findings and presenting some recommendations for USAID.

Box 1: Country snapshot

Nicaragua is at a critical point in its history. For the first time since 1979, when the Sandinistas - led by Daniel Ortega - overthrew the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza, the country is in the midst of revolution. However, this time it is the Sandinistas and Ortega who are the targets of discontent. Ortega ruled the country from 1979 to 1990 and again since 2006 when he was elected president. In April 2018, the Sandinista government proposed reforms to the country’s pension system. This led to protests by university students, which was met by government violence. In the subsequent months, protests grew to include segments of the entire population and demands expanded to include calls for Ortega’s removal from office. According to La Asociación Nicaragüense Por Derechos Humanos (ANPDH), since the beginning of the conflict until press time (July 26, 2018), there have been nearly 500 deaths from the unrest, 85 percent of which have been civilians (Nuevo Diario, 2018). The remaining 15 percent have been police or pro-government paramilitary members.

1 There have also been over 700 disappearances and nearly 3,000 injuries. Most of the violence has been concentrated in Managua and, to a lesser extent, Masaya and Matagalpa, two other departments on the Pacific side of the country. The rest of the country has also seen violence and civil unrest, but to a more limited extent: only 7.5 percent of the violence occurred in the Caribbean regions. The situation remains unpredictable as both sides – protesters and the government – have dug in for the foreseeable future.

2. Methodology

The Nicaragua RERA is a fast and “good enough” analysis of the dynamic relationship between Nicaragua’s education system and the multi-risk environment of that system. It is a situational analysis that integrates key methodological elements of a rapid education needs assessment and contextual risk analyses. To save on time and resources, the RERA minimizes the breadth and completeness of data collection. This allows for real time data in complex environments but entails limitations. As such, the RERA should not be viewed as traditional research, but a faster and simpler version that provides a snapshot of a particular situation, which is not representative of that situation as a whole. That said, even a minimum analysis such as this can provide a reasonable understanding of educational risks. It should be noted that the Nicaragua RERA is an adaptation of a general RERA methodology. The general methodology allows for a representative analysis if there is sufficient time and resources, but does not require it. The Nicaragua version of the RERA does not contain a representative element, so results should be understood as qualitative and relationships and linkages should be understood as not statistically significant.

This RERA’s limited methodological design means it can identify prevalent risks that affect many people but may not perceive risks felt be fewer people. For example, poverty in Nicaragua is widespread, therefore nearly all Nicaraguans will identify it during the data collection as a risk factor to education. As such, the RERA can say with confidence that poverty is a major risk factor. However, a risk factor like human trafficking, which affects fewer people, may not be perceived through this RERA’s methodology, which is not representative of the overall population. As such, this RERA does not perceive small-scale, although often very real, risks. This makes the Nicaragua RERA especially valuable in identifying the most critical and broad-based risks, but less valuable in understanding the scope of those risks or identifying smaller-scale risks.

This RERA complements a larger assessment on youth risk that was carried out in 2015. That report, Nicaragua Youth Assessment (Ashwill, 2016), was larger in scale and representativeness than this RERA, and should be seen as an in-depth companion piece to this report. In fact, some data from that assessment serve as a baseline for this RERA, since the RERA’s interviews and focus groups asked many of the same questions from respondents as the assessment did during its fieldwork in 2015. This allowed the research team to observe how answers in similar regions and from similar demographics changed over time. The RERA also updates much of the quantitative

2 data from the assessment, of which the most recent data was from 2013, with the most up-to-date 2016 databases. Leveraging the 2015 assessment allowed this RERA to be carried out much like a follow-up, or rolling, RERA.

Scope The RERA’s parameters represent priority areas for the USAID mission in Nicaragua. They were discussed and agreed upon among the Resonance research team, USAID’s Washington-based Bureau for Economic Growth, Education, and Environment (E3 Bureau), and USAID’s in-country mission. General research questions are included in Box 2. The following parameters were set:

• The age range of the target population is 10- to 29-year-old youth, which corresponds to upper primary and secondary grades, and beyond. Although, there was some flexibility to collect data on younger populations. USAID Nicaragua defines the 10- to 29-year-old cohort as “youth” in their operating model. • The Nicaragua RERA targets males, females, LGBTI, out-of-school learners, minority language speakers (Rama, Miskitu, and creole), and hard-to-reach learners such as addicts and delinquent youth. • The Nicaragua RERA involves formal, non-formal, and vocational education in public and private schools. • The Nicaragua RERA focuses on risks associated with poverty, unemployment, migration, crime and violence, drugs, disease, climate, school infrastructure, and political instability. There was less of a focus on health epidemics and food insecurity, although they were included as well.

Box 2: RERA's general research questions.

The following research questions guided the methodological design and informed the report’s analysis and main findings.

1. What are the main risk and resilience factors for education in the six study sites (Map 1)? Potential risks include illicit activities, narcotics involvement, gang (delinquent youth group) presence, gender based violence, trafficking (human, drugs, contraband), land conflict, natural disasters, and other risks. 2. What are the causes, characteristics, and consequences of these main risk factors? How do they influence each other? 3. What is the two-way interaction between risks and the education sector, particularly at the school and community levels? 4. What are the differential risks related to education for ethnic groups, men and women, boys and girls, hard-to-reach learners, sexual minorities, and politically affiliated youth between the ages of 10 and 29 years old? 5. What are the differential risks for public schools, private schools, vocational schools, and among age-groups? 6. What are the risk trend potentials for the next five-to-ten years? 7. What are potential areas of intervention for USAID?

The RERA focused on six study sites spread across three study regions (Map 1). These regions include: The North Atlantic Autonomous Region (RAAN), or simply the north Caribbean; the South Atlantic Autonomous Region (RAAS), or simply the south Caribbean; and the Pacific region, which included the department of Managua and Chinandega. In the north Caribbean, study site municipalities included Bilwi, also known as Puerto Cabezas, and Waspam; in the south Caribbean, study site municipalities included Bluefields and surroundings and Laguna de Perlas; in the Pacific, study site municipalities included Somotillo in Chinandega and Ciudad Sandino in Managua. These sites were selected because they are considered “high-risk” municipalities by the USAID mission.

Map 1: Regional focus. Red circles denote general study locations (adapted from Geology.com (2008)).

Data collection The RERA’s research team carried out a desktop review and fieldwork that included school observations, Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), and Key Informant Interviews (KIIs). Data collection was carried out by the Resonance research team, which included specialists of various experience levels and, apart from the Team Leader, all team members were Nicaraguan nationals. The team included the

4 team leader, an education specialist, a citizen security specialist,1 a Pacific region coordinator, a RAAN coordinator, a RAAS coordinator, and five junior researchers. During the fieldwork, there were three research teams operating simultaneously in the three study regions over the course of one week. This limited window for fieldwork is one aspect of the Nicaragua RERA that limited its depth and scope. Each regional team comprised a senior level specialist or the team leader, a regional coordinator, and junior-level researchers. The coordinators and junior-level researchers facilitated FGDs, while the senior-level team member observed and analyzed the FGDs for larger messages. Coordinators and senior-level team members led KIIs.

Desktop review The desktop review focused on collecting secondary data on risks and education. The team’s risk and education specialists each delivered background papers on their particular areas of expertise. Also, data from the 2016 Assessment was meticulously updated, with the team combing through new databases to show trends in key indicators. The desktop review lasted the duration of the RERA, with specialists and coordinators researching information gaps that emerged during the fieldwork. For example, as Nicaragua fell into civil unrest, team members examined how the disturbances were affecting education, even though the fieldwork had already concluded.

Training There were various training events to build the research team’s capacity to carry out the Nicaragua RERA. The team leader underwent a two-day capacity building workshop on the general RERA methodology in Washington DC. This workshop trained participants on how to procure, plan and implement a RERA, including approaches to data collection and analysis. Next, the team leader led a day-long workshop in Managua for the research team’s two specialists and three regional coordinators. This workshop included a gender and cultural sensitivity training that discussed ways for researchers to objectively approach data collection by identifying their own biases and respecting differing views, whether cultural, political or otherwise. The workshop also trained team members in how to properly carry out FGDs and KIIs, allowing team members to provide feedback on specific focus group and interview questions. The training concluded by planning fieldwork logistics. Later, half-day regional trainings were carried out for the five junior researchers in Managua, the RAAS, and the RAAN to familiarize them with focus group questions and preferred facilitation techniques.

School observations During the fieldwork, the research team observed the conditions and learning environments at nine different schools. “Observation” entailed school visits where researchers took note of the school’s condition, the presence of resources, the school ground and surrounding areas’ levels of security, and other issues. Schools were selected based on the RERA’s different parameters. More specifically, the school

1 The Citizen Security Specialist specialized in crime and violence, narcotrafficking, and security approaches by the National Police and Military.

5 sample included both public and private schools; schools that taught traditional education; and schools that taught technical or vocational skills. Most of the schools were public schools because, as discussed later, the vast majority of Nicaraguans attend public schools. Also, public schools tend to face greater risks. Figure 1 shows the breakdown of these school types. As can be seen, schools represent different age groups, from primary-aged students to adult vocational students. What cannot be seen, is these schools also represent different regions and ethnicities. For example, specific schools were selected to represent afro-, Rama-, and Miskitu-descendant youth. Mestizos, which make of the majority of Nicaraguans, were naturally included as well. As such, the team observed four schools in the Pacific regions and five in the Caribbean regions. Prior to entering schools, the research team sought and attained written permission to carry out research in the identified schools from delegates of the Ministry of Education or school principals.

Figure 1: Sample of school observations.

2 1 1 1

Public secondary Public primary Public university Subvencionada Vocational

Key Informant Interviews Fieldwork included key informant interviews with 31 individuals with various relationships to youth, risk, and education. Key informants included: school officials from the Ministry of Education (MINED), usually principals and regional delegates; government officials from representatives of the autonomous regions or national ministries such as the National System of Disaster Prevention, Mitigation, and Awareness (SINAPRED)2; the National Police; NGO officials, including those implementing USAID-supported projects; and civil society representatives, including academics and religious and community leaders. Figure 2 presents the number of key informants interviewed from each of these groups. The research team collaborated to develop a KII questionnaire to guide researchers in their interviews. This guide was piloted in Managua before being used in the fieldwork. The guide is long and includes most of the possible questions that could be asked of informants, as such, researchers had the flexibility to deviate from it depending on the informant’s specialty or other constraints, time or otherwise. Many, but not all, of these interviews were recorded.

2 El Sistema Nacional para la Prevención Mitigación y Atención a Desastre (SINAPRED)

6 Figure 2: Key informant interview breakdown.

6 5

School Officials Government Officials National Police NGO Officials Civil Sociery Leaders

Focus Group Discussions Twelve focus group discussions took place in the six study site municipalities. Focus group participants were purposively selected based on the Nicaragua RERA’s target demographics. As such, the research team recruited focus group participants based on their age, gender, ethnicity, and sexual orientation (Table 1). Focus group participants were either youth or teachers. Figure 3 shows that more youth than teachers were included in the sample, but that these numbers evened out once youth were divided into three age groups: children, young adults, and adults (Figure 4). Figure 5 shows that FGDs consisted of participants from each of the target ethic groups, including Mestizos, Miskitus, Afro-descendants, and Ramas. Figure 6 shows that there were more females than males in the sample. This was for two reasons, first, because the team hoped to understand School-Related Gender-Based Violence (SRGBV) of which girls would provide a more accurate accounting, and second, because there are generally more female teachers than male teachers, which is reflected in the overall gender breakdown. It should be noted that six transgender individuals were also included in the sample to account for this highly vulnerable population.

Including teachers and youth of different ages in FGDs required three different focus group discussion guides. These guides include ten questions that guide FGDs. Generally, each guide asked the same questions, but the questions were asked differently depending on the age of the youth (students under the age of 15 received simplified questions that allowed facilitators to expand on answers). Teacher FGD guides also included technical questions related to teaching and the curriculum. The FGD guide for children under 15-years-old was piloted in Managua, while the guide for adults and teachers was piloted in Bilwi. Various adjustments were made to the guides based on the piloting, especially the guide for children, which required a much more dynamic approach to solicit an open and informed conversation among students. All facilitators spoke the native language of participants and were trained in proper facilitation techniques to encourage wide participation and open discussions. These techniques included participatory exercises such as icebreakers, ranking exercises, and community mapping. All participants granted permission to the team to record the discussion and utilize the collected data for research purposes.

Table 1: FGD distribution.

Study site Focus groups Ciudad Sandino, Managua 1. Teachers 2. LBGTI young adults Somotillo, Chinandega 3. Teachers 4. University students Bluefields, RAAS 5. Rama youth 6. Afro-descendant youth Laguna de Perlas, RAAS 7. Teachers 8. Miskitu youth Waspam, RAAN 9. Teachers 10. Miskitu youth Bilwi, RAAN 11. Boys 12. Girls

Figure 3: Number of FGD teachers and youth. Figure 4: Number of FGD participants by age.

Teachers 20 , 27 15

Youth, 10 64

0 Under 15 15 to 18 Over 18 Teachers

Figure 5: Number of FGD participants by ethnicity. Figure 6: Number of FGD participants by gender.

Rama, 6 Transgender, 6

Afro, 16 Miskitu, Males, 34 36

Females, Mestizo, 51 33

Reporting and analysis Each of the three regional research teams was responsible for completing reporting documents. These included focus group summary documents and site

8 summary documents. The focus group summary includes detailed questions that document the focus group discussion, report main findings and key quotes, and identify any complications that could have compromised the data. The site summary includes detailed questions about the study site, requiring inputs from both KIIs and FGDs. Also, researchers were given analysis assignments to address knowledge gaps. These assignments included documents on narco-trafficking in Chinandega and the on-going civil unrest’s impacts on education, among others.

Challenges Nationwide protests and violence erupted during the research team’s week of fieldwork. Although, each of the regional teams was able to complete the school observations and focus group discussions, there were other areas of research that were never completed. Because of the civil unrest, the team leader and an adviser participating in fieldwork from USAID’s E3 Bureau were forced to evacuate the country. At the same time, the rest of the research team, all Nicaraguan nationals, returned home, but with limited mobility for the days, weeks, and months since then. As such, many key informant interviews with the national police, national-level government officials, and national-level NGOs and development institutions were cancelled. The police and government officials were mobilized to address the civil unrest and many of the international experts in Managua were evacuated like USAID staff. The civil unrest also forced the research team to cancel an analysis workshop in Managua, in which the three research teams would congregate in Managua to triangulate and synthesize the evidence and discuss findings, main messages, and recommendations. This important activity never took place and was replaced with email exchanges and phone calls among individual team members: a less-than-ideal stand-in for the in-country workshop. In fact, the research team was never again able to meet as a group, either in person or virtually, since before the fieldwork. 3. Education context The Sandinista have prioritized several areas of education during their time in power. Nicaragua’s education is centralized within the Ministry of Education. Since 2006, the Sandinista government has worked towards modelling MINED in its image, with most ministry officials - at the national and sub-national level - now being party members. In the 1980s, the Sandinistas made great efforts to improve the nation’s literacy rates, which was a notable success: reducing the overall illiteracy rate from 50 to 13 percent in only five months (Hanemann, 2005). In 2007, Ortega stated MINED should prioritize improving low school attendance and poor student performance. Unfortunately, these efforts have been less successful, as evidenced by poor university entrance exam performances: for example, only between two and six percent of university applications demonstrate basic math skills (Tico Times, 2013).

Education quality in Nicaragua lags behind most of Latin America and the world. According to UNDP’s Education Index (UNDP, 2016), Nicaragua ranks 139th out of 187 countries in education, which is the bottom quarter of national education systems (26th percentile). This ranking has held steady for the past 20 years because, as Nicaragua’s education indicators have improved, so have those of the rest of the world. That said,

9 Nicaragua has narrowed the gap in some areas, especially primary school education. Figure 7 shows that primary school enrollment3 in Nicaragua surpassed that of other non-wealthy Latin American countries, reaching 98 percent in UNESCO’s most recent measure. Although secondary enrollment drops off markedly and dropout rates4 remain high (Figure 8), especially for males (gendered outcomes are discussed later). The gap between school completion rates5 in Nicaragua and other non-wealthy Latin America countries has narrowed, but Nicaragua still lags behind (Figure 9). The gap in adult literacy rates has also narrowed. Figure 10 shows 78 percent of Nicaraguan adults were literate in 2005 (UNESCO, 2018), compared to 83 percent in more recent estimates (UNDP, 2016). TERCE6 (UNESCO, 2015), a large-scale learning achievement study, shows primary and early-secondary scores in math, reading, and science in Nicaragua lag behind other Latin American countries. It should be noted that 2010 was the last year UNESCO has most recorded data for Nicaragua, making accurate comparisons, overtime or across countries, difficult.

Figure 7: Adjusted net enrollment rate for primary-aged Figure 8: Cumulative drop-out rate to the last grade of students, both sexes, % (UNESCO, 2018). primary education, % (UNESCO, 2018).

100 70 60 95 50 40 90 30 85 20 10 80 0 1999 2000 2005 2006 2007 75 2000 2005 2010 Nicaragua, female LAC excluding high income, female Nicaragua Nicaragua, male Latin America & Caribbean (excluding high income) LAC excluding high income, male

3. Total number of students of the official primary school age group who are enrolled at primary or secondary education, expressed as a percentage of the corresponding population. 4 Proportion of pupils from a cohort enrolled in a given grade at a given school year who are no longer enrolled in the following school year. Cumulative dropout rate in primary education is calculated by subtracting the survival rate from 100 at a given grade. 5 Total number of new entrants in the last grade of primary education, regardless of age, expressed as percentage of the total population of the theoretical entrance age to the last grade of primary. This indicator is also known as "gross intake rate to the last grade of primary education." The ratio can exceed 100% due to over-aged and under-aged children who enter primary school late/early and/or repeat grades 6 TERCE is a large scale study of learning achievement that was implemented in 2013. In total, 15 countries took part, including Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay.

10 Figure 9: Primary and secondary completion rates, % Figure 10: Adult (15+ years) literacy rate, both sexes, (UNESCO, 2018). % (UNESCO, 2018).

100 92 90 80 88 60 86 40 84 82 20 80 0 78 2000 2005 2010 76 Nicaragua primary 74 Latin America & Caribbean (excluding high income) 72 primary Nicaragua lower secondary 70 Nicaragua Latin America & Caribbean Latin America & Caribbean (excluding high income) lower (excluding high income) secondary

Teachers in Nicaragua have low capacity. This was often a complaint of principals interviewed in the study sites. One principal in the RAAN said, “most of my teachers have never received curriculum training.”7 According to UNESCO (2018), only 73 percent of Nicaragua’s primary school teachers received the minimum organized teacher trainings, compared to 88 percent in the rest of Latin America. At the lower- secondary level, only 57 percent of teachers acquired the minimum trainings, compared to 84 percent in the rest of Latin America (Figure 11). Part of the low capacity of teachers can be attributed to low salaries. Nicaragua’s 2001-2015 National Education Plan aimed for teacher salaries to reach the Central American average by 2015, but currently, salaries do not even cover half of the Consumer Basket. Moreover, teachers are responsible for providing all didactic materials for their classes; the public-school system provides almost nothing. This has implications on learning. One of the most frequently cited reasons that students say causes other students to drop out was that school was boring. Other students fear they are not learning much from teachers. A university student in Somotillo said, “Sometimes I feel like I’ll be a mediocre professional. How can I do what I never learned?”8 This reflects the low opportunity cost of education in Nicaragua; students often believe they do not lose much when they leave school because of the, perceived or actual, lack of association between education and the ability to earn.

7 “La mayoría no fue capacitado.” - Teacher in Waspam 8 “A veces me siento en riesgo de ser una profesional mediocre, como voy hacer lo que nunca me enseñaron.” – University student in Somotillo

11 Figure 11: Percent of minimally trained teachers (UNESCO, 2018).

100

0 Nicaragua Primary LAC (non-high income) Nicaragua lower secondary LAC (non-high income) primary lower secondary

Nicaragua spends less on education than the rest of Latin America. The average percentage of GDP that Latin American governments spend on education is 5.2 percent, but Nicaragua, at last count, only spent 4.5 percent (Figure 12). Other estimates (Diaz, 2016) say Nicaragua spends less than three percent. This is especially low in total expenditures considering Nicaragua has one of the lowest GDPs in Latin America. According to Nicaragua’s Ministry of the Treasury and Public Credit9 (INIDE, 2016), the government spends a total of $24 million annually. Of that, they spend $5.4 million on education, with MINED only receiving $3.8 million. These totals are miniscule and partly explain why teacher salaries are so low. It also explains why schools, especially public schools, are undersupplied and poorly maintained.

Figure 12: Government expenditure on education as a percent of GDP (UNESCO, 2018).

6 5 4 3 2 1 0 2000 2010

Nicaragua Latin America & Caribbean (excluding high income)

With limited funds, the government prioritizes rural primary-level education over all other levels. This is not a stated objective of the Nicaraguan government, but, rather, reflects where they allocate educational funding. Figure 13 shows that 70 percent of funding goes to primary schools. This is a slightly smaller share than 2012 as resources shifted slightly towards preschool and secondary schools. Nationally, enrollment in primary education is 81 percent higher than enrollment in secondary education. In rural areas, enrollment in secondary schools is only 32 percent of enrollment in primary schools. In urban areas, enrollment in secondary schools is 88

9 Ministerio de Hacienda y Crédito Público (MHCP)

12 percent of the number of students enrolled in primary schools, showing secondary schooling is mainly an urban phenomenon. As a result, most rural students never reach secondary education, and if they do, many must migrate to cities for it. putting them at a disadvantage (as discussed later). Figure 14 clearly shows these primary-secondary and urban-rural divides. In the Caribbean regions, primary to secondary trends are similar to national trends. Primary school represents half of all schooling in Bilwi, and 60 percent in Waspam. Preschool, high school, and higher learning schools represent the remaining percentages (MINED, 2018). This prioritization of primary education is also reflected in the number of teachers. Figure 15 shows that over half of all public-school teachers are in primary schools, compared to only 21 percent in secondary schools.

Figure 13: Dedicated funding to education levels, 2012 and 2016 (Observatorio CODENI, 2018).

2012 2016

Preschool education

Primary school education Secondary school education Special education

Figure 14: School enrollment by gender and Figure 15: Percentage of teachers at each school level location (INIDE, 2016). (INIDE, 2016).

300,000 Higher Special Technical education education 2% 250,000 4% 0%

200,000 Preschool 19% Secondary 150,000 21% 100,000

50,000

0 Primary Urban Rural Urban Rural 54% primary primary secondary secondary

Boys Girls

The vast majority of Nicaraguan students attends public schools. This is important to note because it means most Nicaraguans attend poorly funded schools and 45 percent never reach secondary school (Figure 14). As discussed in the methodology above, the research team observed both public and private schools, and although not a representative sample, it was clear that private schools were in much better condition (discussed further below). They were better constructed, had higher quality facilities, more supplies, greater security, and generally provided a better learning environment. In Nicaragua, there are two types of private schools, those that are fully funded by private sources (private schools) and those that are funded through a combination of public and private resources (subvention schools). Figure 16 shows that 84 percent of students attend public schools, another seven percent attend subvention schools and nine percent attend private schools.

Figure 16: Student population per school type (INIDE, 2016).

1,600,000 1,400,000 1,200,000 1,000,000 800,000 600,000 400,000 200,000 0 Public school Subvention school Private school

4. Risk overview Poverty and political instability, including the current civil unrest, are the most pressing risk factors10 to youth and education in Nicaragua. Table 2 shows the relative risk of the six study sites. Risk factors are analyzed in the subsequent sections according to three measurements: how much it negatively impacts (i) school attendance, (ii) student learning, and (iii) youth safety outside of schools. The matrix below shows that across regions, poverty and political instability pose the highest risks, receiving only Extreme and High ratings. Likewise, issues like crime, violence, and gender discrimination, which includes Gender-Based Violence (GBV), demonstrate high risk, but most frequently occur outside of schools. Gender discrimination is an especially high risk in Caribbean regions, especially indigenous communities. Poor school infrastructure, especially in Caribbean public schools, detrimentally impacts school learning environments and also makes climate hazards a threat to learning. Generally, health risks are not a major risk to education, although teen pregnancy is a high risk for

10 It should be noted that factors such as poverty, unemployment, migration, teen pregnancy, and family instability are typically not classified as contextual risks, but rather as factors that influence risk. They are included here as risks per the preference of the USAID mission to Nicaragua.

14 young girls’ ability to attend and perform well in school. Details of each risk and their relation to one another are described in detail below.

Table 2: Regional risk matrix.

Poverty H H H H H H E E E E E E E E E E E E Unemployment H M M H M M H M M H M M E M M H M M Migration L M M M M M H M M E H E E E E M M M Crime and violence H L L H L L E M M E H M E M M H M M Gangs M L L M L L H M H H M H H M H M L L Drugs H L L H L L H L L H L L H L L H L L Health L L L L L L L L L L L L L L L L L L Teen pregnancy L H H L H H L H H L H H L H H L H H Climate M L L H L L H M H H M H H L M H M M School L L M L L M M M E M M E M M H M M H infrastructure Political instability E E E E E E H H H H H H E H H H H H Gender H L L H L L H M M H H H H M M H H H discrimination Ethnic L L L L L L L L H L L H M M H M M H discrimination Family instability M M M M M M M M M H H H H H H M M M Risk values include low, moderate, high, and extreme. Low risk (L) means the risk factor is a very minor or nonexistent issue that needs little additional attention beyond what is currently happening. Moderate risk (M) means it is worrisome and should be monitored but is not affecting many youths. High risk (H) means this factor should be targeted for intervention because it is currently affecting many youths. Extreme risk (E) means these factors are threatening the foundations of the education system. These rankings were determined after the research team’s risk, education, and regional specialists examined the RERA data and triangulated it among primary and secondary data sources. 5. Poverty Poverty affects the entire country - young and old, students and non-students. Nicaragua is infamously the poorest country, in per capita income, in Latin America and the second poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, behind only Haiti (OECD, 2018). In fact, Nicaragua’s GDP per capita is about a quarter of Latin America and the Caribbean’s GDP per capita. However, this gap has narrowed since 2011 as Nicaragua’s economy grew faster than regional averages (Figure 17): Nicaragua’s per capita GDP grew nearly five percent, on average, over the last three years while Latin America’s GDP growth stagnated (Figure 18). Evidence of Nicaragua’s poverty was apparent in all six of the RERA study sites. In those areas, youth and adults alike experienced poverty, sometimes at extreme levels.

15 Figure 17: GDP per capita (current US$) for Nicaragua Figure 18: Annual GDP growth, % (WDI, 2018). and Latin America and the Caribbean (WDI, 2018).

$12,000 8

$10,000 6

$8,000 4 $6,000 2 $4,000 0 $2,000 1990 2000 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 -2 $0 -4

Nicaragua Latin America & Caribbean Nicaragua Latin America & Caribbean

Poverty in Nicaragua is more prevalent in rural areas and the Caribbean regions, therefore more acutely affecting schools in those areas. Figure 19 shows, despite poverty declining in both urban and rural Nicaragua, people in rural areas are still just as likely to live above the national poverty line as they are to live below it. Rural Nicaraguans are also over three times more likely to live in poverty than urban Nicaraguans. Figure 20 shows that rural-urban disparities in extreme poverty are more pronounced in the Caribbean regions. Waspam, one of the study sites in the RAAN, is the poorest municipality in Nicaragua, making it one of the poorest in the hemisphere. Although, each of the school observation visits was in urban or peri-urban areas, rural poverty was also widely observed.

Figure 19: Poverty headcount ratio at national poverty Figure 20: Percent of rural and urban populations living line, %. in extreme poverty, by region.

70 18 16 60 14 50 12 40 10

30 8 6 20 4 10 2

0 2009 $1.25/day, on than %less living 0 2009 2014

Urban Rural

16 Poverty exacerbates other education risks. Literature shows that poverty contributes to other risks like gangs, drugs, and violence, among others (Fukuda-Parr and others, 2008). This was reinforced by focus groups and school visits. One key informant in Bilwi argued that less poverty, led to less risk, she said, “It’s not by chance that crime declined. A few years ago, people were being robbed in the streets, now most of the youth have their own smart phones.”11 Figure 21 seems to support this, showing the number of internet users increased by more than 600 percent over the last decade. Likewise, energy consumption also steadily increased, reflecting the country’s general rise in consumption (Figure 22). As discussed later, crime and violence declined over the past five years in Nicaragua, much like the poverty rate has declined.

Focus group discussions show poverty causes students to drop out or not attend school. This can happen when students cannot afford supplies or need to work to support their families. A 17-year-old female in Waspam said, “Sometimes parents take their kids out of school because they don’t have the money to maintain their education.”12 It is, at least partly, because of poverty that so few resources are channeled to education. As discussed, the Nicaraguan government spends between 2.5 and 4.5 percent of GDP on education, which is an especially low amount once one accounts for Nicaragua’s already low GDP. This means that schools are woefully under- provisioned and undermaintained. Specifically, school visits and interviews with school principals and teachers show that schools lack an adequate number of textbooks. One principal said, “We use Nicaraguan textbooks, but we don’t have enough, and they are all old.” Whether it is because of few provisions or other reasons, poverty also inhibits learning. Figure 23 shows non-poor students in Bluefields consistently outperform poor students in reading abilities.

Figure 21: Internet users per 100 people. Figure 22: Electric power consumption (kWh per capita).

60 700

50 600

40 500

30 400 300 20 200 10 100 0 0

1998 1999 2000 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 1990 2000 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 Nicaragua Latin America & Caribbean (excluding high income)

11 “No es chance que los riesgos han disminuidos. Hace pocos anos fue robos en la calle ya que actualmente los chavalos tienen sus propios iPhone.” – Community leader in Bilwi 12 “En algunos casos los padres lo retiran del colegio cuando no tienen dinero para seguir manteniendo la educación de sus hijos en la ciudad de Waspam.” – Youth from Kisalaya, in Waspam

Figure 23: Reading abilities for poor and non-poor in Bluefields, % (author’s rendition of EDUQUEMOS y IBIS Din., 2015).

70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

Poor Non-poor

6. Unemployment Nicaragua has a weak jobs market, especially for youth. Youth unemployment is nearly twice as high as adult unemployment. Despite strong economic growth, national unemployment rates have not budged over the past five years (Figure 24); this is true for both adult and youth unemployment rates. Moreover, unemployment rates are typically difficult to measure in Nicaragua because so many people work in the informal economy. Also, unemployment rates only include people of the working-age population who are looking for work in the formal economy. This excludes the vast majority of people working informally. And, of those employed, 44 percent work less than full-time (FIDEG, 2014) and receive small salaries. Among Caribbean populations, 59 percent of the Caribbean population between 20 and 24, and 47 percent of the population between 25 and 29 is underemployed (Barrios et al., 2015). In 2011, the average nominal salary in Nicaragua was less than $7,000 per year. All of these factors combine to show Nicaragua has an anemic jobs market.

Youth unemployment contributes to poverty and community risk but, in certain situations, facilitates school attendance or performance. In each of the study sites, respondents mentioned joblessness as a risk. This is especially the case in the Caribbean regions, where there is a severe lack of available employment opportunities. Because of this, many youths migrate from the urban hubs on the Caribbean coast, like Bluefields, to the Pacific coast to look for work. As we will see, this emigration is an education risk in itself. Joblessness can contribute to poverty, which as discussed, exacerbates many other risks. However, when teachers and students were asked in focus groups why other students leave school, one of the most frequently cited reasons was “to work.” So, in at least one way, employment detrimentally impacts education

18 when it creates a trade-off between school and work. Figure 25, for example, shows that more boys are employed than girls,13 which corresponds to trends showing higher female enrollment in secondary school. That said, in most instances, the work-school trade-off is negligible because many students choose to both work and attend school. Moreover, it should be clear that poverty drives the need for the type of employment that impacts school attendance and performance. Seasonal work, often in rural areas, can also impact a student’s learning. Youth who must work crop lands for certain days of the week or months of the year are at-risk of falling behind in classes. Few schools are flexible enough to adjust course loads for working students.

Figure 24: Nicaragua unemployment (ILO model estimate), % (WDI, Figure 25: Children in employment, 2012 2018). (% of children ages 7-14) (WDI, 2018).

20 60 50 15 40 10 30 20 5 10 0 0 2000 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Females Males

Adults Youth (15-24)

7. Migration Migration is a complicated issue in Nicaragua because of the many different forms that exist. Overall, about 135,00014 more people emigrate from Nicaragua than immigrate to Nicaragua (UN Population Division, 2017). The majority migrate to the United States and Costa Rica: almost 400,000 Nicaraguans live in the United States, the highest percentage in Florida; and nearly 290,000 Nicaraguans live legally in Costa Rica, and as many as 400,000 if undocumented Nicaraguans are included (Dyer, 2016). However, international migration is only one type of migration taking place in Nicaragua. There is also colonial migration, internal economic migration, youth educational migration, and some examples of human trafficking.

Colonial migration, or land settlement, is leading to violence in the North Caribbean., potentially impacting school attendance and community safety. Mestizo settlers from the pacific regions of the country are acquiring land for mining, timber, and agriculture activities – either legally or illegally depending on who you ask - in areas of Nicaragua’s north Atlantic, near Waspam (Map 2). This has put them in direct conflict with indigenous groups already living and working on that land. There is very little information on how many people have settled there – estimates range from several hundred to several thousand - but it has led to outbreaks of violence and

13 Children in employment refer to children involved in economic activity for at least one hour in the reference week of the survey. 14 Net migration is the net total of migrants during the period, that is, the total number of immigrants less the annual number of emigrants, including both citizens and noncitizens. Data are five-year estimates.

19 mounting tensions. According to the Guardian (2017), “Since 2015, dozens of men in the area from the Miskito indigenous people – and other groups, including the Rama and Ulwa – have been killed, women have been raped and families taken captive.” There is no evidence from focus groups that this affects schools in Waspam, but there is evidence this could become a more serious risk. Several key informants in Waspam said that settlers are arming themselves to prepare for a fight. A local religious leader said, “settlers are flying in weapons.” Waspam interviewees generally believe the conflict will get worse before it gets better. This could potentially impact students’ ability to attend school and generally make students less safe in their communities. However, the RERA uncovered little evidence of this since land conflicts largely occur in rural zones outside of the RERA’s target area in Waspam city.

Map 2: Areas of land conflict (Guardian, 2017).

Internal economic migration divides families and disrupts social cohesion, which can impact student learning, attendance, and delinquency. There is no data tracking the migration of families within Nicaragua, however focus groups and interviews in Bluefields suggest this is a widespread issue, at least in Bluefields it is. More specifically, informants say the dearth of employment opportunities in Bluefields compels people to migrate to seek work. The three most common jobs to migrate from Bluefields for are call centers in Managua, cruise ships in the US, and hotels and restaurants in the Cayman Islands. It is adults that migrate, often leaving their children behind in Bluefields without a responsible family member in the house to guide them. Interviewees say this leads to guardian-less children who fail, dropping out of school or generally becoming delinquent. The issue is not limited to Bluefields, in Somotillo a teacher said, “Dysfunctional families, on occasion associated with migration, lead to child depression and rebelliousness.”15 A teacher in Laguna de Perlas said, “Migration leaves young people at home with relatives, or sometimes people with no family ties.

15 “Familias disfuncionales, eso genera tristeza o rebeldía. En ocasiones asociado a las migraciones.” – Teacher, Somotillo

20 Therefore, young people are left without parental support, this situation leads to no guidance of any kind.”16

Youth that migrate to Waspam to attend school are at a disadvantage. A school principal from a Waspam public secondary school estimates that 40 percent of the school’s students are not from Waspam but surrounding rural areas. Many of these rural areas only have primary schools, so if a student wants to continue with his or her studies, he or she must move to Waspam city. According to a key informant, “some students ride log rafts downstream (on the Coco River) from their communities to Waspam but can’t return because logs don’t float upstream.” Once these students arrive in Waspam, they stay with relatives or friends. However, these guardians often only provide them shelter but do not provide supplies, attend parent-teacher conferences, or otherwise help these children with their school work. As a result, most agree that migrating children are at greater risk, whether to fail at school or fall into delinquency. This dynamic also contributes to the lack of parent participation in school functions. According to the same Waspam principal, among hundreds of students, fewer than 30 parents participate in parent-teacher meetings.

There is some evidence of human trafficking, but it is likely not widespread and does not affect education. In 2015, there were 12 documented cases where people were sold for labor, adoption, or sexual exploitation (Policía Nacional 2015). None of these cases occurred in any of the study sites, though one was reported in Managua. Despite the lack of evidence, several interviewees and focus group participants heard about it happening either through news reports or word-of-mouth. There was no evidence that human trafficking impacted education in the study sites. That said, this could simply reflect the Nicaragua RERA’s limited scope and that human trafficking does not directly affect most Nicaraguans. 8. Crime and Violence Nicaragua has generally become safer over the past few years for all demographics, including school aged youth. This was consistently mentioned in interviews and focus groups and verified by police data. This is especially true for Managua, which has seen continual declines in crime and violence since 2008-2009 when Nicaragua’s economy struggled through the global financial crisis. Managua had about half the amount of police reports in 2016 than it had in 2009, when there were over 5,000 (Figure 26). It also had over 1,300 robberies in 2008 compared to only 340 in 2016. In fact, across the country, robberies have become less and less frequent since 2008 (Figure 27). Robberies were mentioned in all study sites as the most common crime of which youth were victims. Study sites also said murder rates have decreased, and the data supports this belief (Figure 28). Police statistics also show sexual crimes are less common in 2016 than 2013.

16 La migración, obliga a que jóvenes queden con un familiar en la casa, en algunas ocasiones las personas que quedan a su cargo no tienen ningún vínculo familiar, por consiguiente, los jóvenes quedan sin acompañamiento de sus padres, dicha situación conlleva a que no exista orientación de ninguna clase. Los jóvenes empiezan a crecer en un hogar donde no hay compromiso por inculcar valores. Generalmente no hacen su tarea y son los que promueven el bullying en las aulas de clase. La mayoría de las veces estos jóvenes terminan abandonando sus clases por falta de tutela.” – Teacher, Laguna de Perlas

21 Despite positive trends, crime and violence still pose serious risks to youth, but mostly outside of schools. In each of the study sites, interviews and focus groups described crime and violence as persistent community risks for youth, despite also mentioning they felt crime and violence is largely not present in schools themselves. A student in Bilwi elaborated, “We don’t feel safe in the city (because of this) we don’t feel safe at school mainly because it’s close to the most dangerous neighborhoods of Bilwi.”17 Statistical evidence backs this up. For example, the murder rate in the southern Caribbean decreased significantly from 43 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants in 2011 to 33 in 2015 (Figure 28). However, 33 would still make the RAAS the 17th highest murder rate in the world. According to UNODC (2017), Nicaragua currently has the 71st highest murder rate in the world with seven murders per 100,000 inhabitants.

Figure 26: Police reports per 100,000 inhabitants (Policía Nacional 2016).

6000 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 0 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

RAAN RAAS Managua Chinandega National

Figure 27: Robberies in all forms per 100,000 inhabitants (Policía Nacional 2016).

1400 1200 1000 800 600 400 200 0 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

RAAN RAAS Managua Chinandega National

17 “Nos sentimos inseguras en cualquier parte de la ciudad y sobre todo en nuestra escuela, ya que aquí estamos cerca de los barrios más peligrosos de Bilwi, en donde en cualquier hora se arman los enfrentamientos entre las pandillas del barrio alemán, muelle y spanistow; así como entre estudiantes que pertenecen a alguna pandilla de esos barrios.” – Female student, Bilwi

22 Figure 28: Intentional homicides per 100,000 inhabitants (Policía Nacional 2016).

0 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

RAAN RAAS Managua Chinandega National

Focus group discussions suggest organized gang activity remains low in the study sites, but groups of delinquent youth are common, occasionally harassing students and disrupting classes.18 These groups of delinquent youth are not organized. As the 2016 assessment showed, Nicaragua has among the smallest average number of gang members per gang in Central America; only 17 gang members on average. The other countries in the region, especially Honduras and El Salvador are plagued by very large, well-organized gangs, called maras. Honduras has over 300 gang members per gang; El Salvador has over 2,600 gang members per gang, dwarfing the average gang sizes in other Central American countries (Serrano-Berthet and Lopez, 2011). Study site interviews and focus group participants said that organized gangs such as these are not present in their communities. Instead, they say, are groups of youth who “hang out drinking alcohol and consuming drugs.”19 During school visits, these groups were observed freely entering public school grounds; they watched classes, talked to students, and occasionally harassed classroom participants. Teachers did not tell them to leave, seemingly because that would lead to more problems than it would solve. Community maps drawn during focus groups show delinquent youth groups tend to congregate in known areas of the community, for example, public parks or even the school grounds after classroom hours. Focus group youth said they simply avoided these areas to avoid confrontation.

Guns are generally kept out of schools and out of the hands of delinquent youth, though gun violence in Nicaragua is on the rise. The 2016 Assessment says, “there are seven guns for every 100 people, which is the second highest rate in Central America” but, “the percentage of homicides committed by guns was only 51 percent. This is lower than every country in Central America other than Belize.” Overall, only 19 percent of crimes involve guns. Instead, according to focus group discussions, the most commonly used weapons are knives, rocks, and sticks. Or as one Managua youth said

18 It is difficult to discern what constitutes a delinquent youth group. In our definition, delinquent youth groups include groups that commit crimes and those whose members simple drop out of school and consume drugs and alcohol but may not engage in more serious criminal activity. 19 “Tomando alcohol y consumiendo drogas en la calle.” – Religious leader in Waspam

23 while mimicking holding a large rock, “A rock is a weapon too.”20 However, some data suggests this may be changing. Figure 29 shows the number of crimes committed with guns has increased nationally, most significantly in the RAAS. The percentage of crimes committed with guns is now almost as high in the RAAS as it is in Managua, which has traditionally seen the highest levels of gun violence in the country. Despite these trends, the research team uncovered no evidence that guns, and weapons more generally, were present in schools.

Figure 29: Percentage of crimes committed with a gun (Policía Nacional, 2016).

35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 RAAN RAAS Managua Chinandega National

2013 2015 2016

9. Drugs Drug consumption is a major risk for youth, but consumption by students attending school is limited. The consumption of alcohol and marijuana was described as common among youth in each of the study sites, with crack and cocaine also being consumed but less commonly so. Study respondents said consumption often occurs in public spaces, such as parks and street corners, after hours. Teachers and students said this consumption rarely occurs on school grounds while classes are in session and it was rare that students attend class while under the influence of drugs or alcohol. However, in some public schools in the Caribbean regions where school grounds can be accessed after class hours, school property is often used as a meeting place for youth to hang out and consume drugs and alcohol. At INHCO, a high-risk secondary school in Bilwi, the school grounds lack fences and the classrooms lack locks. Because of this, a school auditorium is commonly used by youth to play soccer or consume drugs after hours. During school visits, the research team observed graffiti tags and discarded bottles of alcohol and marijuana cigarettes in the auditorium. At the same school, youth clearly under-the-influence freely enter the school grounds and interact with students despite not attending class. There is no physical barrier or guard to prevent this. School observations suggest that students and teachers carry on class-as-usual despite these occasional interruptions.

Drugs from the international drug trade are transported through the country, with little evidence that students take part. Drugs, especially cocaine and heroin, are

20 “Una piedra es una arma.” 15 year old student in a Managua subvention school.

24 transported by land or boat through Nicaragua from drug producing countries in South America - such as Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia – to Mexico and Caribbean island countries, where it is then transported to its ultimate marketplace in the United States. A Presidential Declaration from September 12, 2016 indicates that, "Nicaragua continues to be one of the primary routes for drug trafficking. The extensive coasts in the Atlantic and Pacific, large inland lakes, porous borders and a dispersed population in the underdeveloped region of the Caribbean coast offer a favorable environment for criminal groups to exploit contraband, including drugs, arms, cash and people." In May 2018, El Salvador’s Minister of Defense affirmed in the Central American Security Conference that more than 80 percent of drugs brought from South America to North America is trafficked by sea. There was no information from KIIs or FGDs that students commonly engage in drug transportation.

There is some evidence that drug trafficking is increasing in Nicaragua’s Pacific coastal regions, but not among students, and data is scarce. Traditionally, drugs from South America were transported by land or boat through the Caribbean coast, though there is increasing evidence that cartels are now using Nicaragua’s Pacific coast to transport drugs by boats or submarines or across one of “25 blind spots”21 in Somotillo, or other unmonitored border crossings in towns that border Honduras. News reports (La Prensa (2018) among others) suggest drug trafficking increased in Chinandega, but solid data is lacking. Police statistics do not disaggregate drug seizure data by departments or municipalities and the Nicaraguan Navy and various international agencies, such as the INL, do not make data or subnational figures available. Despite students in these regions having easy access to alcohol and marijuana, there was no KII or FGD data suggesting that participation among students in drug trafficking has increased.

There was no evidence that international narco-trafficking impacts education in Nicaragua. These drugs are typically not sold or purchased in Nicaragua, just transported. The exception being that sometimes drug “mules,” or people who transport the drugs, are paid with the product, and they, in turn, sell the product in Managua or other cities. Interviews and focus group discussions, particularly in the Caribbean study sites, show people heard stories of international narcotrafficking but rarely witness evidence of it firsthand. A local leader in Bilwi said, “one way to get ahead is to be a mule,”22 but he added he saw no impacts of this firsthand. Moreover, there was no compelling evidence that international drug trafficking impacts schools or youth in any demonstrable way.

Most of the marijuana in Nicaragua is grown domestically, and commonly consumed by youth, especially those not attending school. Figure 30 shows police seizures of crack, cocaine, and marijuana. Crack and marijuana seizures have increased considerably over the last 10 to 15 years as local demand has increased, although the amount of marijuana seized is over 400 times larger than the amount of crack seized. Crack, which cooks small amounts of cocaine with other ingredients, like

21 Interview with police delegation in Somotillo. 22 “una manera de salir adelante es ir hacer los proveedores de drogas (muleros).” – Community leader in Bilwi

25 baking soda, is preferred by youth to cocaine because, according to one youth, “it is cheaper.”23 Cocaine seizures have also declined because traffickers have improved their smuggling techniques. For example, drug traffickers now use GPS technologies, which allows them to submerge large drug shipments and then relocate them. FGDs with students suggest that many youths consume marijuana, but that consumption occurs outside of schools and mostly by non-students.

Figure 30: Seized kilograms of crack, cocaine, and marijuana, 1990-2016 (Policía Nacional, 2016).

crack cocaine marijuana

6 18,000 3,000 16,000 5 2,500 14,000 4 12,000 2,000 10,000 3 1,500 8,000 2 6,000 1,000 4,000 1 500 2,000 0 0 0 1990 1993 1996 1999 2002 2005 2008 2011 2014 1990 1993 1996 1999 2002 2005 2008 2011 2014 1990 1993 1996 1999 2002 2005 2008 2011 2014

10. Health The infection rates of several diseases have declined significantly in Nicaragua, and none were mentioned as significant risks in study sites or to education. Zika, chikungunya, malaria, and HIV/AIDS were all mentioned as potential risks in interviews and focus group discussions. Zika and chikungunya had dramatic outbreaks in 2016 but have nearly disappeared completely in subsequent years. By the 35th week of 2016, there were 1,696 confirmed Zika cases, by the same week in 2017 there were five; a 99 percent reduction (PAHO/WHO, 2017). By the 35th week of 2016, there were 634 confirmed cases of chikungunya, by the same week in 2017 there were 18; a 97 percent reduction (PAHO/WHO, 2017). Malaria was mentioned by informants as present in Caribbean regions, but not a significant risk. Malaria incidence declined by 92 percent since 2000 (Figure 31). HIV and AIDS have also become less of a risk. The number of AIDS-related deaths steadily increased from fewer than 100 deaths in 1990 to as many as 1,000 in 2005, then steadily declined to as few as 200 deaths per year currently. This decline corresponds to the increased availability of anti-retroviral therapy (ART) (Figure 32). As a result, and because of better prevention, the number of people living with HIV has not increased since 2003, it has even decreased (Figure 33). The research team found no evidence that disease or other health risks, like hunger or famine, posed a risk to education in any of the study sites. Teen pregnancy is discussed below in section 14.

23 “Es mas económico.” A rehabilitated 19-year-old youth in Bilwi.

26 Figure 31: Incidence of malaria per Figure 32: Coverage of people Figure 33: People living with HIV, 1,000 population at risk (WHO, receiving ART, all ages (UNAIDS, all ages (UNAIDS, 2017). 2017). 2017).

40 50 12,000 35 45 40 10,000 30 35 8,000 25 30 20 25 6,000 15 20 15 4,000 10 10 2,000 5 5 0 0 0 2000 2005 2010 2015

1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010 2014

11. Climate risk Nicaragua has high disaster risk, affecting the entire population but with no additional harm to students and teachers. The country is vulnerable to floods, drought, earthquakes, hurricanes, and volcanos, with hurricanes and flooding more prevalent in the Caribbean regions and droughts more prominent in the northern Pacific regions (refer to Annex 1). According to Germanwatch’s 2017 Global Climate Risk Index, Nicaragua had the fourth highest climate risk in the world between 1996 and 2015. During that time, Nicaragua experienced 44 extreme weather events that resulted in 163 deaths and $235 million in losses.24 Climate change, which is causing more intense rainfalls but less overall precipitation, exacerbates the risks associated with floods, droughts, and hurricanes. These risks affect much of the population, especially rural families who are poorer and have less capacity and poorer infrastructure to cope than urban families. Rural livelihoods in agriculture or fishing are also more likely to be impacted by climate and disaster risks than rural livelihoods. There was no evidence that students and teachers had any additional vulnerability to these risks.

Despite the high vulnerability to natural disasters, study site respondents did not view climate risks as significant, but still felt unsafe in class during storms. During focus group discussions, natural disasters were rarely mentioned as a risk. When researchers specifically asked about climate risks, respondents did not view them as a threat to youth or education. One community leader in Bilwi said, “We haven’t had a disaster in years.”25 This, of course, was not true, Hurricane Nate devastated Nicaragua’s Caribbean coast as recently as October 2017, but it underlies another point: if disasters do not cause broad, long-term damage, people tend to forget about them. In terms of effects on education, interviews suggest that climate events rarely lead to cancelled classes or disrupted learning. Part of the reason that classes are not

24 Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) 25 After asking a Bilwi community leader why she did not perceive hurricanes as a risk, she said, “No habían desastres hace anos.”

27 cancelled is because schools tend to be constructed on less vulnerable lands. The regional representative of SINAPRED in Bilwi said schools were not impacted by flood events because they are constructed on higher lands, away from rivers. Despite this, schools are often undermaintained and in disrepair, which can lead to classroom flooding during intense rains. One public school secondary student in Waspam said, “The poor condition of the school puts us at great risk during the rainy season or storm season.”26 Another student in Bilwi said, “When it storms, we don’t feel safe because the roof is in such bad condition, it may fall on top of us.”27 SINAPRED mandates that schools teach students how to respond in case of a natural disaster, but according to some students this is little more than an evacuation plan. One student in Bilwi said, “The presentations they give on natural disasters aren’t sufficient. How will a presentation help us in a school in such bad condition that it doesn’t even have a fence?”28 Respondents also said this preparation was not always relevant. In Bluefields, students and teachers said they were taught how to act during an earthquake, despite earthquakes not occurring on the Caribbean coast. 12. School infrastructure Schools, especially public schools, are insecure, under-resourced, and poorly maintained. School visits reveal that public schools are in disrepair. Some classrooms lack doors, have damaged roofs, have exposed nails and electrical sockets, and other hazards. Students and teachers have learned to work in these less-than-ideal conditions. Moreover, school grounds are rarely secure: either fences are not constructed around the grounds or are so damaged that people can freely enter. These schools also lack security guards, so delinquent youth are free to wonder in and out of schools at their leisure. Teachers are unwilling to confront these youth because it could make them or the school a potential target. Because of the lack of fences and school doors, classrooms are often used after school hours as an area for delinquent youth to congregate. As a result, these classrooms are filled with liter, graffiti, and discarded alcohol bottles and marijuana joints. The research team observed evidence of this in three of the four public secondary schools they visited. Schools in the Pacific regions were slightly better off and private or subvention schools were much better off.

Public schools are undersupplied, while private schools are better off. School visits reveal it is common for public primary and secondary schools to not have enough desks for students. An occurrence that was not observed in private or subvention schools. One secondary public school in Bilwi did not have a functional bathroom or outhouse, so students had to relieve themselves outside or in neighboring houses. The same school had a school bell that only rang by plugging exposed wires into an exposed electrical socket. Young students usually performed this task for teachers. Public school teachers and principals often said they did not have enough textbooks for students, and that the textbooks they had were out-of-date. One positive is that

26 “Las condiciones de la escuela, es un gran riesgo que tenemos sobretodo en temporada de lluvias y desastre naturales por su mal estado.” Secondary student, Waspam 27 “Cuando hay Huracán o lluvias fuertes no nos sentimos seguras en el colegio porque los techos están en mal estado y se nos puede caer encima.” Female student, Bilwi 28 “Las charlas de simulacros que recibimos no es suficiente, de qué nos sirve recibir charla sobre protección ante los desastres naturales si recibimos clase en una escuela en pésimas condiciones de la infraestructura y sin un cerco.” Male student, Bilwi

28 textbooks are produced in Nicaragua and, although most are in Spanish, many are multilingual, catering to Nicaragua’s diversity. However, this does little good if the book is damaged or missing, which is common. As a result, many students are required to provide their own supplies, including uniforms, pens and paper, and even books if they can afford them. School observations suggest that private and subvention schools are better supplied, but even teachers at these school complained of limited school resources. 13. Political instability Nicaragua is experiencing levels of political instability it has not seen since the country’s civil war in the 1980s, affecting many students especially at universities. On April 18, 2018, protests, led by university students against government reforms to the nation’s pension system, devolved into violence, leaving two protesters and a police officer dead. Since then, the number of deaths has climbed into the hundreds as protesters expanded their grievances beyond the pension issues to demands the Ortega government resign. Since students initiated the protests, they have been targeted by violent pro-government groups. At press time,29 there was no clear resolution in sight. A “National Dialogue” brokered by the church was interrupted and a ceasefire agreement was broken. Moreover, the military has remained neutral, while the church and business community have increasingly sympathized with the protesters.

The civil unrest and political instability have impacted education and threaten to have greater impacts in the future as the crisis unfolds. When protests and counter- protests began, classes largely continued as normal. But in the subsequent days, schools started to sporadically cancel classes. This happened in some pro-government areas when the government called on all public-sector workers to protest in support of the government. With teachers and principals leaving school, classes that day were cancelled in several schools. As the violence spread, several private schools cancelled classes out of safety concerns for students. Later, the Ministry of Education cancelled classes at several public schools. At one point in mid-May, the Ministry closed all secondary schools in Managua. They cited security concerns, but critics said MINED cancelled classes so older youth could not congregate and join the protests. Since then, schools have continued to open and close sporadically as the crisis continued. 14. Gender and ethnic discrimination Boys are more likely than girls to commit violent acts and be victims of non- gender-based violent crime but less likely to be victims of crime in general. Boys and girls face different risks of violence. According to focus group discussions, boys are more likely to fight, join gangs, and commit violent acts. Girls are more likely to be sexually harassed, sexually assaulted, and slightly more likely to be victims of crime. A principal in Waspam said, “We try to let girls out of afternoon classes early so they don’t have to walk home at night. A young girl was attacked and raped last year walking from school.” A teacher in Waspam added, “Now we can’t even walk home safely after five in

29 Press time was June 2018.

29 the afternoon.”30 Despite the severity described in Waspam, this issue was not described in the other study sites. Figure 34 shows that 45 percent of the victims of crime are men or boys, while 55 percent are women or girls; 91 percent of whom are between 15 and 45. However, 95 percent of the perpetrators of crime are men or boys, compared to only five percent who are women or girls. Youth between 15- and 25- years-old are the plurality of perpetrators, representing 44 percent. In other words, young men are disproportionately attacking women who are not prepubescent, middle- aged, or elderly. That said, males are much more likely to be the victims of non-sexual or gender-based violent crime. According to the Policía Nacional (2016), 93 percent of murder victims are male.

Figure 34: Percentage of people detained for crimes by age and gender (left); Percentage of victims of crime by age and gender (right) (author’s rendition of data from Policía Nacional (2016)).

Females Females Females 15-25 26-45 over 45 Females Males 0-14 2% 3% 0% over 45 1% Males 9% over 45 9% Males 15-25 14% Males 15- Females 26- Males 26- 25 45 45 44% 25% Males 26- 20% 45 Females 15- 42% 25 18% Males over Detained Victims Females 0- 45 10% 14 3%

Women, including students and non-students, face gender-based violence and discrimination, especially in indigenous areas. According to the Global Gender Gap report (World Economic Forum, 2016), 29 percent of all women in Nicaragua have been the victim of GBV in their lives; eight percent have been victims in the last 12 months (Ministry of Health, 2014). It is likely that this number is lower than the actual rate because gender-based violence is notoriously underreported (World Bank, 2017). While GBV affects the entire country, it is especially prevalent in the Caribbean. Key informants say afro-descent and indigenous women face especially high rates of violence and discrimination. Although there is no data to directly measure this, proximate data is available. For example, in 2013, 88 percent of the over 6,000 sexual crimes in Nicaragua victimized young women, mainly teenagers (CSJ, 2013). And, Figure 35 shows the highest rates of sexual crimes are in the two Caribbean regions. Violence and discrimination against women seem to be an especially critical issue among indigenous populations. Interviews with indigenous leaders and focus groups with Rama and Miskitu teachers and students describe misogyny as a cultural trait. One

30 “Ahora ya no se puede andar tranquilo en las calles después de la cinco de la tarde.” Technical-school teacher, Waspam

30 Miskitu leader in Waspam said, “Miskitu feel that men can control their wives and daughters. They can tell them to avoid school and they can abuse them. Many Miskitu men believe that educating women or telling men they can’t ‘discipline’ their wives is an attack on their culture. They view their gender roles as they view their language: a part of their culture.”

Figure 35: Sexual crimes per 100,000 inhabitants (Policía Nacional, 2016).

160

140

120

100

0 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

RAAN RAAS Managua Chinandega National

There is evidence of school-related abuses toward both sexes, but little evidence that it is School-Related Gender-Based Violence (SRGBV). In fact, it seems most GBV happens outside of schools. SRGBV are acts or threats of sexual, physical, or psychological violence occurring in and around schools. It is perpetrated because of gender norms, stereotypes, and inequalities. A United Nations report (UNGEI, 2015) says that Nicaraguan girls “regularly experience sexual harassment in schools and ‘sexual blackmail’ related to grades.” However, there was not much evidence from focus groups describing SRGBV, although bullying in schools was frequently reported among student focus groups. Victims were described as both male and female while perpetrators were identified as both other students and teachers. Focus group discussions with girls did not report any additional bullying for girls. In fact, many students associated bullying with teacher bullies, not student bullies. Independent research carried out in 2010 (Lucio, 2010) alerted MINED to school bullying, they in turn ordered work on this issue. However, it was clear from focus group discussions with teachers that they still have no idea how to address the problem.

The harassment, bullying, discrimination, and corporal abuse towards youth that was reported in the study sites mainly occurred at home or in the streets, not in school. One female student in Waspam said, “Women are abused and harassed the most at their jobs and at home by their partners.”31 That does not mean it is not

31 “Las mujeres son las más afectadas con los acosos cajeros, en sus puestos de trabajos y en el hogar por parte de su pareja.” Female student in Waspam

31 happening in schools, just that the RERA did not uncover ample evidence of it. The TERCE study (UNESCO, 2015) asked sixth grade boys and girls in Nicaragua if they experienced psychological bullying in school, many said they had. However, the discrepancy among boys and girls reporting this was minimal: only a few more girls than boys affirmed it occurred. This seems to reinforce that, while SRGBV happens, GBV is much more prevalent outside of schools. The lack of evidence of SRGBV in study site schools could also reflect the RERA’s limited data collection on the topic. For a more accurate depiction of this phenomenon, a more representative survey should be carried out that implements full ethical precautions during data collection. Such an elaborate undertaking was beyond the scope of this RERA.

Teen pregnancy is a major risk for girls and affects their ability to attend or perform well in school. Nicaragua has the highest teen pregnancy rate in the western hemisphere, at 28 percent (UNFPA, 2013). Discussions in study sites show that teen pregnancy frequently forces teenage women from school or causes them to underperform in class as they juggle parenting with studies. This can also impact the young men who father these children, as they are often forced to drop out of school to earn money to provide for their child. A teacher in Waspam said, “When girls get pregnant they have to drop out of school because their parents refuse to support them. In the case of boys, they have to drop out of school and assume the role of the father and work.”32 According to the World Economic Forum (2017), 35 percent of women aged 20 to 24 years were first married or in union before age 18. Other times, a woman is left to raise the child by herself. Despite the risk of teen pregnancy, focus groups consistently listed the need to work and disinterest in school as more important risks to school attendance. Teachers and school officials said in KIIs that they did not believe that schools had policies that prevent or hinder pregnant girls from attending class, in fact most thought that schools generally accommodate pregnant teens or teens with children. Students also believed this. Some subvention schools in the study sample had lessons in family planning, though the prevalence of this in other schools was unclear.

Despite many disadvantages, girls are still generally better educated than boys in many areas. Figure 36 shows that more females than males are enrolled in both primary and early-secondary schools. Again, notice the large drop-off from primary school enrollment to secondary school enrollment. There are more females graduates as well (UNESCO, 2017). As we have seen, girls in the Caribbean regions face greater disadvantages than girls in the pacific regions, but despite this, Figure 37 shows that female students consistently outperform male students in Bluefields in reading performance. The Latin American Laboratory for Assessment of the Quality of Education (LLECE) shows similar trends at a national level, although boys are performing better in some subjects, such as math and science. In fact, despite all of the disadvantages for women in Nicaragua, it is still the sixth highest rated country according to the Global Gender Gap Index (World Economic Forum, 2017). This index is based on health, economic, political, and education criteria and Nicaragua’s high

32 “Cuando quedan embarazas en casos de las chavalas se ven obligadas a abandonar la escuela porque los padres se desligan de la responsabilidad de ellos. En caso de los chavalos abandonan la escuela porque tienen que asumir su responsabilidad de padre y trabajar.” Technical teacher in Waspam

32 rating is largely because of women’s national education standards. UNDP’s (2016) Gender Inequality Index, which weighs labor force participation more strongly than it weighs education, ranks Nicaragua at 124th out of 188 countries.

Figure 36: Adjusted net enrollment rates, 2010, % (UNESCO, 2018).

100

0 Primary male Primary female Lower secondary male Lower secondary female

Figure 37: Reading abilities by gender, % (author’s rendition of EDUQUEMOS y IBIS Din., 2015).

70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

Male Female

LGBTI people face discrimination in general and in schools, especially transgender individuals. In Nicaragua, homosexuality is legal and homosexuals are permitted to adopt children, serve in the military, and be free from housing or employment discriminated. At the same time, gay marriage is still illegal. This reflects a general antagonism from many Nicaraguans towards gay and lesbian couples. As a result, these couples face more harassment than heterosexual individuals. At the same time, gay and lesbians are discriminated against less than transgender people. Changing gender and undergoing conversion therapy are both illegal in Nicaragua. However, a focus group discussion with transgender Nicaraguans reveals deeper discriminations. Transgender individuals say they cannot attain normal employment so are forced to work in the sex industry. One trans-female said, “Currently, most of us are

33 sex workers, which exposes us to violence and abuse.”33 Another trans-female said the education system discriminated against her, “I tried to take the Sandino II education program, but the teachers and the Ministry of Education delegate didn’t allow me. I couldn’t wear my makeup, high heels, or use my name. So, I only studied until my second year.”34 Another trans-female added, “Even if we finished school we wouldn’t be able to work.”35

Students and teachers from the study sites, especially in the RAAS, believe there is ethnic discrimination against afro-descendant and indigenous students, but the severity is unclear. The issue of discrimination was not frequently raised as a risk factor in the focus groups. Focus groups in the Pacific sites, which were comprised completely of mestizos, did not feel discrimination was a major factor. This is unsurprising since both Somotillo and Ciadad Sandino are relatively monoethnic. In the RAAN sites, where Miskitus make up the vast majority of the local population, students also did not feel discrimination was a major issue. When Miskitu students were asked if they faced discrimination, one looked around and said, “By whom? We’re all Miskitu.” That said, according to several KIIs, many Miskitus feel less confident when among mestizo, or “white,” Nicaraguans at school or in the job market. The RAAS, which is the most ethnically diverse region of Nicaragua, showed more signs of ethnic discrimination. A Bluefields student of afro-descent said he has been frequently singled out for his appearance: “They told me, ‘you’re blacker than coal’ or ‘you have wire hair.’”36

There was a general perception in the RAAS that afro-descendant and indigenous students faced educational and socio-economic challenges not faced by mestizo students. For example, in Bluefields, afro youth are prejudged to be most likely involved in crime and violence. Or, as one Creole leader in Bluefields remarked, “It’s ironic that afro-descendants are the minority, but if we visit the jail, 80 percent of those held are afro-descendants.”37 Teachers and school officials said that minority language speakers – afro-descendants speak English, Miskitus speak Miskitu, and Ramas speak Rama – were at a disadvantage in school because they were compelled to learn in Spanish. One principal in Bilwi said this was because of insufficient resources, not intentional discrimination: “We teach in Miskitu and creole when we can. Our education is multi-cultural. We also have some books in Miskitu and English, but most textbooks are in Spanish.” In all, the Nicaragua RERA’s methodology did not include a sufficiently large sample size to understand the breadth and severity of ethnic discrimination in schools or in the community more generally.

33 “Actualmente la mayoría de nosotras somos trabajadoras sexuales, lo que nos expone a la violencia y el maltrato.” Trans-female in Ciudad Sandino 34 “Yo intenté llevar el programa educativo Sandino II. Los profesores y el delegado del Ministerio de Educación no me dejaban. No podía llevar maquillaje, tacones, ni usar mi nombre, solo pude estudiar hasta 2do año.” Trans-female in Ciudad Sandino. 35 “Y Aunque lográramos terminar los estudios no podríamos trabajar.” Trans-female in Ciudad Sandino. 36 “Me dijo ‘Eres más negra que el carbón’, o ‘tienes el pelo de alambre’.” Youth in Bluefields. 37 “Es irónico que los afrodescendientes somos un grupo minoritario, pero si vamos a las celdas preventivas de la Policía Nacional el 80% de los detenidos son afrodescendientes.”

34 15. Resiliency factors Nicaragua’s educational system helps reduce the risk factors described in this report in a variety of ways, but these efforts are disjointed and inconsistent. The Nicaragua RERA did not carry out a comprehensive assessment of risk reduction activities carried out in Nicaraguan schools. As a result, the breadth of risk reduction programs or the level of risk management in the national or regional curriculums was not analyzed. That said, the research team did ask interviewees and focus group participants about risk reduction programs in schools. They found there are very few mandated programs within the public education system specifically geared towards reducing risk factors. However, many schools have programs, either run independently or through partners, to raise awareness of risks and help students and teachers manage them. According to school officials, some schools are more proactive than others in reducing students’ vulnerability to risk. Several of the subvention schools had active programing in risk reduction, but this was particular to those schools and not consistent among most schools. That said, there are several examples of how the public and private educational system helps reduce each of the risk factors described in this report, including: • Educational attainment and improved performance in school is generally associated with higher incomes and better employment opportunities (UNICEF, 2015). According to a survey in Bluefields, 89 percent of youth feel that education helps them find employment, which reduces poverty and the need to migrate (Ashwill and others, 2016). • School observations show school grounds are relatively safe spaces where crime, violence, gang activity, and drug consumption do not take place (at least not during class hours). Even in troubled public schools, this is the case. Moreover, many schools have educational programs, often in partnership with the police, to inform youth about the dangers of these risks. Still, most schools do not have consistent risk reduction training. • Schools often serve as centers for health vaccinations and disaster response training according to interviews. SINAPRED mandates that all public schools carry out disaster emergency trainings, though, as discussed, there is some criticism among students and teachers that these trainings are not always helpful or relevant. • Interviews with school officials show some schools, particularly subvention schools, make specific efforts to educate on gender, family planning, and ethnic discrimination. Unfortunately, these types of efforts are not common across all schools.

Home is the most commonly cited risk-free environment, though domestic violence is a threat for some youth. When student focus groups were asked to identify through community maps where they felt the safest, the most frequent answer was “at home with my family.” One female student in Bilwi remarked, “I feel safe at home. My mom makes me feel safe.”38 However, this is not true for all children. Issues like migration and violence in the home can have detrimental impacts on children. The

38 “Me siento segura en mi casa. Mi madre me hace sentir segura.” – Female student, Bilwi

35 Nicaragua RERA was not designed to gather primary data on violence in the home because of its limited methodology and for ethical reasons. As such, the RERA did not gauge the prevalence of interfamilial violence. That said, as discussed, there is ample evidence that it is common. In these unfortunate cases, the safest place for youth is not at home.

Students have mixed feelings about the police’s ability to provide safety. Most students in FGDs said police made them feel safe, but they also said they were afraid of the police in certain instances. One university student in Somotillo voiced his discontent with the police in another way: “The police are the biggest cowards around. If you call them, they only show up once the danger has passed.”39 Another student in the pilot site in Managua40 said police do not intervene when delinquent youth are consuming drugs. It should be noted that these answers were collected prior to the current civil unrest, during which the police have been widely condemned for committing violence against protesters. As such, it is possible that views towards the police have deteriorated since this data was collected.

Specialized programs, like those supported by USAID programming, have been the most effective in reducing risk. There are many NGOs and community initiatives that reduce risk by specifically targeting the risks examined above. These institutions belong to the church, the government, civil society, international development organizations, and others (refer to Annex 2 for a more comprehensive list of institutions in Nicaragua working on youth and education issues). USAID, for its part, has also been effective reducing risk factors and improving reading performance and technical education particularly on the Caribbean coast through programs like EFS, BASES, CARS, and QTECC (Table 3). Key informants consistently mentioned the benefits from these programs. A 2015 evaluation of the Education For Success (EFS) program (Ashwill and others, 2015), for example, demonstrated the effectiveness of that program at reducing risk. A representative survey carried out for that evaluation shows that most EFS beneficiaries believe in the program’s effectiveness: • 80 percent believe EFS improves the quality of beneficiaries’ educational opportunities; • Over 90 percent believe EFS helps find employment for beneficiaries; • 96.5 percent of beneficiaries had increased aspirations and optimism; • 62 percent of EFS graduates said vocational training helped them find a job; • Only 3.4 percent of beneficiaries did not believe EFS helped their families; • After EFS, 86 percent of beneficiaries viewed drugs more negatively; • After EFS, 81 percent of beneficiaries viewed violence against women more negatively; • 77 percent of EFS beneficiaries believe EFS helped reduce teen pregnancy; and • 89 percent of beneficiaries believe EFS strengthens community cohesion.

39 “La policía es lo más cobarde que hay. La llamas y aparecerá cuando ya pasó todo.” University male in Somotillo. 40 The Jorge Dimitrov neighborhood in Managua.

36 Table 3: USAID programing benefitting youth and education.

Education for Success (EFS) Aims to keep youth in school and provide them life skills and vocational training to find jobs. Community Action for Reading Improves early grade reading outcomes and contributes and Security (CARS) to reducing insecurity in five municipalities of the RAAS. Better Approaches to Sustainable Improves early grade reading performance, provide Educational Services (BASES) alternative rural secondary education opportunities, and increase community participation and advocacy. Quality Technical Education in the Provides opportunities for technical education to at-risk Caribbean Coast (QTECC) youth in Nicaragua’s Caribbean region Cambia Ahora, Solo Hazlo Mobilizes communities in the prevention of youth (Change Now, Let’s Do It) violence and drug abuse on the Caribbean Coast and some municipalities in Managua. (INL-supported)

The public-school system is still the largest platform to support education in Nicaragua. As discussed, the public education system reaches the largest population of students by far. Besides providing education, as discussed, these schools also carry out a variety of risk-reducing programs. For example, SINAPRED mandates that public schools carry out disaster preparedness activities. The National Police also work with schools to educate children on the dangers of drugs and other risks. As a police officer in Waspam said: “We carry out many activities in the schools.” That said, many subvention schools are more effective at reducing risk. These schools carry out violence prevention courses and create lessons to build strong families and reduce gender- based violence. However, as already noted, a very small portion of the population has access to these schools. 16. Conclusions The ongoing civil unrest in Nicaragua threatens the country’s entire education system. The anti-Sandinista movement is led by university students, who have been met with violence. This has led to cancelled classes and insecurity across the country. However, if the protestors achieve their goal of removing the Sandinista party from power, the basic foundations of governance and education in Nicaragua would change. The Sandinistas control most branches of the government, including the ministry of education, which is a highly centralized and partisan institution. If that system were to change, there would be repercussions at all levels of education.

With the exception of political violence, crime and violence indicators have declined over the past few years. This is true in all regions, but especially notable in areas with traditionally high levels of crime, such as Managua, the RAAN, and the RAAS. Gang activity and drug use also seem to have not worsened, although drug and alcohol consumption remain high. These encouraging trends provide a respite for students who can more safely travel to school and avoid being swept up into delinquent activities. That said, crime and violence is still a threat that policy makers and law enforcement should continue to monitor with diligence. This is especially true with increased incidence of gun crime nationwide and evidence suggesting that land

37 disputes in the RAAN could become more violent. Thankfully, evidence suggests most crime and violence stays out of schools.

The true education risks seem to begin once students arrive at school. Not because students are unsafe or exposed to delinquent activities, but because public schools are dilapidated. Eighty-four percent of Nicaraguan students at all levels attend public schools. However, these schools are in ruin, especially in the Caribbean regions where classrooms lack roofs, supplies, and security fences. In these areas, at-risk youth are free to enter school grounds and distract students and generally disrupt learning. Teachers and administrators feel powerless to prevent this. Also, especially in the Caribbean, students and teachers often feel unsafe in classes during natural hazards. They say school buildings become flooded because of leaky roofs during heavy rains and some face serious risks of collapse. Moreover, schools lack proper supplies, like textbooks, didactic materials, and even desks for students. Teachers are insufficiently trained and are so underpaid most cannot even afford teaching materials. The government only invests between 2.5 and 4.5 percent of its already miniscule GDP in education, suggesting a lack of resources is the main problem. This is reflected in student performances, with Nicaragua lagging behind the rest of Latin America in enrollment, literacy, and other educational outcomes.

At the same time, family instability and violence in the home persist, threatening education outcomes. Migration, whether by youth to attend secondary school or by adults to find work, leaves children without parents or mentors to provide guidance or assist them in their studies. Several public-school teachers in the Caribbean complained of a lack of parent participation in students’ education. Interfamilial violence, domestic violence, and gender-based violence are also likely frequent, but the RERA did not delve deeply into these issues out of ethical concerns. Victims of domestic violence often face additional violence if abusers learn the victim is talking about it. Such research also requires a number of protocols and oversight from an ethics committee, none of which the Nicaragua RERA had time or resources to do. As such, this report only collected peripheral evidence on domestic disturbances. That said, the peripheral evidence is strong that most GBV occurs away from school, either at home or in the community. Also, teen pregnancy has emerged as a serious risk to education. Despite these challenges, girls are performing well in key education indicators compared to boys, meaning the educational gender gap in Nicaragua is smaller than most low- income countries.

Recommendations Recommendations for USAID largely hinge on how the current civil unrest concludes. More specifically, recommendations depend on if the instability persists, if the governing party changes, or if conditions return to the status quo. Depending on which of these outcomes occurs, USAID’s response could be very different. US government agencies are prevented by US policy to directly support the Sandinista government. This prevents USAID from directly supporting the country’s public schools, which, as discussed, is the largest platform to support education and reduce youth risk. Because of this, as long as USAID is unable to work directly with public schools, the number of students they can

38 reach with their programs will be limited. The following recommendations are meant to be applicable regardless of how the current civil unrest is resolved.

USAID can continue with current programing. This programming largely concentrates on supporting NGOs to reduce educational risks in the Caribbean regions, which have poorer schools and higher levels of crime, poverty, and unemployment. At the same time, as shown above, the autonomous Caribbean regions have faced less of the current civil unrest than the Pacific regions. In this sense, it is convenient that USAID already focusses many of its education efforts in the RAAN and RAAS, since they have not been disrupted as they may have been in Managua, Masaya, or other regions that have seen more political violence. Moreover, programs such as EFS, BASES, CARS, and QTECC have largely been effective in reducing risk and achieving USAID’s education goals, namely to improve primary-level reading, increase youth employment, and improve access to education in crisis and conflict environments. Continuing to work in the autonomous regions allows USAID to continue supporting priority areas while minimizing its exposure to the civil unrest.

There are opportunities for USAID to expand programming into other regions and manage other risks. These include:

• Expanding support to high-risk areas in the Pacific regions. This would include areas in and around Managua that suffer from gun violence, and parts of the north such as Chinandega, Estelí, Madriz, and Jinotega. The north is vulnerable to many of the same risks as the Caribbean, including poverty, unemployment, and crime. But, it also faces additional risks such as drought, possible mara influence from Honduras,41 and various forms of trafficking across hundreds of border “blind spots.” Each of these risk factors has potential implications on education. As such, programs that USAID has shown success in supporting, could function well in the Pacific, for example Education for Success. However, implementing these programs in the Pacific would require new partners, since Sandinista-affiliated organizations are more prominent there and USAID does not currently work with many local NGOs in those regions. Luckily, there is no shortage of potential partners, examples include: Vida Joven, Fundación Padre Fabretto, Association for Survival and Local Development (ASODEL), and the Nicaraguan Institute to Promote Humanity,42 among many others (refer to Annex 2 for a more comprehensive list).

• Supporting families impacted by migration. As discussed, migration is having detrimental impacts on family stability and cohesiveness. Students in rural areas around Waspam are travelling to Waspam to continue their studies, but without parents or committed guardians. Also, parents in Bluefields are migrating to other parts of Nicaragua, often leaving their children behind in Bluefields without proper guidance. USAID could expand its mission to support youth impacted by migration and divided families. There are groups already working in this area that

41 For more on potential mara influence in the north, refer to the 2016 Nicaragua Youth Assessment (Ashwill, 2016). 42 Asociación para la Sobrevivencia y el Desarrollo Local (ASODEL); Instituto Nicaragüense de Promoción Humana (INPRHU).

39 USAID could support, for example the Group of former Youth and Adolescent Migrants (GEMAJ).43 • Working with the most at-risk, delinquent youth. Currently, USAID focusses efforts on at-risk youth but not delinquent youth, or those involved, or previously involved, in gangs, crime, and drug use. However, there are many potential groups USAID could support in these areas. In the Caribbean, potential partners include Fundación MARIJN in Bilwi and the Occupational Center for Youth and Adolescent Prevention and Rehabilitation (COPRAJ)44 in Bluefields.

If civil unrest or democratic change leads to a different ruling party, USAID could change its country engagement model to more directly support public schools and the Ministry of Education. Such political changes would allow USAID to act in its traditional role of helping develop state institutions, something it is not permitted to do while the Sandinistas control the government. As such, the government would become a client rather than an adversary. USAID could engage in three new ways: • First, USAID could work directly with the Ministry of Education to build their capacity and modernize their curriculum and delivery systems. This support would extend to both the Caribbean and Pacific sides of the country. • Second, USAID could help rebuild the dilapidated public-school system. This would include building schools, making them safer, and constructing better learning environments. It could also include an initiative to deliver supplies, such as textbooks, libraries, and computer equipment. As observed during fieldwork, all of these things are severely lacking in public schools. • Third, USAID could support MINED to expand secondary schooling. Currently Nicaragua puts most of its few resources into primary education, while almost completely neglecting secondary schools. If USAID were able to work directly with the government, they could invest in post-primary education. This would contribute to improved reading and skills development. Finally, education can play in important role in healing the country once the current political unrest concludes. Education can help bring stability and routine back to society. It can also heal old wounds by minimizing trauma for children who have experienced political violence firsthand. This can happen through school-based counseling and awareness raising. Moreover, efforts to improve education are goals that all of society can support.

43 Grupo de Ex Migrantes Adolescentes y Jóvenes (GEMAJ) 44 Centro Ocupacional de Prevención y Rehabilitación para Adolescentes y Jóvenes (COPRAJ)

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44 Annexes

Annex 1: Climate risk vulnerability maps (GFDRR, 2009).

45 Annex 2: Institutions in Nicaragua working with youth and on education.

CLASSIFICATION INSTITUTION PURPOSE

Implements programs and policies aimed at Ministerio de la Juventud / Nicaraguan youth and coordinates youth initiatives Ministry of Youth (MINJUVE) among the various state institutions.

The Iniciativa 0-20 (the 0-20 Initiative) within the Ministerio de Salud / Ministry Ministry of Health provides information to young of Health (MINSA) people on sexual, preventative, and reproductive health. Defines and promotes preventive measures for at-risk youth. These measures aim to promote, protect, and Dirección de Asuntos defend the human rights of children, young people, Juveniles de la Policía and adolescents. The purpose is to promote “respect, Nacional (DAJUV) / the equality, and a culture of peace.” DAJUV is National Police’s Youth responsible for the Modelo de Prevención Policial Affairs Division Proactivo y Comunitario (the Model of Proactive and Community Prevention), a risk prevention program that targets disadvantaged, at-risk youth.

Home to at-risk youth, or youth involved in gangs, Centro Juventud de la drugs, alcohol, and prostitution, or other risk factors. Policía Nacional / The The center is responsible for providing technical National Police’s Youth education to young people to aspire for a better Center quality of life. A national coalition of more than thirty organizations Coalición Nacional Contra la nationwide that focuses on combating human Trata de Personas / National trafficking. It provides shelter and supports the social Government Coalition Against Human and professional integration of human trafficking Trafficking victims into society.

Justicia Penal Especial de Adolescentes / Special A special court for youth composed of 14 district Criminal Justice for criminal courts in all of the country’s judicial districts. Teenagers

The commission coordinates public and private entities related, directly or indirectly, to the situation of Comisión Nacional de youth. Its main function is to ensure compliance Juventud / National Youth among these entities with national laws and Commission regulations and the integration with the Política Nacional para el Desarrollo Integral de la Juventud (National Policy on Integrated Youth Development).

La Educación en Valores del Regulates and organizes the school system’s teacher Ministerio de Educación trainings and educational services. It also participates (MINED) / Ministry of in el programa de Salud Sexual y Reproductiva (the Education’s Values program of Sexual and Reproductive Health). Education

Supports activities under the Sistema Educativo Autonómico Regional (SEAR) (Regional Autonomous

46 Education System), which focuses on intercultural, bilingual education. Attached to the Regional Secretaría Regional de Governments of the RACCS and RACCN, it designs Educación / Regional public policy to promote and defend the educational Secretariat for Education rights of Caribbean youth.

It comprises various mechanisms that support youth initiatives. These include: the Consejos Municipales de Adolescentes y Jóvenes (COMAJ) (Municipal Alcaldías Municipales / Councils of Adolescents and Youth), las Casas Municipal Hall Municipales de Adolescentes y Jóvenes (Municipal Youth and Adolescent Houses), and las Casas de Cultura (Cultural Centers).

The institute carries certificate courses in technical Instituto Nacional de la and vocational training (cooking, carpentry, bakery, Tecnología (INATEC) / auto mechanics, and naval mechanics). Private National Technological companies and other institutions recognize the Institute certificates.

Procuraduría Especial de la Created in 2000, this institution is designed to Niñez y la Adolescencia / promote the rights of children and adolescents. It Special Procurator for ostensibly does this by promoting, “the state, the Children and Adolescents family, society, and the community.”

Works on preventing human trafficking in the territories. It's a local network that coordinates among government institutions. The board includes Mesa Contra la Trata de representation from government ministries, the Personas / The Board national police, municipal governments, la Dirección against Human Trafficking de Migración y Extranjería (the Immigration Directorate), Gabinetes de Familia (CPCs), and la Juventud Sandinista (the Sandinista Youth).

Casa Municipal de Responds to the needs of youth and adolescents by Adolescentes y Jóvenes providing spaces to contribute to the youth’s personal (CAMAJ) / Municipal Center development. These are managed by the Alcaldías for Youth and Adolescents Municipales.

Helps define policies and programs to reduce UNICEF violence against youth and provides protective environments for excluded youth. It is adapted to the Project "Protection and full United Nations System context of indigenous communities. The program is participation in the supported by various government institutions, development of including: los Gabinetes de Poder Ciudadano (CPCs), adolescents" el Instituto de la Juventud (the Youth Institute), el Sistema Nacional de Universidades (the National

47 University System), and the ministries of Health, the Public, Families, and Education.

Intervention strategies related to sexual and reproductive health. These are supported by the Police Academy, las Comisarías de la Mujer y la UNFPA Niñez (CMNs), and the Ministries of Youth, Health,

Finance, Interior, and Education. It aims to coordinate Sexual and Reproductive youth policy among states institutions and youth Health Program groups. The program is national in scope but

emphasizes certain municipalities in the Caribbean and Pacific border regions.

World Bank The World Bank and IADB are development banks that specialize in providing grants and loans to the Nicaraguan government to eradicate poverty. At the Multilateral Banks Inter-American Development moment, neither has a major investment loan (their Bank (IADB) main financing tool) specifically aimed at youth, although youth issues are components within their national work programs. USAID helps finance a number of youth-related programs through civil society organizations in Nicaragua. These include: the Education for Success program implemented by FADCANIC, the Community Action for Reading and Security (CARS) program, the US Agency for International Better Approaches to Sustainable Educational Development (USAID) Services (BASES) program, the Quality Technical Education in the Coastal Caribbean (QTECC) US Government program, and additional activities designed to vocational training and democracy and governance programs, all in the Caribbean regions. These programs are described separately below. INL sponsors the Cambia Ahora, Solo Hazlo (Change International Narcotics and Now, Let’s Do It) campaign that helps mobilize Law Enforcement Affairs communities in the prevention of youth violence and (INL) drug abuse on the Caribbean Coast and some municipalities in Managua. . Puntos de Encuentro / Programs to reduce machismo and support the rights Meeting Points of young people. Instituto de Estudios Estratégicos y Políticas Think tank concentrating on youth violence and Públicas (IEEPP) / Institute security. of Public Policy and Strategic Studies National NGO'S Instituto Nicaragüense de Promoción Humana Works to improve education, employment, living (INPRHU) / Nicaraguan conditions, and participation. Supports local Institute to Promote government. Humanity Promotes youth employment, sexual and reproductive Movimiento Comunal rights, HIV prevention, and secondary technical Nicaragüense / Nicaraguan education. Includes education initiatives for youth and Communal Movement youth gang leaders.

48 Grupo de Ex Migrantes Adolescentes y Jóvenes Strengthening the ability of adolescent women, young (GEMAJ) / Group of former migrants and their families to defend their rights. Youth and Adolescent Operates in Cardenas in the Department of Rivas. Migrants Asociación para la Promotes urban and rural social and educational Sobrevivencia y el development for youth. Builds the capacity of Desarrollo Local (ASODEL) / community leaders and civil society groups. It Association for the Survival operates in the north-central border areas of and Local Development Nicaragua. Instituto de Liderazgo de Includes a scholarship program for rural youth. Las Segovias / Leadership Concentrates its work in Nueva Segovia. Institute of the Segovias Instituto de Formación Works on violence prevention for at-risk groups. Permanente (INSFOP) / Currently serving five groups of urban adolescents in Institute of Permanent District One of Estelí. Training

Organizes youth training camps and retreats. It is Local NGOs Vida Joven / Young life present in Estelí and Chinandega, among other departments.

Works with children and at-risk youth. Addresses issues of violence in schools and provides Fundación Padre Fabretto / psychological treatment for children. Based in Estelí Father Fabretto Foundation but has a national scope, reaching Madriz, Somoto, Managua, and some interior communities in the Caribbean regions. A soccer academy with more than 400 youth players Real Estelí of both sexes, who are also enrolled in school. Based in the city of Estelí. Coordinates anti-violence initiatives among local Red Local Contra la actors and various state institutions such as MINSA Violencia / Local Anti- and MINED. It is present in the northern border Violence Network regions, with its greatest presence in Estelí.

Red de Jóvenes Indígenas / Group of youth and adolescents that promotes the Network of Indigenous rights of indigenous youth. They also manage Youth indigenous-related cultural projects.

Centro Ocupacional de Prevención y Rehabilitación para Adolescentes y Jóvenes (COPRAJ) / Founded in 2010, provides vocational activities and Occupational Center for psychological support to youth addicts. Youth and Adolescent Prevention and Rehabilitation NGOs of the Caribbean A nonpartisan, nonprofit civil society organization Region Fundación para la based in Bluefields, RACCS. Aims to improve the Autonomía y Desarrollo de quality of life of the Caribbean people by improving la Costa Atlántica de equity, education, development, and social justice. Nicaragua (FADCANIC) / Manages multiple programs related to youth Foundation for the development including the Education For Success Autonomy and Development program, which aims to keep youth in school and of the Atlantic Coast of provide them life skills and vocational training to find Nicaragua jobs, and the Wawashang Center for Technical

49 Education, which provides technical training to Nicaraguan youth on themes like agro-forestry.

Acción Medica Cristiana Implements health and development programs in poor (AMC) / Christian Medical communities, with an emphasis on women, children, Action and adolescents.

Centro por los Derechos Supports human rights and sexual and reproductive Humanos Civiles y health initiatives for women and youth. Autonómicos (CEDEHCA) / Center for Civil and Autonomous Human Rights Community Action for Improves early grade reading outcomes and Reading and Security contributes to reducing insecurity in five municipalities (CARS) of the RACCS. (Not an NGO; USAID funded) Aims to improve early grade reading performance, Better Approaches to provide alternative rural secondary education Sustainable Educational opportunities, and increase community participation Services (BASES) and advocacy. (Not an NGO; USAID funded) Quality Technical Education Provides opportunities for technical education to at- in the Caribbean Coast risk youth in Nicaragua’s Caribbean region (Not an (QTECC) NGO; USAID funded) Psychosocial care for women, children, and adolescents in situations of violence. It offers shelter Movimiento de Mujeres those at risk of domestic violence. Nidia White / Nidia White Women's Movement

Mesa de Concertación en A space for dialogue, coordination, and articulation on Juventud / Youth Dialogue youth themes among local institutions. Roundtable

Founded in 2008, the center promotes drug Centro de Atención prevention in schools and works to defend the rights Psicosocial (CAPS) / of youth in coordination with Ministry of Education. It Psychosocial Care Center also provides drug treatment options with the Ministry of Health. Funds local NGOs to increase youth participation and Fondo Cristiano Canadiense to prevent young people from getting involved in / Canadian Christian Fund gangs and delinquency.

Creative Associates Implements technical and vocational skills training in International Nicaragua.

International NGO’s Looks to rebuild families by providing support to at- Aldeas Infantiles SOS / SOS risk youth and their families. It also supports job Youth Villages searches by youth in coordination with the Ministry of the Family.

Works to empower youth against child exploitation Svalorna and trafficking.

50 La Asociación Proyecto Contributes to the integrated development of women, Miriam / The Project Miriam children, and adolescents. Supports social processes Association that lead to empowerment, multiculturalism, the fulfillment of human rights, and gender and generational equity.

Seeks to overcome poverty in the slums through joint TECHO actions with local youth volunteers. Operates throughout Latin America and the Caribbean.

Founded in 1992, it politically mobilizes youth to have Consejo de la Juventud / their voices heard in the country’s social, political, and Youth Council economic agenda.

Movimiento de Jóvenes National Youth Ambientalistas / Young Active in the public and private spheres for the Movements Environmentalists’ promotion of environmental citizenship. Movement

Youth and adults volunteering in non-formal education that also aims to strengthen families. It seeks Scouts integrated development approaches and continuing education for young people by stimulating their appreciation for the natural world.

Unión Nacional de Estudiantes de Nicaragua Student union organization with a broad national (UNEN) / National Union of reach. Nicaraguan Students Federación de Estudiantes de Secundaria (FES) / Secondary student organization with a broad national Federation of Secondary reach. School Students

Youth Movements Linked Promotes the organization and mobilization of young Movimiento Guardabarranco to the FSLN Political people as advocates and managers of the / Guardabarranco Movement Party environment.

Movimiento Deportivo Alexis Operates at the community-level to encourage youth Arguello / Alexis Arguello to participate in sports. Sports Movement

FSLN-mobilized youth organization.

51 Juventud Sandinista / Sandinista Youth Jóvenes Estableciendo Works with young people with an emphasis on STDs Nuevos Horizontes (JEHN) / and HIV/AIDS in Bluefields, RACCS. Youth Setting New Horizons

The roundtable comprises youth organizations of the Mesa de Concertación de Caribbean Coast. It aims to improve conditions for Juventudes / Youth Dialogue young people in the Caribbean by creating spaces for Roundtable dialogue, the implementation of joint actions, and an interchange of knowledge and experiences.

Youth Movements of The Multiethnic representation of various indigenous Caribbean Coast Asociación de Estudiantes communities focused on active student participation, de BICU / BICU Student sustainable development and the general welfare of Association. Caribbean Coast people. Sexual diversity organization working in HIV Movimiento de la Diversidad prevention, citizen participation, and public policy / Diversity Movement advocacy.

Asociación de Mujeres Nonprofit, nonpartisan, gender-focused organization Jóvenes Luchadoras / that aims to develop spaces for training, reflection, Association for the Struggle and informational exchanges on young women’s of Young Women rights and sexual and reproductive health.

Pastoral Juvenil Iglesia Joint work with pastoral youth services and Católica / Catholic Church universities on issues related to dating, sexuality, and Youth Pastoral Service responsible parenting. Consistent with Catholic doctrine. Pastoral Juvenil Iglesia Churches Evangélica / Evangelical Youth promoting the doctrines and moral and spiritual Church Youth Pastoral values of the Evangelical church. Service A very important institution for youth on the Caribbean Iglesia Morava / Moravian Coast. Promotes moral and spiritual values as Church dictated by doctrine of the Marovian church.

Bluefields Indian & Caribbean University (BICU) Both BICU and URACCAN are stakeholders in the process of providing opportunities and empowering young people. They do this through university Caribbean Universities La Universidad de las programs and by promoting the participation of youth Regiones Autónomas de la in public life as citizens and professionals. Each Costa Caribe Nicaragüense university is crafted to meet the needs of their (URACCAN) / University of multicultural student bodies. the Autonomous Regions of the Nicaraguan Caribbean Coast Programa de Jóvenes Emprendedores - Instituto para el Desarrollo Económico Social (INDES) / A program that organizes courses and provides Private Sector Young Entrepreneurs startup funds to young people to start businesses. Program - Institute for Economic and Social Development (INDES)

52 A Nicaraguan company owned by Nicaraguan and foreign investors. The company maintains operations on the Caribbean and the north-Pacific coasts of Central American Fisheries Nicaragua. The company implements internship programs with young graduates of vocational training programs, like that of FADCANIC.

Emprendedores Juveniles de Nicaragua del INDE (Instituto Nacional de A nonprofit organization that implements Desarrollo Empresarial) / entrepreneurship education programs aimed at young The National Institute for children and female heads of household. Business Development’s Young Entrepreneurs of Nicaragua