The Anthropology of Ritual: Monitoring and Stewarding Demonstrations in

Dominic Bryan

ABSTRACT: Rioting in Northern Ireland sometimes appears endemic. The control of pub- lic space, through the utilisation of rituals and symbols, has played a significant part in the violent conflict and has remained a central issue since the 1998 Multi-Party Agreement institutionalised the peace process. This article draws upon ethnographic research and anthropological models of ritual to explore policy interventions in con- flict resolution over potential public disorders. In particular, it looks at the use of mon- itors, mediators and marshals at parades and demonstrations and describes how anthropological fieldwork has played a role in developing projects and policies that offer solutions to a cycle of intercommunal street violence.

KEYWORDS: Northern Ireland, parades, conflict resolution, mediation, public order, riots, ritual, community policing

Public disorder in Northern Ireland appears to Jack flags opposing the civil rights demonstra- be endemic. Clashes between rival ethnoreli- tors. The RUC blocked the legitimate rights of gious political groups, Catholic/nationalists and protest of the civil rights activists and conflict Protestant/unionists, were common through between the activists and the police became in- the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The cities creasingly violent. As insecurity within com- of and , and towns such as Newry, munities grew, ethnic cleansing of Catholics and Lurgan have a long history of from Protestant areas and vice versa started to riots. These not only occur around an annual take place and territorial boundaries became cycle of commemorative parades and demon- more clearly demarcated. On 12 , strations held as part of local community tradi- after violent clashes following a parade by the tions but also at the boundaries of communal Protestant organisation the Apprentice Boys of territories. The collapse of Northern Ireland into Derry in the predominantly Catholic city of a period of civil conflict was in part triggered Derry, the British government ordered soldiers by the development of a civil rights campaign in to ‘keep the peace’. The quasistate of North- in 1967 that was manifested through demon- ern Ireland, riddled as it was with policies and strations that took routes into city and town cen- practices of sectarianism and discrimination, tres previously seen as the political preserve of was unable to provide an environment in which Protestant-unionists. A predominantly Protes- politics, manifested in public displays, could tant police force, the Royal Constabulary be managed peacefully. A low-level civil war (RUC), was not prepared to remove from town involving the British army, the RUC, the Irish centres small groups of unionists waving Union Republic Army (IRA) and loyalist paramilitary

Anthropology in Action, 13, 1–2 (2006): 22–31 © Berghahn Books and the Association for Anthropology in Action doi:10.3167/aia.2006.131205 The Anthropology of Ritual | AiA groups, the (UVF) and work and on an exploration of the nature of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) devel- crowds. Other projects discussed are attempts oped. The ultimate expression of the failure of by a range of local and international NGOs, lo- the state to manage the politics of the street cal community workers, the police and mem- came on 30 January 1972 when members of the bers of the abovementioned paramilitary groups British Paratroop Regiment shot dead thirteen to come to terms with ongoing conflict that re- people in the area of Derry at the end veals itself through serious public disorder. of a civil-rights march. Broadly speaking, these projects are interven- In the City of Derry in Northern Ireland on tions that it became obvious were necessary as 31 December 1999 preparations were in hand a reduction in organised paramilitary violence, to celebrate the turn of the millennium. Like after the ceasefires in 1994, was accompanied most local authorities in Ireland and the U.K. by an increase in public disorder. This disorder the council had prepared some festivities with was particularly associated with disputes over which to see in the new century. One aspect of the right of Protestant Orangemen to hold ‘tra- the organising was the provision of marshals ditional’ parades near areas with a predomi- to assist in the management of the expected nantly Catholic population, but also with the fact crowds. Some of these marshals were mem- that Irish Nationalist and Republican groups bers of the Apprentice Boys of Derry who had were allowed to hold parades and demonstra- recently undergone a national vocational train- tions in the abovementioned cities and town ing course in crowd management. That mem- centres. In short, there was a reorientation of bers of the Apprentice Boys were working with power relationships away from the domination the city council, which is controlled by Irish of public space by unionist groups towards a nationalist parties, is a small, but significant, more balanced approach. This led to restrictions indicator of the change of relationships that on some Orange parades in some areas but also has taken place in the city. The Apprentice Boys the development of events such as St Patrick’s of Derry hold marches in August and early De- Day in central Belfast (first held in 1998). cember in the city which remain events of high tension that not infrequently lead to some dis- order. However, much work has been under- From an Ethnography to Policy taken to build capacity into the city to try and manage the conflict. On 10 July 1995 the RUC in Portadown in In this article I propose to look at a number County Armagh refused permission for an an- of projects and training schemes which have nually held Orange parade to march from their attempted to build a capacity to manage pub- church service at Drumcree church back to the lic disorder in Northern Ireland. This has taken centre of the town via the Garvaghy Road, place within the context of the peace process where some protestors from the predominantly that culminated in the signing of the Multi- Catholic housing estate were holding a sit- Party Agreement in 1998 (also known as the down protest. In previous years the protestors ‘Good Friday’ or ‘Belfast’ Agreement). Two of had been removed. This decision was to start a the projects derive directly from fieldwork un- process that would lead to a series of infamous dertaken by Neil Jarman, Michael Hamilton ‘stand-off’ protests by Orangemen and support- and myself, on the nature of politics conducted ers, that required policing on a massive scale, in public on the streets of Northern Ireland.1 would directly and indirectly cost at least five These draw upon broad anthropological un- lives, cost millions of pounds, and eventually derstandings of the way rituals and symbols led to the government-sponsored Independent

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Review of Parades and Marches (North et al. those not likely to riot and would allow them to 1997), and a consequent change in legislation, move between the Land Rovers through police the 1998 Party Processions (NI) Act. lines. Neil Jarman and I were undertaking ethno- The marchers and their supporters were graphic fieldwork on parades through this pe- themselves a diverse group. The spokesperson riod. Jarman had worked on the material culture that day for the Apprentice Boys was also a deriving from the parades and marches (Jar- member of ’s Democratic Unionist man 1997a) whilst I was looking at the internal Party (DUP), but representatives of the Ulster ritual control of Orange parades (Bryan 2000). Unionist Party (UUP) were also present, occa- Whilst most press analysis was discussing ‘or- sionally in discussion with the police. Also pres- ange versus green’, with the police viewed as ent amongst the supporters were people from caught in the middle, we became interested in the UVF and UDA as well as members from the complexity of the events we were witness- their political parties, the Progressive Unionist ing and what implications this might have for Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) mechanisms of conflict resolution. respectively. In addition, a range of young peo- For example, on Easter Monday 8 April 1996 ple hung around, some of whom were drink- a small Apprentice Boys of Derry parade was ing alcohol. Other political representatives came refused permission to follow a route down the and went as the stand-off continued all day. length of the in Belfast, the lower It was clear that parade organisers had no part of which has a predominantly Catholic particular plans over when to finish the protest population. The parade was a ‘feeder parade’ or how to control what might take place. Vio- (Jarman and Bryan 1996: 19–20), with those tak- lence between police and protestors broke out ing part climbing on buses, parked at the other sporadically all day. Whilst it was the Appren- end of the route, to travel to the main parade tice Boys who were demanding their rights to that day in Portadown. Marchers and their ac- walk down the road, this rather elderly group companying band, numbering in total around of men were obviously not in a position man- eighty, and a small number of supporters gath- age the protest. Indeed, so disorganised was the ered at the line of police Land Rovers parked protest that I have since been told of a rumour across the Ormeau Bridge, blocking their route. that one of the organisers, when contacted by Alarge number of media reporters stood around, the police to negotiate, had gone home to have some behind police lines, others standing near a cup of tea. Control of the protest could be to but apart from the gathering crowd. Over seen to take place within a web of individuals on the other side of the River Lagan residents and groups including parade organisers, local looked on. As news filtered out that the parade politicians, the paramilitaries, the police, and had been blocked more people gathered. A groups of partially independent young men, number of people, including the local Quaker with the loose influence of journalists and ob- group and members of Mediation Network servers. One informant told me sometime after (now Mediation Northern Ireland), were pres- that at a particular point in the afternoon the ent in the hope of playing a role in mediation. paramilitaries decided to withdraw any con- Legal observers, working for the local human- trol they had. Serious violence erupted leading rights organisation Committee on the Admin- to the police going on the offensive and using istration of Justice (CAJ), were also standing on Land Rovers to drive protestors back up the both sides of police lines monitoring the behav- road. At one point I was caught between a iour of the RUC. And, of course, there were two stone-throwing group of young men and four anthropologists moving amongst these groups. rapidly advancing RUC Land Rovers. The well Police, for the most part, made decisions on known local mediator I was standing with

24 | The Anthropology of Ritual | AiA advised me to stand still and the police, recog- ing of the problem by the enquiry (North et al. nising his role, drove around him. Unfortu- 1997: 43) was influenced by reports we had writ- nately, I did not take his advice and I ran be- ten in 1995 and 1996 (Bryan et al. 1995; Jarman tween the vehicles and received a stone in the and Bryan 1996) and by work we were under- back for my troubles. The protest finally ended taking as the enquiry was underway (Jarman late in the evening having lasted the best part 1997b and 1999; Jarman and Bryan 1998: Jar- of twelve hours. man, Bryan, Caleyron and C. De Rosa 1998). It was clear to Jarman and I that the actual Whilst we remained interested in the legal im- organisers of the parade and protest had rela- plication of right to parade, and a more aca- tively little control over what was taking place. demic concern around power and the control Even the marching band that accompanied the of public space, we became more focused on parade spent part of the afternoon debating what an ethnographic analysis of confronta- with each other and with organisers how they tions, utilising theories of both ritual and the should proceed. Some members walked away nature of crowds, might offer in terms of sug- whilst others became involved in directly con- gesting processes of conflict resolution. fronting the police. This reflected the variety of We attempted to define some of the roles attitudes towards the RUC, a police force many being played by actors: police, participants, involved in the parade would normally have spectators/supporters, stewards (formal and been broadly supportive of. But given the di- informal, including paramilitaries), political versity of this relatively small group of protes- representatives, human-rights groups, solidar- tors, any negotiations the police might have ity groups, community-based groups, academic held with the organisers were only of limited researchers and journalists (Bryan and Jarman utility since the organisers were not going to 1999: 9–13). We were specifically interested in be able to deliver any sort of withdrawal from those people, groups and NGOs that define the confrontation. Indeed, this sort of situation themselves as not directly involved in what was is so common in Northern Ireland that in re- taking place, in other words a ‘third party’. As cent years, particularly in Belfast, the police, we looked at these groups it was clear that now renamed the Police Service of Northern some were more closely allied to parties to the Ireland (PSNI), know that they need to negoti- disputes than others. Some individuals and ate with the paramilitaries as well as the pa- groups set out to intervene with protagonists, rade organisers. including the police, as events happened, oth- Through 1996 and 1997 a political process ers were observers who sought to influence continued to develop that offered some hope what was taking place through ‘eye witness’ of bringing resolution to thirty years of violent reports to be published later. Within this ‘third conflict. Yet disputes over parades escalated party’ category it also became useful to include with violence reaching a crescendo in July 1996 the stewards or marshals at events because al- over the Drumcree parade. The British govern- though they may be part of the organising of ment was forced to introduce more soldiers on events, they sought to have specific responsi- public-order policing duties. As in 1969 an in- bility for what was taking place and, on occa- ability to deal with the politics of street protest sion, intervened in a manner that separated threatened any sort of political resolution. them from participants. Calls for local accommodation went unheeded To better understand the roles this range of and Sir Patrick Mayhew, the Secretary for State groups were playing we looked at the degree for Northern Ireland, announced an enquiry to which they intervened as events were taking into the regulation of parades in Northern Ire- place, their attempt to maintain some independ- land (see Bryan and Jarman 1997). The defin- ence, the privileges that could be sustained in

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terms of movement, particularly through po- might make the situation worse, particularly lice lines, and their relationships of power with the activities of journalists, there were signifi- other groups. For example, some of the legal cant possibilities in harnessing all of the types monitors, such as those from the CAJ, sought of monitors. Many of the groups offered the not to intervene at all on the day, and placed possibility of civic intervention into a conflict monitors on both sides of police lines but at- at least to mitigate the levels of violence and tempted to remain strictly independent from offer a context in which other processes of me- any of the groups involved. Their aim was to diation between parties might take place. observe police activities from a human-rights We thought it worth exploring examples perspective and make public reports after the from other parts of the world as well as attempt- events. This independent role was taken so se- ing to trace the history of third-party interven- riously that they would avoid crossing police tion in Northern Ireland (Bryan and Jarman lines, a privilege often offered to journalists 1999: 18–34). Whilst there is a longer history of and mediators, and would go so far as to make election monitoring, monitoring of public-order arrangements to use ‘neutral’ toilet facilities situations was harder to find material on. How- rather than those that might be offered by local ever, we utilised some valuable material from residents. On the other hand, a number of those South Africa, experience of legal monitoring in groups offering mediation would make it their the U.S. and some examples from the mine- business to engage directly with protagonists workers’ strike in the U.K. in 1984 and from at- and for them the ability to cross police lines tempts to control football fans in . Just provided the possibility of creating the ave- as interesting, the Central Citizens Defence nues of communication they were attempting Committee in Northern Ireland in the early to establish. So, for example, the two members 1970s attempted to mediate between Catholic of the Quaker group that attempted mediation communities, the British security forces and on the Ormeau Road were recognised by all Republican paramilitaries. The end of this ap- groups including the police and found it rela- proach is vividly described by one of those tively easy to move across the spaces either involved. side of police lines. However, a number of the We had missiles hurled at us by rioters; we were international observer groups that had appeared harassed by the Army; we were threatened by to align themselves with one of the parties, usu- military and paramilitary personnel alike; and fi- ally the residents groups protesting over the nally the gunmen and the bombers made it im- parades, found it harder to make such moves possible for us to continue our work of observing because of their relationship with the police and intervening. It became too dangerous on the streets. (Watson 1991: 9) and their anticipated reception by those (usu- ally the Orangemen) on the other side. The Over a decade later the Irish Network for observing anthropologists were also making Non-violent Action Training and Education decisions over their movements as, although it (INNATE) developed training models for ob- occasionally seemed an attractive proposition servers and organised observer teams on the to cross police lines, particularly when much Garvaghy Road between 1988 and 1993. Given of the activity seemed to be on the other side, the obvious difficulties in undertaking this work to do so defined you as having some relation- in the 1970s though to the mid-1990s, it was in- ship with the police and therefore potentially teresting that by the end of 1996 there was a made you unpopular with the crowd. proliferation of groups. In monitoring the proliferation of fellow In a report, Independent Intervention: Moni- monitors, it became clear to us that whist it was toring the Police, Parades and Public Order (Bryan possible that the activities of these observers and Jarman 1999: 35–64), we defined three

26 | The Anthropology of Ritual | AiA broad categories of groups, each with particu- the protests of resident groups members of Sinn lar aims and each suggesting particular policy Féin and the IRA were frequently present. developments: At the end of the report we recommended that 1. Legal Monitors. These are observers whose there should be greater use of legal monitors main aim is to monitor the application of the law to increase levels of accountability at public- by protagonists, usually from a human-rights order situations and that some of the new quasi- perspective, and particularly, but not exclusively, independent structures set up in Northern Ire- the police. In general this requires the monitor to land, such as the Northern Ireland Parades remain independent and impartial, such as CAJ, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, Commission (NIPC) and Northern Ireland Hu- although a number of groups that have under- man Rights Commission, could utilise field of- taken this role in Northern Ireland, such as Irish ficers to undertake such work. We suggested Parades Emergency Committee, are better de- that there could be greater use of community- scribed as solidarity groups. The mechanism based monitors to provide communication and nearly all such groups use is to witness what mediation during periods of tension and that takes place then, afterwards, undertake activities as a pressure group, producing reports and evi- there was a need to develop training in both of dence. For example, CAJ showed frequent exam- these areas but particularly for marshals (Bryan ples of police officers in public order uniforms and Jarman 1999: 67–70). not showing individual police identification numbers, thus making the police officer behav- iour unaccountable. A number of reports high- lighting this issue meant that that the RUC started ‘Community’ and ‘Policing’ to adhere more strictly to procedures (Commit- tee on the Administration of Justice 1996). Whilst The political institutions set up under the 1998 the monitors do not have a direct role at the Multi-Party Agreement have, for the most part, events, their visible presence can clearly have some influence on what is taking place. Observ- and for various reasons, not been working. In ers for CAJ always informed the police that they addition, tensions over parades and interfaces would be present at an event. have remained. In September 2005 Northern Ireland saw its worst rioting since July 1996 in 2. Mediation/Intervention Monitors. These monitors are willing to intervene on the ground and in a dispute over the Whiterock Orange parade particular are attempting to set up lines of com- that was rerouted from part of the Springfield munication. They are often individuals of some Road in west Belfast. However, the context has standing such as religious ministers or politi- changed appreciably. The reform process for cians. Whilst groups such as Mediation Northern policing, following from the Independent Com- Ireland work from an independent standpoint, mission on Policing, known as the Patten Re- other mediators garner legitimacy because they are from particular communities. People and port (Patten 1999), has led to significant changes. groups working in this role will try and develop Whilst the PSNI does not get support from relationships before and after events. across all communities, it does now carry the 3. Stewards/Marshals. Stewards at major public- support of some Irish nationalists in the form order events either garner legitimacy because of the Social and Democratic Labour Party they are seen as independent and present for (SDLP) who have taken their seats on the Po- public safety, as in the case of concerts or football lice Board. The PSNI have attempted to embed matches, or because they carry the authority of both human rights and policies of community the organisers. This second type is particularly policing through their organisation and the important with the organising of parades or pro- tests. The have always attempted number of Catholics joining has increased. In to marshal their parades, sometimes the loyalist addition, there have been significant acts of de- paramilitaries also act as marshals, and during commissioning of weapons by the IRA culmi-

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nating in the organisation announcing a ‘final and groups involved in mediation in the late act’ on 26 September 2005. The NIPC, as recom- 1990s are still involved. However, the NIPC, mended by the North Report (1997), has been under the 1998 legislation, were required to en- making ‘determinations’ on parades since 1998 courage forms of mediation practice. Although with the desired effect that the police, who for- this has been a difficult process, the use of merly made the decisions, are not under quite ‘Authorised Officers’ working on particular dis- as much political pressure. So whilst the broader putes has been reasonably successful. The Au- political climate has been difficult, there has thorised Officers not only collect information been a context within which new approaches to on the position of protagonists over a disputed managing public disorder might be developed. parade but they also inform the NIPC on the The use of legal monitors has developed in possibility of a mediated resolution before a an interesting way. There has been relatively lit- ‘determination’ is made. The Authorised Offi- tle legal monitoring undertaken by NGOs such cers are frequently present at the events and as CAJ since 2000. The high-profile parade dis- are often used to facilitate communication be- putes in Portadown and on the Ormeau Road tween the police and other parties. I know of a in Belfast have not attracted as many interna- number of examples when Authorised Officers tional monitors, in part, because the NIPC has have suggested solutions that have de-escalated not allowed the Orange Order onto the contro- tense public-order situations. Often this is by versial routes thus leaving the solidarity groups listening to the concerns of those involved in a with very little to monitor. However, as this parade and protest and suggesting a change in form of monitoring has declined, the NIPC, fol- police tactics. lowing our recommendations, developed a sys- A number of forms of monitoring cover the tem of legal monitoring. Under the 1998 Party territorial boundaries, known as interfaces, be- Procession (NI) Act the NIPC developed a code tween Catholic and Protestant communities. of conduct for those taking part in parades and The most widespread of these has been the use protests. This created a problem since it was of mobile phone networks. Frequently riots at not the role of PSNI directly to monitor that interfaces start with kids throwing stones and conduct. As such, the NIPC developed a sys- escalate when the police arrive to deal with a rel- tem of volunteer monitors, trained by a num- atively trivial incident. Under various schemes ber of us involved with Mediation Northern key individuals in communities have been given Ireland, to offer feedback on compliance with mobile phones with which to contact each other. any legal determinations made by the NIPC The idea is that these people, who are some- and the code of conduct. Whilst monitors are times ex-prisoners, use their influence to stop a asked ideally to make themselves known to small incident escalating. This system is rela- organisers of a parade or protest, and to carry tively cheap and simple although it does rely with them official identification, relationships on some trust developing between individuals between the NIPC and the Orange Order have on opposite sides of an interface (Hamilton been very poor so monitors have often observed 2001). without making their presence known. Whilst, The mobile phone networks utilise the legit- in my experience, this system still has not been imacy individuals have within their commu- used to its full potential, it has provided the nity. Another system of mediation monitoring, NIPC with detailed information that they can introduced at interfaces in east Belfast after se- utilise which is independent of the PSNI. rious disturbances, developed in the summer As significant has been the range of media- of 2002 (Byrne 2005). Mediation Northern Ire- tion practices that has developed at both parades land and the Belfast Interface Project were asked and interface areas. Many of the individuals by the Inner East Forum and the Short Strand

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Community Forum to set up a system of mon- (PIN) started having a presence at both local itoring where independent monitors would be interfaces and parades. This seemed to suggest placed on both sides of interface walls (Byrne that the usefulness of monitoring groups was 2005: 88). The project had the agreement of receiving acceptance even in the usually more and worked with the three major paramilitary sceptical Protestant community. With the proj- groups in the area, the IRA, the UDA and the ects mentioned above and others, there is now UVF. If an incident was reported then the mon- a significant resource of people who have ex- itors had contacts within the communities who perience as volunteer monitors. would attempt to de-escalate the situation. The The final category identified above was that monitors were not to intervene directly. Moni- of the use of stewards/marshals at events. The tors were deployed late through the night for need for stewarding appears in the 1998 pa- much of winter 2002/03 and then through much rades legislation which led the NIPC in autumn of the summers of 2003 and 2004. When large 1997 to ask a consultancy group, of which I events were taking place such the Battle of the was a member, to present a feasibility study on Somme commemorative Orange parade on 1 the possibility of steward training. Drawing July, the Eleventh of July night bonfires or the upon case studies in England, including Pre- Twelfth of July parades, over fifty monitors were miership football, and in South Africa under deployed, in teams, in different areas. The mon- the 1992 Peace Accord, the consultants argued itors, wearing fluorescent jackets and hard hats that developing stewarding of events in North- and communicating with walkie-talkies, placed ern Ireland would have the effect of empower- themselves between the police and protestors ing members of the community, help organisers from the Short Strand area and between those of events to live up to their responsibilities, re- parading and the police. I suspect it was prob- duce the need for large-scale policing, improve ably the most substantial monitoring of public the health and safety environment, enhance order by an independent organisation that has community-oriented policing and offer indi- ever been undertaken in Ireland or the U.K. vidual career development to the participants. The project appeared successful in that there After some inquires the Apprentice Boys of was a clear reduction of interface violence Derry agreed to undertake training, with a through the period of time it was in operation. safety trainer from Leeds United Football Club It is of course difficult to tell how much this qualified to develop a National Vocational was due to the project or just changing circum- Qualification (NVQ). Two local businessmen stances. At a number of parades it was agreed in Derry helped provide equipment for the that the presence of monitors in the Short Strand marshals. The training proved popular, not area meant that policing levels could be re- least thanks to the skill of the particular trainer, duced. However, the major parades in the area with those that took part and although there still require heavy policing and the dialogue have been some significant problems at the that it was hoped might develop between indi- Apprentice Boys’ parades in August and late viduals either side of the interface has been November, since trained stewards were first limited. It was also clear that on occasions used in August 1998, the atmosphere at the young people were manufacturing incidents to events has improved. have fun at the monitors’ expense and by 2004 This project influenced the Patten Report attitudes in the Loyalist/Protestant communi- (1999) on policing which recommended that ties towards the monitoring project saw the ‘it should be a condition of a parade that the initiative come to an end. organisers provide their own marshals’ (rec- Interestingly within Loyalist working-class ommendation 67) and that ‘marshal training areas of Belfast the Protestant Interface Network should be further developed, with an appro-

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priate qualification on successful completion ety had to face up to these problems and de- of the training’ (recommendation 68). Eventu- velop new solutions. ally, after some persuasion from Neil Jarman If, as I argued in my ethnographic research and another report (Jarman and Bryan 2000), a (Bryan 2000), we must examine the complex funding consortium that included the NIPC, power relationships involved in the control of the Community Relations Council and the De- Orange parades, then policy interventions partment of Culture, Arts and Leisure (DCAL) should take this into account. If ‘community financed a steward-training course at the Ty- policing’ were to be developed as a central pol- rone College of Further Education in Cooks- icy for the new PSNI then we needed to work town. Not only is this course taken by members out how ‘community policing’ approaches of the loyal orders, but the Gaelic Athletics As- would apply to public-order issues. What de- sociation (GAA) have also become involved. It veloped through this period was a whole range is my understanding that at least five hundred of responses, from new legislation to the use of people have undertaken the training. monitors and observers, to the empowering of people involved in the events themselves. It could be argued optimistically that, unlike in Conclusions the late 1960s, the state and, more broadly, so- ciety have adapted mechanisms through which Public rituals and their associated symbols to process the ongoing conflicts in public space. have for many years played a central part in Some of what has developed has happened de- the conflict in Northern Ireland. The most re- spite the state and has been based both within cent community-relations strategy from the communities and amongst activists, be they in- government, A Shared Future (Office of the First ternational observers or local politicians, inde- Minister and Deputy First Minister 2005), pendent mediators or community workers. recognises the importance of developing mech- But the agencies of the state, including the po- anisms that free ‘the public realm from threat, lice, have to some extent recognised these and aggression, and intimidation, while allowing adapted. for legitimate expression of cultural celebra- Anthropological enquiry provides me with tion’ (2.2, p.21). Given the history of inequality a framework with which to start looking at the in access to the public sphere (Bryan 2000); parades in Northern Ireland and ethnographic given the bipolar, apparently oppositional na- research is really the only available method for ture of so many of the commemorations and exploring the complex interactions around celebrations that take place; given the history public rituals. What I did not anticipate were of a Protestant-dominated police force; and the policy outcomes in the field of conflict res- given the role of paramilitary groups in vio- olution. Many of the above projects developed lently inscribing territory, attempting to man- as we watched what was taking place, but age conflict is a difficult process. Ethnographic some were deliberate interventions on the part research tells us of the complexity of many of of a number of us who were observers. ‘Polic- the rituals the dynamics of which are contained ing’ processes came from within communities, in a web of power relationships. For much of from within civil society and from the state. the period since the late 1960s the state has dealt with these issues through the massive Dominic Bryan is Director of the Institute of Irish use of physical force mobilised both by the RUC Studies, Queen’s University Belfast, and Chair of and the British army. During the developing Democratic Dialogue, Ireland’s first think-tank. peace in the 1990s it became obvious that soci- His email is [email protected].

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Note Jarman, N. 1997a. Material Conflicts: Parades and Visual Displays in Northern Ireland, Oxford: Berg. 1. Dr Neil Jarman is Director of the Institute for ——— 1997b. On the Edge: Community Responses Conflict Research in Belfast. Dr Michael Hamil- on the Civil Disturbances in North Belfast, June– ton is Lecturer at the Transitional Justice Insti- September 1996, Belfast: Community Develop- tute at the University of Ulster. ment Centre. ——— 1999. Drawing Back From the Edge: Commu- nity Based Responses to Violence in North Belfast, Belfast: Community Development Centre. References Jarman, N. and D. Bryan 1996. Parade and Protest: A Discussion of Parading Disputes in Northern Ire- Bryan, D. 2000. Orange Parades: The Politics of Rit- land, Coleraine: Centre for the Study of Conflict. ual, Tradition and Control, London: Pluto Press. ——— 1998. From Riots to Rights: Nationalist Parades Bryan, D., T. Fraser and S. Dunn 1995. Political Rit- in the North of Ireland, Coleraine: Centre for the uals: ‘Loyalist’ Parades in Portadown, Coleraine: Study of Conflict. Centre for the Study of Conflict. ——— 2000. Stewarding Crowds and Managing Bryan, D. and N. Jarman 1997. ‘Parading Tradition, Public Safety: Developing a Co-ordinated Policy for Protesting Triumphalism: Utilising Anthropol- Northern Ireland, Belfast: Community Develop- ogy in Public Policy’, in H. Donnan and G. ment Centre. McFarlane (eds) Culture and Policy In Northern Jarman, N., D. Bryan, N. Caleyron and C. De Rosa Ireland, Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1998. Politics in Public: Freedom of Assembly and 211–229. the Right to Protest: A Comparative Analysis, ——— 1999. Independent Intervention: Monitoring Belfast: Democratic Dialogue. the Police, Parades and Public Order, Belfast: North, P., O. Crilly and J. Dunlop 1997. Independent Democratic Dialogue. Review of Parades and Marches, Belfast: The Sta- Byrne, J. 2005. Interface Violence in East Belfast Dur- tionary Office. ing 2002: The Impact on Residents of Short Strand Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minis- and Inner East Belfast, Belfast: Institute for Con- ter 2005. A Shared Future; Policy and Strategic flict Research. Framework for Good Relations in Northern Ireland, Committee on the Administration of Justice 1996. Belfast: Office of the First Minister and Deputy The Misrule of Law: A Report on the Policing of First Minister Events During the Summer of 1996 in Northern Ire- Patten, C. 1999. A New Beginning: Policing in North- land, Belfast: Committee on the Administration ern Ireland, Belfast: Independent Commission on of Justice. Policing for Northern Ireland. Hamilton, M. 2001. Working Relationships: An Eval- Watson, J. 1991. ‘Observing the Sons and Daughters uation of the Community Mobile Phone Networks in of Ulster’, Dawn Train 10, no other references Northern Ireland, Belfast: Community Relations available. Council.

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