Britishjfournal of SociologyVolume 27 AfumberI MarchI976

Michael Burawoy

Consciousnessand Contradiction: a studyof studentprotest in

The underlyingquestion which has guided studies of studentprotestmay be formulatedas follows: why, given the ostensiblepurpose of the universityas an institutionfor the pursuit of research,teaching and learning, does it so frequentlybecome the focus of 'oppositional' politicalactivity ?Whyare students, whose defining activity is 'studying', so easily politicized?The thesis of this paper is that the university performsnot just a singlefunction but a multiplicityof functionsand it is the relationshipamong these functions that determines,at the structurallevel, the propensityto engagein politicalactivity. Second, the political consciousnessof the institution'smembers is determined not merelyby their roleswithin the universitybut by otherroles they held in the past, hold in the presentor anticipateoccupying in the future.Third, the outbreakof studentprotest must therefore be under- stoodas the outcomeof the interactionof a specificstudent consciousness and the structuralcontradictions which inherein the functionsof the

* @ unlverslty. Two broadorientations thread the literatureon studentprotest which reflectthe dualityof 'structure'and 'consciousness'.The firstsearches for originsand determinantsof variationsin studentconsciousness over time and amongdifferent populations. Typical of this approachare the numerousbackground and attitude studies, which frequentlyoffer socialpsychological schemes as theirmain focus of interpretation.lFew writersin this categoryfail to includethe 'generationalrevolt' and the developmentof a generationalconsciousness in their explanatory frameworks,while some present them as their major theme.2 The second orientation stressesthe 'structural'or 'ideological'conflict betweenuniversity and widersociety. Thus, Ashby considers the hostile social and politicalclimate which universitiesmay encounteron being transplantedfrom one society to another.3Ben-David and Collins4 arguethat conflictis morelikely where the universityexists to trainan elite for the purposesof reformingan incumbentleadership and pro- viding qualifiedpeople that do not alreadyexist in the country.Lipset 78 Consciotlsnessand contradiction: stadent protest in gambia 79 and Altbach5write that 'in developingcountries there is an intrinsic conflictbetween the universityand the society,thereby creating fertile groundfor studentpolitical awareness and participation'.Finally there are studieswhich continuallymove from one orientationto the other. A list of factors,associated with studentprotest, is presentedbut little attemptis madeeither to examinethe relationshipsamong factors or to point to thosewhich are the most significant.6 My objectivehere is to demonstratethe importanceof disentangling those factorswhich relate to the structuralposition of the university fromthose which relate to the politicalconsciousness of students.Only after consideringeach separatelycan we turn to the questionof their combinationand articulation.To facilitate the developmentof this frameworkI proposeto analysea singlecase of a confrontationbetween universityand government in Zambia.This is recountedin the following section.In the third sectionI examinethe multiplicityof functionsof the universityand the contradictoryrelations among them, while the fourthsection is devotedto studentconsciousness and its determinants. In the fifthsection I considerthe dynamicsof the interactionbetween student consciousnessand the structuralcontradictions in which the universityfinds itself. Finally I discussthe implicationsof this single studyfor the analysisof studentprotest in other countries. II Studentdemonstrations, since the inceptionof the Universityof Zambia in I966, had been invariablyin supportof governmentpolicy. Partic- ularly prominentin these demonstrationshad been the expressionof hostility towards Britain for her implicit or explicit recognitionof regimesto Zambia'ssouth-Rhodesia and SouthAfFica. Protest outside the BritishHigh Commissionhad become an annual event in which studentsritually affirmedtheir solidaritywith the nation's political leadership.July I97I saw a slight, but as it turned out significant, modificationof this tradition.Students protested outside the French Embassy,situated in the middleof (the capitalof Zambia),over the rightsgranted to South Africato manufactureMirage jet fighters. The policewere patently unprepared for the demonstration.Initially, weakin numbers,they couldonly watchstudents march on the embassy and hurl bricksthrough the glassbuilding. In the riot betweenstudents and police which ensued, behaviouron both sides was disorganized. Tear gas shells were fired haphazardlyinto buildingsand at milling students.As a resultthe centreof the city wasstrewn with teargas shells and gaseousfumes. At one point the commandingofficer, unable to dispersethe students,fired his revolverat a fleeingstudent, wounding him in the thigh.This was significant, as neverbefore had the policefelt it necessaryto use firearmson the occasionof a studentdemonstration. 80 Michaet Burawoy

By the end of the day, of the thousandor morestudents who partookin the demonstration,over fifty had been arrested,a number badly beatenup and one lay in hospitalwith a bulletlodged in his thigh.The police had sustainedno casualties. Popularfeeling, as expressedin the two nationaldaily newspapers, was enthusiasticallybehind the students. They were portrayedas nationalheroes while the police were condemnedfor their 'senseless' behaviour.'Politically and physicallyour policemenneed some re- educationin the best way to handle an innocent demonstrationby unarmedstudents' ( fimes of tambia, 8July I97I). Only the President failed to congratulatethe studentsfor 'theirshow of indignationat the Frenchaction . . . sharednot only by the Cabinetbut by manycitizens of this country' (imesof gambia, 8 July I97I). When he made a statementthree days later not only did PresidentIkenneth Kaunda fail to offer 'crowningglory' for the protestorsbut demandedthat in the futurematters of foreignpolicy 'shouldbe left in his hands'. Piqued at the rebuff from the head of state, the executiveof the student union signed an open letter to PresidentKaunda, accusing him of 'hypocrisy'and 'inconsistency'over his conductof relationswith South Africa.They attackedhim for 'communicatingwith the enemy' and that 'it was not fairfor one man, how greathe may be, to bearthe responsibilityof fightingthis injustice.We feel tllis is a people'sfight.' Despite midnightmeetings with the Vice Chancellor,the Ministerof Educationand the Alinisterof Home ASairs, the studentleadership insistedthat the letter be publishedand refusedto retractit. Such an open assaulton the integrityof the Presidentfrom a sectionof Zambian society was an unprecedentedact and, not suprisingly,led to un- precedentedevents. On the followingday, the publicationof the letter precipitateda nation wide mobilizationof the partyapparatus. It was incumbenton partyofficials at all levelsof tlle rulingUnited National IndependenceParty to stage a massive demonstrationof solidarity behindthe President.In all partsof the countrymen and womencame out to participatein 'massivedemonstrations against the students'.As one bannerheadline of the EimesofZambia put it 'Countrygoes on marchfor KK.' (In fact news mediareports on the size of the demon- strationswere considerablyexaggerated.) Wherebefore there may have been some dissentingvoices, now all students were implicated and they rallied behind their leadership. UNIP Youth publicly threatenedto invade the universitycampus. Studentsbarricaded themselves in, in preparationfor a seige. In the event a bloodbathwas forstalledwhen the 'marchon the university' was haltedhalf a milefrom the campus.A petition,handed to the Vice- Chancellor,from representatives of UNIP, demandedthe closureof the university,the expulsionof the studentunion executive who had signed the letterto the Presidentand the introductionof a pledgewhich would Consciousnesssed contradiction:student protest in tambia 8I commitstudents to theirstudies and theirabstention from 'politics'. At 4 a.m., the following morning, the military, the para-military,riot police and ordinary police surroundedand invaded the campus. Fifteenhundl ed studentswere herdedout of theirrooms at gun point. The universitywas pronouncedclosed and the student leadership expelled. Studentswishing to be readmittedwhen the universityre- openedwould have to reapply.On being accepted,they wouldhave to sign a pledge precludingthem from political activity. The students were then orderedto pack their bags and returnhome. The pressreferred to the studentsas 'gutlesswonders', puppeteered by 'studentdemagogues'; 'what manner of adolescentsare these ?' ( Timesof gambia,I 5 July I 97I ) . The tenor of the Governmentnewspaper was different,'One wouldhave expectedthat theseyoung men and women would have spent more time on preparingthemselves to give more to the countryand less on composingbadly writtenstatements insulting those who provide for them . . . And when they are forcedto cease hauntingthe townbars because their funds have run down,a greatdeal of their time is spent in listening to arm-chairpoliticians and fifth columnistswho have foundtheir way at the university,not to teach at the university,but to preachsubversion . . .' (DailyMail, I5JUly I97I). Until the closure,students and party in a series of responsesand counter-responseshad taken all the initiatives.Apart from the Vice- Chancellor,as far as I know, no lecturerhad beerlinvolved in any of the events.The President,who had remainedaloof, at least publicly, now entertainednegotiations with a committeefrom the academicstaff as to the futureof the university.In the days followingthe closure,the governmentattempted to legitimate its apparentlyunconstitutional behaviour.Stress was laid, ironicallyenough, on the illegalityof the originalstudent demonstration outside the FrencilEmbassy, presumably to avertany associationbetween the insultingof the Presidentand the closureof the university.Second, the universitywas portrayedas a 'hot bed of externalsubversion', the nation'sstudents had been led astray.To add supportto this view, the governmentdeported two of the mostpopular expatriate lecturers. The academicstaff, now threat- ened, in a public statementdeplored the latest action of the govern- ment. The governmentpress retaliated with attacks on 'those ex- patriateswho thoughtthey still ran the country' 'It is a government's prerogativeto keep in the countryonly those she wants to keep. We do not think it is fair for other busybodiesto tell us how to run the country.'(Daily Mail 22 July I 97I .) Six weekslater when animositieshad cooled,the two lecturershad been deported,the student leaders had 'apologised'(but remained suspended),the universitywas reopened.President Kaunda and the Ministerof Educationcame to the campuson separateoccasions to address the students. Both came with conciliatorymessages. The 82 MichaelBurawoy Presidenturged the studentsto distinguishbetween 'opposition':'We shouldlearn 'criticism'and from the unhappyevents of July.' III

I will now attemptto distil Som this data, the 'socialdrama' and Som other structuralcontradictions which were protest.This involves activatedby the student an examinationof the processes a small nation such as of changewithin Zambia, attemptingto escape Eom hegemony,and also the tensions colonial arisingfrom the transplantationof institutionSom one societyto another. an In any countrythe universityperforms a Butin thoselarger nations multiplicityof functions. with a long historyof university contradictionsamong functions are educatiorl, regulatedthrough a institutionalizedand therefore variegatedsystem of highereducation, Zambiathere is but a single whereasin universitywith only a small number subsidiaryunits of highereducation. of political A systemof highlydifferentiated and ideologicalstructures is able to arisingout of concealand managestrains functional incompatibilitiesthrough institutionalizationwhile in diffusion and Zambia a relativelymonolithic systemis less suited to contain political relatively potential conflict. The paucity of autonomousnational institutions tendto converge means that contradictions in a single organizationrather amonga number of than be dissipated organizations.This is not to say that such dictionsdo not occur or are not as contra- Indiabut importantin Europe,America or that they are morevisible in a therefore, countrysuch as Zambiaand for the socialscientist, that much What then are easierto analyse. the functionsof the university? assumptionthat the university Startingfrom the is a componentof the state and functionof the latteris to preserve that the have the cohesionof the entire inferredthree functionsof the society,I emphasizedin universitywhich are particularly the Zambiancontext but which salapplicability. nonethelesshave univer- First,there is the intrinsicfunction theuniversity trains accordingto which indigenousmanpower necessary for modernstate. Secondly,there is the running a whichthe symbolicfunction according to universityis one of a numberof statusof nationhood. institutionswhich signify the Thirdly,there is the solidaryfunction whichthe universityperforms an accordingto dominant integrativerole supportingthe political organsand abstainingfrom mentpositions. In Zambia oppositionto govern- there are relativelyfew institutions performthese functions and therefore which anyone the university'sfailure to of them is likelyto lead to some perform showbelow, crisis.Furthermore, as I shall thesefunctions are also mutually geststhat in the case of incompatiblewhich sug- Zambia, universitycrises are endemic.The processesthrough structurally which concreteindividuals become Consciousnessand contradiction: student protest in gambia 83

'agents'or 'carriers'of contradictions,and therebyprecipitate crises, are examinedin the fourthpart of the paper. Intrinsicfunction A headlinein one of the newspapersduring the July crisiscaptures the first functionof the university 'We rule, you learn' (DailyMail, I5 July I97I). The wew that studentsattend the universityto acquirea specific sort of knowledgeand, as a Ministerof Educationwarned studentsin I965, should'leave politicsto the politicians'is not merely a politicalresponse to the actualor potentialdevelopment of a student interestgroup. It is alsogrounded in the realitiesof a colonialheritage. The resultwas that at Independencethe scarcityof educatedAfricans in Zambiawas extreme.In Zambiain I964, therewere in totaljust over I,200 Africanswho had obtainedsecondary school certificates in the country aboutthe samenumber as in Kenyain I957, Ugandain I955, Tanzaniain I960 and Ghanain I943. The numberof Zambian graduatesat the same time was scarcelyI00.7 Scarcityof high-levelmanpower results in dependenceon expatriate personnel holding strategic positions in government,business and education.8By I97I the university'simpact on the nation'smanpower shortagewas only slight.In its five yearsof existencethe universityhad awarded246 degreesand 3I4 diplomas,though subsequently output has considerablyaccelerated. What specific adaptationshas the university'sintrinsic function elicited? Studentsare recruitedat an earlierstage in their secondary schoolcareer than in other countries.Confronted with an underdevel- oped schoolsystem, it was decidedthat a suitableperformance at the Ordinary Level of the General Certificateof Educationwould be regarded as the normal entrance requirement.The content and structureof coursesoperate on an Americancredit system with a view to producingteachers, government administrators and more specialized professionalssuch as doctors,lawyers and engineers.A quota system, applyingto the recipientsof governmentbursaries, directed students to specificdisciplines and upon graduationto specificjobs, to ensurecon- gruencebetween output from the universityand the needsof the nation. In I970, 79 per cent of the studentsreceived government bursaries and many were forcedinto fieldsnot of their own choosing. Symbolicfunction The behaviourof Cabinet ministersand other high-rankinggovern- ment officialsduring the episodesleading up to and afterthe closureof the university,suggests that in many quartersthere was considerable resistanceto takingsuch drastic action. Thus, it wasrepeatedly reported that the Cabinethad had a serioussplit over whether or not to closethe 84 MichaelBurawoy university.It was only pressurebrought to bear by party officials, particularlythose outside government but who had considerable politicalinfluence, which made the closureinevitable. The unwilling- nesson the part of somesenior members of governmentto intervenein the operationof the universitywas matchedby an equal concernto return the universityto normalityonce it had been reopened. The universityis regarded,particularly by those seniorstate officialswho have either had a more prolongedcontact with Britishrule in some official capacity or had received further education in England or the United States,as a symbolof Zambia'spolitical independence and emancipation from colonial subjugation.This symbolic function, signifyingZambia's independence (I964) and claim to international recognition,has figuredprominently in the formationof the university and, becauseof incompatibilitieswith otherfunctions, has contributed to tensionsbetween university and society. The LockwoodReport, whose recommendationsform the basis of the Universityof Zambia, was founded on the convictionthat the

* i unlverslty, . . . mustcombine practical service to the nationat a criticaltime in its life, with the fulfilmentof the historicpurposes of a universityas a seat of learning, a treasure-houseof knowledgeand a creative centrefor research.9 What the reportmisses is that these two functions the symbolicand the intrinsic-are necessarilyin conflictwith one another.Apart from the problemof limited resources,if the universityis to symbolizethe nation'schange of status,it cannotbe so responsiveto the environment that it becomesvulnerable tothechargethatitis a second-rateinstitution. Accordingly,where the symbolicfunction did not obviouslyimpinge on the intrinsicor manpowerfunction, the universityassumed the formof a 'Western'university. The constitutionis modelledon the 'two tier' systemof the BritishCivic Universitywith its 'lay' council and 'aca- demic' senate, while the organizationof study follows an American system.Members of the academiccommunity have the rightto appoint theirown colleaguesand to decideupon what is to be taughtand how. In other words,university autonomy is enshrinedin the constitution and indeedin the normalfunctioning of the university.Lecturers, with the exceptionof the veryfew Zambians,were appointedon a contract basis.While they varied in quality,their expatriate status gave to the in- stitution an image of 'excelIence'and 'expertise.'In its physical structurethe universitymanifests its symbolicfunction. It ranksalong with other symbolsof nationhood,such as the nationalassembly and airport,as an exampleof conspicuousconsumption. The lavish archi- tectureand spaciouswell-kept gardens effectively impress the onlooker. Frequentlyportrayed as the 'leadersof tomorrow'and 'the creamof the CSonsciousnessand contradiction:student protest in tambia 85 nation',university students are not only testimonyto the emancipation of the Zambianpeople but symbolizethe nation'sfuture. \Ve have akeady referredto the concessionsthe symbolicfunction has had to make to the intrinsicfunction over such mattersas the priority of researchand the content and structureof courses.With referenceto WestAfrica, Ashby writes: AlthoughAfrica's prime need fromits universitiesis for the broadly educatedcitizen capable of manningthe civil serviceand the schools, and for general practitionersin the professions,rather than for research-mindedspecialists who have concentratedupon one-subject honourscourses, the aspirationsof individualexpatriate professors and the determinationof Africansto ape practicein Englandhave conspiredto keep coursestoo narrow and too much oriented to research.Some Afiican intellectuals,especially those educated in Britain,resist changes in curriculumor in patternof coursesbecause they confusesuch changeswith a loweringof standards.They are accordinglysuspicious of any divergencefrom the Britishpattern.10 Ashby'ssomewhat impatient remarks and his narrowconception of the universityas confinedto the provisionof manpowerindicate an in- sensitivityto some of the implicationsof a colonial heritageand the consequentialimportance of the university'ssymbolic function. At the same time his observations,if not his analysis,do highlightthe incom- patibilityof the two functionsof the Africanuniversity that we have consideredso far. Solidaryfunction We turn now to the third functionof the university to supportand explicatethe nation-buildingendeavours of the Zambianruling class and helpforge a nationalunity necessary for the pursuitof development objectives.Violation of this functioncan lead the universityinto con- frontationwith the most powerfulpolitical institutions in the country as illustratedby the changingfortunes of the studentsduring the events of July. Conflictbetween university and dominantpolitical organs can be attributed,at the structurallevel, to the incompatibilityof the solidary and symbolicfunctions. The fulfilmentof the symbolicfunction implies the adoptionof characteristicfeatures of the universityin the metro- politancountry where dissension and oppositionhave been institution- alized in the political system. Traditionallya centre of opposition, cultivatinga criticalstance in nationalaffairs, the universityis trans- plantedto a countrywhere the regulationof conflictand oppositionis relativelyunderdeveloped and where,for a multitudeof reasonsrelating to a historyof subordinationto colonialrule, profound tensions threaten to destroythe social fabric.In short,to the extent that the university MichaelBurawoy 86 solidary fulfilsits symbolicfunction, so it will tend to undermineits This contradictionmanifests itself in a numberof ways. function. which One particularcharacteristic of the Britishcivic university with the solidaryfunction is the flowof influencein an upward conflicts this directionwithin the institutionitself. For a numberof reasons, is even morepronounced in the organizationof the University feature in ofZambia. First, since the researchfunction has been relegated and the teachingfunction correspondingly elevated, con- importance in the siderationof student interest assumes greater importance processes.Second, lecturersfrom Europe and the decision-making univer- UnitedStates, many of whomhave nevertaught in an African tend to be sensitiveto studentdemands and expectations.Their sity, that transientstatus has meantthe abdicationof certainresponsibilities normallyarise out of commitmentto the university.(There are would of obviouslyindividual exceptions to this generalization.)The extent influence is reflectedin student participationin almost all student body universitycommittees including Senate. Third, within the student governmentis of an egalitariannature. The smallsize and com- itself, formal pactnessof the residentialcommunity means that informaland of studentleadership are readilyobservable and accessibleto sections elected theentire student body. The studentunion executive, popularly year, is responsiveto the expectationsand interestsof the student each of as a whole insofaras these are well defined.The upwardflow body to the influencewithin the universitystands in markedopposition downwardflow of influencein the widerauthoritarian political structure of Zambia.Whereas the leadershipof a bureaucratizedorganization, suchas the strongmineworkers' union may be cooptedand controlled party or governmentapparatus,l2 in a more democratically by the is organizedbody whereleadership is responsiveto the led co-optation As we shall see studentleaders who show any signs of being difficult. is controlledfrom outside are usuallyremoved from oice. Thustension structurallyinscribed in the opposedorganizational forms of university and widerpolitical system. both the symbolicand intrinsicfunctions come into conflict Finally, the with the solidaryfunction in respectof the freedomgranted and elite statusconferred upon students.Academic freedom and university signifyingcontinuity with the 'Westerntradition', together autonomy, in key with its intrinsicfunction as trainingstudents for incumbency in government,have themselvesengendered the expressionof positions conduct dissatisfactionand impatience with the nation'sprogress and the nation'sleadership. Here againwe note how the functionsof the of the between universitymay be contradictoryand thereforelead to tension the universityand the widersociety. dealingwith intellectualsand students,particularly of The literature com- the third world, and developmentstudies irl generalfrequently Consciousnessand contrad*tion: student protest in gambia 87 pound and confusetwo types of change. On the one hand there is processivechange which affects the structureof the entiresociety, while on the other there is situationalchange experiencedby individualsas they move between differentsectors of that structure.l3Shils,l4 for example,uses the dichotomy'tradition' and 'modernity'to characterize both the movementof intellectualsbetween two sectorsof the same societyand the processivechange of the structureof the entiresociety, withoutdistinguishing between them. While the two typesof changeare necessarilyrelated, the natureof that relationshipcan only be under- stood by analyticallycontrasting them and treatingseparately their antecedentsas well as their consequences.I have just presenteda structuralanalysis which outlinesthe contradictionsinscribed in the functionsof the university an analysisat tile level of 'emptyplaces'. I now proposeto fill those 'empty places' with concreteindividuals carryinga specificconsciousness, the natureand originsof whichwill be examinedbelow. IV Observationof studentsactive in the July events leads me to the conclusionthat in first writing the letter to the President,then in insistingon its publicationand finally in engagingin a confrontation with party and government,they did not expect the universityto be closed;nor did they anticipatethe tide of publicopinion to turnagainst them. Indeed many insisted,after the universityhad been reopened, that the governmenthad not had the supportof the Zambianpeople in the handlingof theJuly crisis.l5Student behaviour, on the contrary, was promptedby a student consciounesswhich derives, primarily, from factorsother than the contradictionsin which the universityis enmeshed.The most importantdeterminants of studentconsciousness is the physicalmobility, between different subsystems of society, and social mobility they experience.Social mobility may be subdivided into the relatedforms of groupmobility as in 'castemobility', associated with nationalindependence and the terminationof colonialrule, and individualmobility between classes in the same society. First,however, I turn to the natureof studentconsciousness itself and the university's capacityto integratethe studentbody, reinforcinga consciousnessof the studentrole above all other roles. Studentpolitical consciousness The intellectualsof the underdevelopedcountries since they acquired independence,insofar as they are not in authority,do inclinetoward an anti-political,oppositional attitude. They are disgruntled.The formof the constitutiondoes not pleasethem and they are reluctant to play the constitutionalgame. Manyof them desireto obstructthe governmentor give up the game of politicsaltogether, retiring into 88 MichaelBurawoy

a negativestate of mind about all institutionalpolitics or at least aboutany politicalregime which does not promisea 'cleansweep' of the inheritedorder.l6 While such a portraitis not limited to intellectualsof underdeveloped countries,it does capture a prevailingorientation among Zambian students.The withdrawaland destructivenegativeness Shils imputes to intellectualsare more pronouncedin the Indian and West African situations.The oppositionalstance adopted by Zambianstudents is more directlya responseto their exclusionfrom the politicalsystem and a totalisticrejection of the contemporaryorder is not encountered.The promiseof lucrativejobs on graduation,unlike West Africa and India, ensuresa continuingstake in the existingregime. What is the precisecontent cf student 'oppositionalism'? It is not aimed at the premiseswhich govern the organizationof Zambian societybut at the legitimacyof the nation'sleadership. The nightbefore the anticipated'march on the university'by UNIP Youth, the entire studentbody assembledto discussand preparefor the confrontation. At this meetingstudents gave voice to privatelyheld views.'It is time some of these politicianswent,' said one. (The implicationbeing that the basis for selection of national leadershipshould no longer be prominencein the colonial resistancemovement but abilities and qualificationsappropriate to governinga modernnation state.) Another referredto the President,'He is not omnipotent,the nationhas matured politicallyand now is the time when other bodiescould be freelycon- sultedover such issues as foreignaffairs.' Another commented, 'lVe are not the "favouredsons and daughters";none of us are favoured.We got hereon merit.If X wants,he too canjoin us by sittingfor the mature age examinations.'(Roars of laughterand applause,X is considereda typicalUNIP politician,'unenlightened' and poorlyeducated. He aIso led the public attackon students.)In morenormal times the pagesof the studentweekly newspaper Ug are scatteredwith featurearticles carryingthe same oppositionaltone. Sad to imagine most Africangovernments fail becausetheir leaders (everyoneof them Messiahs)purport to be their own country's Moseswho must lead the flockto paradise indispensableones who insulttheir electorate. The insultsand the despotismare tantamount to Moseshitting the stonefiercer than commanded.The leaderswill stand on a hill and look yonder to see what they'll forego.This is afterthey've clung to theirposts-nations neveruse theirbest brains sincethey are a challengeto the old folk. Leaderspick on the dullest brains,breed them and so the henchmenwill never let go. (Ug, 3 May I97I.) Zambia'sofficially proclaimed ideology is 'Humanism' a variantof '.XfricanSocialism'l7 svhichstresses Christian virtues and appealsto Consciousnessand contradiction: student protest tn gambia 89 a romanticconception of villagelife and the 'commonman'. For many students,the political leadership'spropagation of Humanismis an exercisein hypocrisy.In responseto the statement,'The leadersof the Nation follow the preceptsof Humanism,'IO per cent agreed, I9 per cent were uncertainwhile 7I per cent disagreed(Opinion Poll Three, see footnote I5). The idiom of Fanon is adopted to condemn the 'exploitationofthe commonman at the handsofthe nativebourgeoisie', while the confidenceFanon placed in the peasantis rejectedby the Zambianstudent. On the contrarythe commonman is portrayedas the innocentand helplessvictim of opportunisticand self-servingpoliticians who mustbe replacedby enlightenedand benignrulers. The glorifica- tion of the 'commonman' or 'peasant'to be foundin populistappeals of intellectualsin India and WestAfrica are not presentamong Zambian students.Rather they constitutea 'modernizingelite' attemptingto cast off a recent and ever presenthistory of colonialoppression and they associatewith villages only backwardnessand ignorance. That 'socialist' perspectivesor even rhetoricis conspicuousby its absence,in contrast to studentsin otherthird world universities, reSects the proximityof the colonial order, a continuingintimacy with their rural roots and the availabilityof prestigiousoccupatiorBs as reflectedin the persistentneed for expatriatepersonnel. Hostilityto the rulingparty is expressedby the studentbody's refusal to allow a minority, with connectionsto the party, to establish a universitybranch. In responseto a questionnaireitem; 'A branchof UNIP should be establishedon campusfor UNZA students,'I9 per cent agreed, g per cent were uncertainand 72 per cent disagreed (OpinionPoll Two). The partyis associatedwith violenceand corrup- tion. Not surprisinglystudents did not look forwardto the declaration of a one party state. In responseto the item; 'The time is now ripe for the declarationof a one partystate', I I per cent agreed,8 per cent were uncertainand 8I per cent disagreed(Opinion Poll Three). Theintegrative role of theuniversity Van den Berghel8has describedsituations in a Nigerian university where roles deriving from the wider social structurebecome more salientthan the student role. Ethnic divisionsin Nigeriahave over- whelmedand disrupteduniversities and divided studentsagainst one another.By contrast,in Zambiaroles emanating from the widersocial structurearesubordinatedtothestudentrole in the universitysituation.19 The consolidation,homogeneity and generationof a specificallystudent politicalconsciousness is a productof the mannerin which the univer- sity bringstogether students from disparate ethnic, national and racial backgroundsand the strategicimportance of graduatesin Zambian society.20 The formalstructure of the univcrsitydivides the studentsaccording 9o MichaelBurawoy to year and field of study. There is no suggestionthat these formsof differentiationare linked to particularisticcharacteristics of students. Becausethere are jobs for all graduates,status distinctionsbetween disciplinesare not marked.With the exceptionof medicalstudents who live togethersome three miles away, studentslive on a singlecampus. They are, therefore,in continualinteraction with one anotherwhich in turn facilitates the development of a highly homogeneousbelief system.At the same time informaldivisions within the studentbody, as in the formationof sociablegroupings, do tend to take place along linguistic,racial and nationallines. However,these are not rigid with students,particularly those in theirsenior years and more at ease with English,moving betweendifferent groups. Occasionally there is open conflictbetween Zambians and the few whites or Zambiansand the smaIlRhodesian and South Africancontingents, but this is usuaIlya consequenceof the latter'sexplicit violationof studentnorms. Thus, Rhodesianstudents were attackedwhen they were reportedin the gambianMail as having dissociatedthemselves from student action duringthe July crisis. The role of ethnicity,race and nationalityin campuslife and the dominantstudent ideology are mostclearly dispIayed attimes of student elections.The varioussmear campaigns, gossip and public statements pointto a pervasiveegalitarianism which binds the communitytogether. Powerfulmechanisms of socialcontrol are mobilizedagainst those who would try and exploit incipientcleavages. The result is that student politicsis consensuspolitics in which no fundamentalissues are raised which would divide the student body. Prospectivecandidates must appealto the electorateon the basisof theirpersonal abilities to repre- sent the studentinterest and cementany crackswithin the community. In thisconnection it is interestingto notethe fateof thevarious Zambians electedto the ofliceof President.The firstwas unseatedby the student body for too close cooperationwith government.The second,elected in I967, was expelled by universityauthorities for his belligerence towards the Zambian governmentand in particular for publicly attackingthe Ministerof State for PresidentalAffairs. Significantly between I968 and I970 the elected Presidentswere non-Zambians- Rhodesiansor SouthAfricans. The ZambianPresident elected in I97I was suspendedalong with his executiveas a resultof the July confron- tation. In I972 an Asian, though a Zambiancitizen, was elected.An 'aIien'president is lessembroiled in ZambiannationaI politics and there- foreless susceptibleto outsideinfluences. Equally, as an outsider,he is less amenable to partisan pressuresfrom within the student body. Furthermore,because he is moreinsecure he is also moreresponsive to the studentinterest and lesseager to forcea confrontationwith govern- ment. As a result'alien' presidents have tendedto remainin oice for longerperiods. CMonsciousnessandcontradiction: student protest in tambia 9I

While presidentialcandidates are expectedto representa common student interest, at the same time supportfor a candidate may be engineeredby narrowpartisan groups. Voting is undoubtedlyaffected by particularisticfactors, especially when Siendshipcircles are largely basedon linguisticbackground. Thus, whereas ethnic voting is accepted and recognized,the appealin publicto ethnicloyalties or the deliberate mobilizationof ethnic supportis a violationof communitynorms and, because there is no one dominantlinguistic group, bound to lose a candidatethe election. The predominanceof a specificallystudent consciousness is not only a functionof the integratingrole of the university,but alsoa consequence of publicdefinition which stresses the student'sstrategic role in Zambia's future.Equally, in confrontationswith partyand governmentstudents are invariablyviewed as an undifferentiatedgroup. As Jayawardena has suggestedin the caseof Guyaneseplantation workers, so in the case of Zambianstudents, feelings of deprivationwith regardto wealthand powerand a communalparanoialeadtoan elevatiorlof individualworth and bindsthem to an egalitarianideology. Thus far I have consideredthe characteristicsof student political consciousnessand the sourcesof group solidarity.I turn now to the relatedquestion of the determinantsof the contentof studentpolitical consciousness. SocialmoDility The Universityof Zambiaadmits students from relativelylow socio- economicstatus and fouryears later propels them into positionsof high socio-economicstatus. One surveyof undergraduatesindicated that 33 per cent of students'fathers were 'professional'(probably referring to primaryschool teacher or equivalent),e6 per cent 'clerical',5 per cent 'commercial',I 5 per cent 'ariisansand other manual', leaving 6 per cent 'miscellaneous'.22 Movementsfrom such origins into high statuspositions, in the context of a nation only recently emancipatedfrom colonial rule, must be regardedas a compositionof two distinct types of social mobility: individualmobility and a 'pyramidal'form of groupmobility, in which the 'group' expands into many new roles at the apex of the social structure.In other words,students are sociallymobile within a popu- lationwhich is itselfmobile due to the exodusof a colonialadministra- tion and the expansionof the occupationalstructure. From the above data on social originsit is clear that studentsare disproportionatelyrecruited from the bettereducated strata within the Zambianpopulation. Those parents whose occupations require facility in English,such as clerks,teachers, religious ministers and so on passon to their childrena considerableadvantage since familiaritywith the is necessaryfor successin the educationalsystem. * s

92 MichaelBuraway Data from West Africa for the early years of independenceshow similarpatterns of universityrecruitment though, as van den Berglle and Peil23demonstrate in later yearsstudents are drawnincreasingly from a 'broadeningbase', reflectingthe post-colonialexpansion of educationalopportunity. While recruitment to the universityhas so far tended to reflectand consolidatethe class structureof the indigenous Zambianpopulation, at the sametime the effectof groupmobility has been to createa wide gap betweenthe positionsstudents expect to fill aftergraduating and the positionstheir parents held or holdin the social structure. What are the consequencesof this combinationof individualand groupmobility? A partialanswer may be foundin an examinationof student orientationtoward two broad referencegroups, namely the classwhich he or she expectsto join and the classfrom which he or she or the student'sparent has emerged.It is in the natureof'pyramidal' group mobility that even those in the highest socio-economicstrata are inescapablybound to the poorestvillagers through kinshipand ethnlc tles. So it is not really a contradictionat all, but a simplestatement of fact, to say that their [MakerereCollege students] near kin include bothmany unschooled peasants and more than theirshare of educated people of high socialstatus.24 Irrevocableties to poorerand unschooledkinsmen conflict with student aspirationsto the life style and valuesof an upperclass and a rejection of associationswith lower class traits. Structural involvement with those fromwhom they are tryingto dissociatethemselves serves to stimulate a bourgeoisconsciousness. This is apparentin the pages of Ug, in expressedsentiments and in incidentssuch as the strikeof non-academic stafffor a pay increasewhich they claimedto have been awardedbut which did not appearin their pay cheques.Rather than expressing sympathy,students rallied behind the Vice-Chancellorand the student union executivewithout exception in a determinedeffort to breakthe strikeby volunteeringhelp to keepthe universityfunctioning until new employeescould be recruited.Students were contemptuousof the audacityof workersto disruptuniversity life and of the leadershipof the stafl:union who have 'theirEnglish corrected by students'.At the same time in their private life studentsand graduatesfrequently exhibit extraordinaryself-sacrifice in supportingtheir poorer kinsmen. Individualmobility poses problems of its own. Aspiringto an upper classlife style, relativedeprivation is fosteredby a statusinconsistency: while they are the most educatedsection of the Zambianpopulation, studentsare without political or economicresources. In additionto their presentcircumstances, their futuremobility also gives rise to anxiety. Recruitmentto organizationaldlites is usually based on some com- Conscioasnessand contradiction: student protest in tambia 93 binationof experienceand expertise.As Gouldner25has demonstrated, stressingone rather than the other may give rise to organizational strain.In the Zambiancase an underdevelopededucational system and recent political emancipationimplies the absenceof individualswho combineboth experienceand expertise.Upward mobility is therefore foundedeither on expertiseor on experience.Such ambiguityis in part resolvedby the powerand influenceat the commandof the contestants and in part by the natureof the positionto be filled.At a moregeneral level tension arisesbetween those who seek mobility on the basis of expertisepitomized by Zambian students and those who seek mobility on the basisof experienceand loyalty epitomizedby party oEcials. Each group attemptsto expand and monopolizeaccess to its own characteristicchannels of mobility. Tension over appropriate avenues of elite recruitmentand legitimate arenas of participation underlaythe confrontationbetween students and partyduring the July

* ffi crlsls. It is not surprising,therefore, to discoverthat studentsperceive their futurecareers as blockedin certaindirections and obstructedin other directions.While thereremain many expatriatesfor Zambianstudents to displace,there are also Zambians,particularly those who profited from the very early Zambianizationschemes, who feel threatenedby universitygraduates. In the copperindustry, for example,there is a continuingtension between on the one hand expatriatesor Zambiatls promotedon the basisof long-standingexperience but with poorformal qualificationsand on the other hand those recruitedmore recently from secondaryschools.26 Anticipatory socialization27 leads to relative deprivationif mobilityinto an ollt-groupis seen to be obstructed.This is the case for the Zambianstudent who perceivesthe environmentas hostileto his or her mobility.As one cynicalstudent put it, 'It doesn't pay to be a student.' Physicalmobility Studentpolitical consciousness is fashionedout of relativedeprivation not only with respect to anticipatedstatus but also with respect to presentlyheld status.Continually moving between university and the widersociety, students become sensitive to the discrepanciesin influence which they wield in the differentcontexts. Earlier I pointedout how influencewithin the universityto some degreeflows upwards and how studentinterests are accordedsingular importance in both the formal and informalprocesses of decision-making.Student government is itself based on largely democraticprinciples with leadershipresponsive to led. Their active and to a certainextent effectiveparticipation within the universitycontrasts with theirpowerlessness outside the university. On the one occasion that support for a UNIP branch on campus reacheda sizeableproportion of the studentbody (one fifth),its form-

c; 94 MickaelBurawoy ation was stalled by party officials.Outside the university,students Sequently meet with hostility (sometimesprovoked by a student's sense of self-importance)and are not awardedthe statusthey receive within the university.Frustration in their expectationsof their present role reinforcesthe anticipationof furtherfrustration on graduation.In combinationwith a sensitivityto their own originsand to a persisting colonialheritage, both sourcesor relativedeprivation go a long way towardsexplaining the characteristicfeatures of politicalconsciousness among Zambianstudents.

V

So far we have dwelt on the inter-relationsamong the functionsof the university,student political consciousness and its structuralorigins. The locationof the studentin Zambiansociety generally and in the univer- sity in particular,mediated by a specificpolitical consciousness, gave rise to collectiveprotest. The consequencesof that protest,on the other hand, areshaped bythestructuralcontradictions implicating the univer- sity in its relationshipto otherorgans of the state.Student protest was a responseto a particularvision of Zambiansociety and of theirrole in it, but eventuatedin the activationof hitherto'latent' contradictions. But what is meant by the 'activationof contradictions'?When students attackedthe Presidentpublicly, differentinterest groups entered the politicalarena, acting in accordancewith theirdefinition of the univer- sity. UNIP officialsattacked the studentsfor the latter'susurpation of the solidaryfunction. 'We cannot allow a state within a state,' read UNIP placards.Leading ministers and universityfaculty defended the university'sautonomy and behindthe scenesattempted to preventthe closurein the name of its symbolicfunction. Students, who regarded themselvesas a deprivedincipient elite, emphasizedthe university's intrinsicfunction as groomingthe 'enlightened'leaders, teachers and administratorsof tomorrow.As a consequenceof the violationof the 'solidaryfunction', students compelled different groups to defendtheir conceptionof the universityand in this way contradictionsgave rise to conflict.The resultwas the impositionof a hierarchyof functions correspondingto the interestsof the most powerfulpressure groups. Parsons28 hasidentified three hierarchically arranged levels of organiza- tional controlcorresponding to 'technical','managerial', and 'institu- tional'or 'community'functions. The institutionalfunction legitimates organizationalgoals in the widersociety and takesprecedence over the managerialfunction which in turn organizesthe conditionsfor the performanceof the technicalfunction. For Parsonsthe orderingis given by the 'level of generalization'and does not appear as a problem. However,as I indicatedabove, the orderingof the functionsof the universitywas not universallyagreed upon. On the contrary,because of Conscioasnessand contradiction: student protest in gambia 95 their mutualincompatibility, the relativeimportance of the functions became the basis for the escalationof conflict. The hierarchythat eventuallyemerged, while it did correspondto levelsof generalization was not the productof value consensusbut was imposedthrough the mobilizationof politicalpower and organizedforce. What attemptshave been made to institutionalizesuch a hierarchy and thereby avoid outbreaksof conflict? Where there are adequate resources,then the expansionand diffierentiationof higher education diSusesand decentralizes conflict. Thus advanced capitalist nations have their 'symbolic'elite universities,their professionalschools, research institutesand institutes oftechnology as well as teachertraining colleges. In smallercountries with limited resources,suchasthenewlyindependent nationsof Africa,institutionalizing or diffusingconflict is moredifficult. Initiallyuniversities were granted considerable autonomy and insulated from conflictingpolitical pressures. With the rise of 'centralist'rulin partiesand the emergenceof the universityas an island of dissent,so there have been moves to incorporatethe universityunder the sur- veillanceof the dominantpolitical organs of the state. For example,the longerNkrumah held powerin ,the greaterwere the eXortsof the rulingCPP to penetratethe universityat all levels,seeking to bring the academiccouncil, the facultyand the studentsunder its control.29 Another possibility,which has been influentialin , is the model presented by the Chinese Cultural Revolution.30Here the Chinese'permanant revolution' is symbolizedby the celebrationof the oppositionalfunction of the universitywhich is encouragedto act as a centre for criticism of party bureaucrats.Simultaneously Chinese leadersattempted to fashiona particulartype of studentconsciousness throughthe organizationof mobilitybetween different sectors of society. Studentsentered the fieldsand the factoriesto workalongside peasants and industrial labourers.What the consequencesof this type of mobilizationare for studentconsciousness is hard to say, nonetheless thereis an implicitrecognition that collectivebehaviour is a functionof both politicalconsciousness and structuralcontradictions. What light does our frameworkshed on the expansionof student consciousnessin WesternEurope and Americain the late 'sixties? One directionof researchwould be to examinethe articulationof changesin studentconsciousness and the functionsof the universitybrought about bytheexpansionof highereducation.What changes may be discernedin the social origins and expectationsof students during this period? Increasesin numbersof studentsimplies declining opportunities while increasesin governmentspending in higher education brought the universityto the centreof politicaldecision-making. What implications did this have for the inter-relationsamong the functionsof the univer- sity? How did such shifts articulateurith changes in student con-

* sclousness K 96 MichaelBurawoy Now that the initial flood of literatureon studentprotest has sub- sided,it becomesapparent that muchof the researchwas misguidedin its formulation.While a massof data has been collected,the attemptto developsome generaltheory of studentpolitical activism has failed to offiermuch in the way of theoreticaladvance. Overviews have either addedup to a seriesof dislocatedfactors to be takeninto consideration or reducedto social-psychologicalgeneralizations such as 'generational conflict'31,'the ethos ofthe expandingego andof a regimeof plenitude'32 or prosaicassertions that the universityis inherently'oppositional'. The frameworkdeveloped in this papermakes no attemptto providea generaltheory of studentprotest but at bestseeks to providean agenda of questionswhich must be posed anew in each concretecase. The reasonfor studyingstudent protest in Zambiais not to cast light on studentprotest in generalbut to illuminatethe natureof the Zambian politicaland socialstructures. Because the universityis enmeshedin a networkof stateinstitutions, it is forcedto assumefunctions apart from the 'intrinsic'function for which it was ostensiblyestablished. An examinationof specificnature of thesefunctions and theirinterrelation- ship shedslight on the structureof the Zambianstate. Equally, because studentsorient themselves to a widerange of roles,as a resultof physical and social mobility, their activities reflect a sensitivityto diverse features of the social structure.Both students and university are centrally located in their respectivelevels of social structurewhich makesstudent protest a uniquespotlight for the investigationof societal change.

Michael BurawoyB.A. M.A. Student,Department of Sociology,University of Chicago

Notes

* Data for this paper was collected formal Comparative Observations', during a period of two and a half years SocialProblems, vol. I 7, no. 3 ( I 970); spent with Zambian students both on K. Keniston, 'The Sources of Student and off campus. The interpretations Dissent', i. Soc. Issues,vol. 23, no. 3 presentedhave emergedover a few years (I967); Young Radicals, New York, and have been affectedby the comments Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., I968; and criticismsof severalpeople whom I W. J. Hanna, 'Students'in J. S. Cole- xvishto thank: ProfessorsJ. Ben-David, man and C. G. Rosberg (eds.), Political P. Foster,M. Janowitz,E. Laumann,E. Partiesand ;National Integration in Tropical Shils, J. Simons, R. Taub and J. van Africa,Berkeley and Los Angeles, Uni- Velsen and Terence Halliday and Ida versity of CaliforniaPress, I964. Susser. 2. L. S. Feuer, TheConflict of Genera- I. R. Flacks,'The LiberatedGenera- tions, London, Heinemann, I 969: P. tion: An Explorationof the Roots of Abrams, 'Rites de Passage: Conflict of Student Protest', i. Soc. Issues,vol 23, Generationsin Industrial Society', i. no. 3 ( I 967); 'Social and Cultural (:Contemp.Hist., vol 5, no. I (I970). Meaningsof Student Revolt: Some In- 3. E. Ashby, tJniversities:British, Consciousnessand contradiction:student protest in 4ambia 7

Indian,Afracan, London, Weidenfeld & responseto the statement:'The Govern- Nicolson, I966. ment representsthe will of the people', 4. J. Ben-Davidand R. Gollins, 'A I3 per cent agreed, I9 per cent were ComparativeStudy of Academic Free- uncertainand 68 per cent disagreed.In dom and Student Politics' in S. M. later sections I shall make use of three Lipset (ed.), StudentPolitics, London and other opinion polls conducted among New York, BasicBooks, I 967. students by the University of Zambia 5. S. M. Lipset and P. G. Altbach, SociologicalAssociation. Questionnaires 'StudentPolitics and Higher Education were distributedto all studentson cam- in the United States' in S. M. Lipset pus and responsewas voluntary.Opinion (ed.), StudentPolitics, London and New Poll One was conductedbetween 5 May York, BasicBooks, I967, p. 242. and 7 May I 970 and attracted 649 6. S. M. Lipset, 'UniversityStudents responses,a poll of 62 per cent; Opinion and Politics in UnderdevelopedCoun- Poll Two was conducted between tries' in S. M. Lipset (ed.), Student and 29 October I970 and attracted35I Politics, London and New York, Basic responses,a po]l of 33 per cent; Opinion Books,I967. Poll Three ssas conducted between 26 7. Governmentof Zambia, Manpower and 30 May I97I and attracted536 re- Report, Lusaka, Government Printer, sponses,a poll of 37 per cent; Opinion I 966, p. I . Poll Four was conducted between 28 8. M. Burawoy,Ehe Colour of Classon September and 2 October I 97 I and the (:CopperMines: FromAfrican Advance- attracted 422 responses,a poll of 29 mentto gambianization,Zambian Papers per cent. In each case the writer was No. 7, ManchesterUniversity Press for responsiblefor directingthe distribution, the Institute of African Studies, I972, collection and analysisof the question- ch. I. naires. They are crude and partial 9. Governmentof NorthernRhodesia, indicatorsof studentopinion but never- Reporton theDevelopment of a Universityin thelessdo corroborateobservations made JorthernRhodesia, Lusaka, Government while participatingin studentlife. Printer,I963, p. I. I6. E. Shils, 'The Intellectualsin the IO. E. Ashby, AfricanUniversities and PoliticalDevelopment of the New States' WesternEradition, London, OxfordUni- in J. H. Kautsky (ed.), PoliticalChange versityPress, I964, p. 6I. in UnderdevelopedCountries, New York I I. Ashby,op. cit., I966, ch. X. and London,John Wiley, I967, p. 2I9. I2. R. H. Bates, Unions,Parties and I7. W. H. Friedlandand C. G. Ros- PoliticalDevelopment, New Haven and berg (eds.), AfricanSocialism, Stanford, London, Yale UniversityPress, I97I. StanfordUniversity Press, I964. I 3. J. C. Mitchell,'Theoretical Orien- I8. P. L. van den Berghe,Power and tationsin AfricanUrban Studies'in M. Privilegeat an AfricanUniversity, Cam- Banton (ed.), The SocialAnthropology of bridge, Schenkman, I 973. ComplexSocieties, A.S.A. Monographs, I9. As far as I knowthe only occasion London,Tavistock Press, I966. when student life was threatenedwith I 4. E. Shils, T7ieIntellectual Between disruption and division from outside Modernityand Tradition: The Indian forceswas in the August after the July Situation,Supplement I, Comparative crisis, when a new party-the United Studies in History and Society, The ProgressiveParty was formed. It was Hague, Mouton & Co., I 96 I . led by the erstwhileVice-President of I5. In an opinion poll (OpinionPoll Zambia who defected from UNIP. Four)taken after the universityhad been Active campaigning by rival factions reopened,in responseto the statement: supportingUNIP and UPP on the cam- 'The majority of the population ap- pus for a dominantposition in the pol- proved of the closureof the university', itical vacuumleft by the suspensionof the 5 per cent agreed, 8 per cent were un- union executive, divided the students. certainand 87 per cent disagreedand in The uncertaintywas broughtto an end 98 MichaelBurawoy

by the departureof nine activesupporters 25. A. W. Gouldner,Patterns of Indus- of the UPP for positionsin that party trialBureaucracy, New York, Free Press, which had been createdby the arrestof I954; 'OrganizationalAnalysis' in R. K. a numberof its leaders. Merton, L. Broom and L. S. Cottrell 20. The studentpopulation was over- (eds.), SocioloxyToday Problemsand whelminglyZambian (88 per cent). Of Prospects,New York, Basic Books, I 959. the remainder,5 per cent were 'Euro- 26. Burawoy,op. cit., chs 3 and 4. pean', 5 per cent were black nationals 27. R. K. Merton, Social Theoryand from South Africa or Rhodesia and a SocialStructure, New York, Free Press, further2 per cent were Asian. (Figures I968, ch. X. providedby the Office of the Registrar 28. T. Parsons,'Some Ingredients of a for the academicyear I97I.) GeneralTheory of FormalOrganization' 2 I . C. Jayawardena, 'Ideology and in T. Paxsons, Structureand Processin Conflict in Lower Class Communities', AlodernSocieties, New York, Free Press, ComparatireStudzes in Historyand Society, I 960. vol. I0, no. 4, (I968). 29. Ashby, op. cit., I966, ch. X; A. 22. V. Subramaniam, 'The Social Curle, 'Nationalismand Higher Educa- Backgroundof Zambia's Higher Civil tion in Ghana', UniversitiesQuart., vol. Servants and Undergraduates',paper I6, no. 3 (I962); D.J. Finlay, 'Students deliveredto the UniversitySocial Science and Politics in Ghana', Daedalus(Win- Conference,Nairobi, I969. ter I968); D. J. Finlay,R. E. Koplinand 23. P. L. van den Berghe,Power and C. A. Ballard,'Ghana' in D. K. Emer- Privilegeat an AfricanUniversity, Cam- son (ed.), Studentsand Politics in Develop- bridge, Schenkman, I 973; M. Peil, ingNations, London, Pall Mall Press,I 968. CGhanaianUniversity Students: The 30. V. Nee, EfieCultural Revolution at BroadeningBase', Brit. jr. Sociol.,vol. PekingUniversity, New Yorkand London, I6, no. I (I965). MonthlyReview Press, I 97I . 24. J. E. Goldtholpe, An African 3I. Fever, op.cit. Elite, East African Studies No. I 7, 32. E. Shils, 'Plenitudeand Scarcity', OxfordUniversity Press for EastAfrican Encoun ter vol . 32 (May I 969 ) . Instituteof SoeialResearch, I965, p. 48.