FASHION MINDED: EXPLORING THE INFLUENCE OF FASHION JOURNALISM ON THE SELF-CONCEPT

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2009 Fashion Minded: Exploring the Influence of Fashion Journalism on the Self Concept

The present study attempts to explore how fashion journalism ultimately influences a consumer’s self­concept by the translation of meanings of fashion goods onto their self­concept. This idea works in conjunction with the idea that marketers, by means of the content of their selected media, can shape their target market. The benefit in shaping the target market allows the trial and error of effectively targeting a market segment to ultimately disappear, allowing for a greater amount of time and energy to be spent on developing content that both attracts and more importantly, keeps a targeted audience.

Valerie M. Haggerty 1/1/2009 Table of Contents

Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………1

Conceptual Background and Hypothesis……………………………………………………..2

Methodology…………………………………………………………………………………………….13

Summary and Analysis of Results………………………………………………………………14

Conclusions and Contributions…………………………………………………………………..25

Limitations of Work…………………………………………………………………………………..27

Future Research Directions……………………………………………………………………….28

References………………………………………………………………………………………………..30

Appendices……………………………………………………………………………………………….31

Introduction

The challenge of effectively targeting consumers for the interception of marketing media has always been and remains one of the most challenging aspects of a marketer’s work. For over half a century, marketers have attempted to objectively group segments of consumers and project their marketing communications upon them. Increasingly in recent years, marketers have attempted instead to group consumers subjectively (by personality, for example), and communicate messages targeted at their specific segmentation by trait (Berthon and Nairn, 2003). Once appropriately segmented, the means by which a marketing communication is executed can be selected by the marketer. Among these means, advertising has proven to be a popular route for marketers to communicate (Olson and Slater, 2001). Prior research has offered the idea that personality traits can be manipulated by the execution of paid for forms of marketing communications, like advertising. Therefore, a marketing communication such as advertising plays an active role in constructing a consumer to which the marketing communication is targeted (Berthon and Nairn, 2003).

In the realm of contemporary U.S. media sources (which are heavily supported by advertising), there is also evidence that by heeding signals from advertisers in symbiotic relationships with consumers, media firms position themselves in such a way that attracts a certain type of consumer as deemed by advertisers as having qualities translating to a competitive advantage over the media firm’s competition. Thus by translation these media firms, as a result of their relationship with advertisers and their acquiescence to their cues, essentially have a hand in shaping their own target market (Turow, 2005). This same research also suggests that by working together, media sources and advertisers create definitions of their audiences that lead to the creation of certain types of media materials which often pilot the creation of certain types of cultures (and the exclusion of other cultures) among consumers (Turow, 2005). There has been much research conducted which supports the concept that advertising (as a paid for form of marketing communication) both singly and in conjunction with media sources can effectively shape a target market.

The problem in today’s evolving marketplace lies, however, in the slow but evident extinction of traditional forms of advertising including radio and television commercials and print advertising, among others. It has become more relevant than ever for marketers to investigate other means by which to communicate products and services to their selected target market and in some cases, effectively shape their target market.

It is important for media to realize that as traditional advertising forms have begun to wane, there has been a significant shift towards content‐focused viewership, readership, and listenership. This shift has made it imperative for media to begin to rely more and

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more on their own content to simultaneously attract and shape their target market. This study attempts to uncover the ways in which this may be achieved. Focused on the medium of fashion journalism, the study explores the relationship between the fashion journalism source and its influence on the reader’s self‐concept. This influence on self‐ concept can be translated into the formation of an identity, a way of life, and even an entire culture. Thus, by means of their content (without the aid and/or symbiotic relationship with advertisers), fashion journalism media may engage in attracting and shaping their target reader similar to the way that current media sources have, concurrently with advertisers, shaped their target markets. Conceptual Background and Hypothesis

Prior Research on Women’s Fashion Journalism

It may be difficult for a consumer to remember a time when journalism sources that catered to every possible demographic, psychographic, and lifestyle did not exist. Today, virtually every possible consumer niche market is served with at least a few different types of journalism to satisfy a consumer’s want for information regarding their area of interest. Even non‐readers of different subjects of journalism sources would be able to identify some names of journalism sources within these niche segments. Emerging quite early on relative to journalism sources serving specific consumer segments was women’s fashion journalism.

Christopher Breward’s 1994 publication, Femininity and Consumption: The Problem of the Late Nineteenth­Century Fashion Journal offers a detailed uncovering of the roots of women’s fashion magazines of modern day. In referring specifically to one pertinent ladies’ journal of the time, Myra’s Journal of Dress and Fashion (a London based publication), Breward links the changing climate of femininity and women’s gender roles with the emergence of women’s fashion as a major arena of concern in a woman’s life . According to Breward, these two areas are in a causal relationship, each influencing the other in their emergence (specifically referring to London) during the time period of 1875‐1890.

Many different factors led to the success and impact of the woman’s fashion journal in the time frame in which it emerged. The most basic of these were the increasing literacy rate among consumers, technology of printing equipment, and decreases in newspaper tax. More importantly than these, perhaps, was the confused moral state of women in the 1875‐ 1890 time frame in which gender roles were being challenged by modern‐day ideals of womanhood (Breward 1994). Much obliged to these factors, the women’s fashion magazine industry had a place in society by 1875. This new‐age women’s magazine turned its back on elitist, intellectual women’s publications and instead focused on entertainment of the somewhat materialistic nature. The broadening of the woman’s social sphere in this

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time period allowed for journals to serve as some sort of guide into this new frontier. The realization that fashion, in particular during this period, could be marketed to women was a major contributor in the success of the fashion journal (Breward 1994).

The new printing technology allowed for a high turnover rate of magazines, which coincided perfectly with the market conditions of the time. Especially in regards to fashion, magazines were issued and discarded as swiftly as the fashions that inspired them. The short‐term gratification these new‐age magazines like Myra’s Journal of Dress and Fashion provided appealed especially to the deemed “socially paranoid” middle and lower‐middle classes (Breward 1994). It can be argued that it was these classes that truly perpetuated the success of such journals on into the modern day.

Within the articles of these magazines lived the new philosophy of consumerism, arguably a by‐product of both the journal itself and of the changing role of the woman between 1875‐1890. Journals reflected (or suggested?) the idea that an enduring aspect of feminism was one’s interaction in the culture of consumption. An active role in the marketplace, therefore, was the physical manifestation of this concept and one in which women, during this time, began to participate in wholeheartedly (Breward 1994). This consumption culture very much confused the self concept of a woman during this time; there existed an undeniable struggle between a “traditional” woman’s role (housewife, pure, etc) and one of social and style prowess (Breward 1994). A glimpse into a character created by The Saturday Review in 1868 named the “Girl of the Period,” reveals a newly emancipated young woman shifted from traditional moral values of a woman and into the lifestyle of a woman fixated on personal adornment and material betterment. The “Girl of the Period,” of course, created somewhat of a stir but also revealed a truth of the era (Breward 1994).

The pages of such women’s journals as Myra’s Journal of Dress and Fashion published images, as well as columns, which had influence on the consumption behavior of women in this time frame. Pictures showcased young women adorned in the latest fashions admiring one another, or in some instance, admiring a young girl, in the peak of her “prettiness,” in much the same elegance in which her elders were dressed. Additionally, women were pictured purchasing the latest lavish fashions‐undoubtedly encouraging women’s consumption patterns (Breward 1994). These images not only encouraged physical action, but also mentally by encouraging self‐referentiality as these images were often not a far cry from the current life they were leading (Breward 1994). Ultimately, it can be argued, these images were woven into the self‐concept of the reader.

Breward’s uncovering of this emergence of women’s fashion journals allows a reader and non‐reader alike to understand the roots and motivations behind today’s fashion magazines and journalism. It is also notable that in picking up virtually any one of today’s

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fashion journalism sources, much of what was characteristic of the journal, the readers, and what is motivates consumers to do still holds true today.

Prior Research on Fashion Discourses

In referencing Breward’s insights on and the historical development of women’s fashion journalism, it can be concluded that the presence of these journals in the marketplace contributed to a heightened awareness of fashion itself. This new awareness and prevalence in the lives of women naturally gives rise to talking about fashion. While it can in one way be regarded as nothing but harmless banter, a closer investigation of fashion discourse reveals the ways in which speaking of fashion gives rise to different cultural meanings of consumption items as created by consumers.

In their research article, Speaking of Fashion: Consumers’ Uses of Fashion Discourses and the Appropriation of Countervailing Cultural Meaning, Craig J. Thompson and Diana L. Haytko explore the different cultural meanings and constructs that consumers create and/or are subject to as a direct result of fashion discourses. For the purposes of their research, fashion discourses were defined as speaking about fashion. Through interviewing twenty different subjects from the ages of 20‐30, Thompson and Haytko were able to uncover the many implications that fashion has on social constructs, social relationships, consumption meanings, social‐class dynamics, self‐identity development, and the self struggle between autonomy and conformity within the realm of fashion and its permeation into general self‐ concept (Thompson and Haytko 1997).

The subjects’ varying ideas on the concept of fashion in Western culture gave insight into the idea that these different interpretations served to incorporate cultural meanings in the lives of the participants. For the interviewees, “…fashion phenomena provide salient markers in their narratives of personal history from which they also envisage the trajectories of their future lives. In this regard, participants interpret favored aspects of the fashion world as repositories for dreams of an envisioned good life. Conversely, disliked aspects of fashion become salient targets for critiques of materialism, classism, sexism, mindless conformity, and the perceived manipulative techniques of marketers. One psychological function of these localized interpretations is that they help each participant to see his or her self as an active creator of a personally unique style…” (Thompson and Haytko 1997). The research this article presents offers an idea that had previously been unrecognized‐ that within different subjects’ fashion discourses lies far too many disconnects and differing thought to characterize “fashion” phenomena as a total ideological system. Within the discourses also arises tensions which include traditional versus non‐traditional gender roles, specifically the idea of masculinity and femininity, the modernist values of meritocracy versus prescribed social class (race or gender as well), masculine ideas of individuality and distinction versus traditional feminine social affiliation, and the moral condemnation of pompous displays of belongings versus the glamour of achieving social prowess through material items (Thompson and Haytko 1997). Thompson and Haytko also suggest that over time, subjects’ discourses may change as they

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try to reconcile tensions and battle with the conformity versus autonomy which fashion phenomena carefully balances.

Prior Research on Cultural Meaning of Consumer Goods and Consumer Culture

As discussed in Thompson and Haytko’s research regarding fashion discourse and its role in shaping cultural meanings about consumer products, it is apparent that meanings are ascribed to virtually all consumer goods. Whether or not the meaning of a good is widely agreed upon in the larger sense of the word culture, or simply in sub‐cultures, meaning is ascribed to objects regardless and how these meanings move through objects to people is of great interest.

Culture and Consumption: A Theoretical Account of the Structure and Movement of the Cultural Meaning of Consumer Goods , by Grant McCracken, 1986, offers a look into the means by which the cultural meaning of consumer goods moves through objects, principles, and ultimately to people. According to McCracken, “…cultural meaning is located in three places: the culturally constituted world, the consumer good, and the individual consumer, and moves in a trajectory at two points of transfer: world to good and good to individual” (McCracken 1986). This “trajectory” perspective of culture encourages viewing of such things as advertising, the fashion world, and consumption rituals as instruments of meaning movement (McCracken 1986).

The cultural meaning placed on consumption goods lies preliminarily in the constructs of the constitutional world‐ the world shaped by varying cultures experienced by consumers. It is through the lens of culture that consumers view each aspect of the world and of life, and ultimately the guide by which consumers assign meaning to consumer goods (McCracken 1986).

Culture categories, like subcultures, emerge within larger cultural constructs. These groups are sustained through culture’s material goods. According to McCracken, “…objects contribute to the construction of the culturally constituted world precisely because they are a vital, tangible record of cultural meaning that is otherwise intangible” (McCracken 1986). Consumers use these tangible objects to discriminate between different cultural categories, such as sex, race, or religious belief. In this way, goods serve as a factor which maintains the organization and order of culture. Clothing is a strong example of use of a tangible object to assign cultural meaning and order in two main ways: clothes serve to distinguish men from women and to distinguish between upper and lower classes (McCracken 1986).

McCracken chooses to discuss two avenues of cultural meaning transfer: advertising and product design as practiced by the fashion system. For the purposes of this paper, the fashion system will be the focus. According to the author, the fashion system is somewhat of a complex means of transfer of cultural meaning due to its multiple sources of meaning,

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agents of transfer, and media of communication. The fashion system works in three ways to transfer the meanings of goods: 1) magazines and newspapers (in which journalists and fashion writers serve as “gate‐keepers” by filtering out product designs which they deem either noteworthy or trivial), 2) icons as fashion role models, and 3) radical groups that in their deviance from some aspect of the accepted culture, create a fashion statement and place new meaning on consumption goods (McCracken 1986).

McCracken details that cultural meaning is attached to consumer goods through certain avenues, yet it takes a ritualistic activity for a consumer to feel personal attachment to the object‐ that the object has meaning to the consumer. According to the author, “Four types of rituals are used to serve this purpose: exchange, possession, grooming, and divestment rituals” (McCracken 1986). For purposes of this paper, divestment rituals will be excluded. Exchange rituals include the giving of gifts and thus the transfer of meaning that one consumer places on an object to another consumer, they themselves thus assuming a meaning of their own. Possession rituals include territory and/or pride of ownership, for example, a consumer’s pride in their belongings and the means b which they “show‐off” these objects. In the case of possession rituals, a consumer often comes to reconcile and reflect their own self concept and beliefs to coincide with prescribed social cultural meaning already placed on the good. Grooming rituals include the activities of a consumer’s personal “maintenance” and the meanings they assign to consumer goods associated with this process (McCracken 1986).

Eric J. Arnould and Craig J. Thompson, in their research, look at how consumer culture can be summarized into a single theory.

In 2005, Arnould and Thompson, in looking at the past twenty years of consumer research, aimed to provide a new discipline combining major aspects of consumer research. They deemed this new research method Consumer Culture Theory (CCT) and its hope is to answer the recurrent calls of providing a theoretical body of knowledge about marketplace and consumption behaviors. CCT does not refer to one, grand‐sweeping theory, but instead, a combination of theoretically related perspectives that each refer to consumption actions, the market, and the consumer. CCT differs from other cultural theoretical works in that it does not view culture as a homogenous phenomena but rather a more modern view of the heterogeneity of modern day culture within the context of the marketplace (Arnould and Thompson 2005).

The consumption of market goods and desired market goods is the perpetuating force behind consumer culture, but CCT also looks at a more ignored facet of this process‐the disposal of goods. According to Arnould and Thompson, consumer culture also “…conceptualizes an interconnected system of commercially produced images, texts, and objects that groups use‐through the construction of overlapping and even conflicting practices, identities, and meanings‐to make collective sense of their environments and to orient their members’ experiences and lives (Kozinets 2001). These meanings are embodied and negotiated by consumers in particular social situations roles and relationships” (Arnould and Thompason 2005). Additionally, CCT centers itself around a

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body of questions that specifically ask about consumers’ personal and collective identities‐ the “…cultures created and embodied in the lived worlds of consumers; underlying experiences, processes and structures; and the nature and dynamics of the sociological categories through and across which these consumer culture dynamics are enacted and inflected” (Arnould and Thompson 2005).

Consumer Culture Theory encompasses four main research domains: 1) consumer identity, 2) marketplace cultures, 3) the sociohistoric patterning of consumption, and 4) the mass‐ mediated marketplace ideologies and consumers’ interpretive strategies. For the purposes of this paper, consumer identity will be highlighted. One of the main domains which CCT embodies is consumer identity projects‐the ways in which consumers, using market goods, form both a diversified and coherent sense of self. The premise on which this theory lies is that the marketplace provides symbolic objects through which people, even those who cannot actively participate in purchasing such objects, construct personal identities. In this context, therefore, consumers can be seen as identity seekers and makers. It is through these objects that consumers not only form identities but also pursue self‐serving goals and in doing so, align themselves with the structures of the consumer‐driven economy (Arnould and Thompson 2005).

Taking the concepts of consumer culture and consumption and the meanings ascribed to consumer goods, Solomon studies the interactive approach products have in shaping society. In his paper, The Role of Products as Social Stimuli: A Symbolic Interactionism Perspective, Solomon argues that “…the subjective experience imparted by the consumption of many products substantially contributes to the consumer’s structuring of social reality, self‐concept, and behavior” (Solomon 1983). This premise is based on the idea that consumer goods are not always purchased for their intended use, but instead for what attributes buying the product will transfer on to the consumer. Solomon asserts that consumers use certain product attributes to form ideas about reality in so much as consumption or non‐consumption of a good will define or not define a social role (Solomon 1983).

Solomon includes the idea of symbolic interactionism, which focuses on the process of how each individual perceives the world. This concept assumes that people interpret the actions and words of others people. Kinch, a researcher in this area whose work is included in this paper, asserts that symbolic interactionism forms these postulates: 1) A consumer’s self‐concept is based on perceptions of the responses of others, 2) A consumer’s self‐concept functions to direct behavior, 3) A consumer’s perception of the responses of others to some degree reflects those responses. Although some dissonance among researchers still exists, modern symbolic interactionism is generally understood to center around the social nature of the self and that self’s importance for interaction patterns (Solomon 1983).

Solomon proceeds in his article to discuss the role playing self. The first idea in relation to this concept he mentions is the idea that symbols acquire meaning early in the socialization process. These meanings are originally culturally derived and all proclaimed members of that culture generally accept their shared meaning. This shared meaning allows

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individuals to ascribe meaning to otherwise unrelated objects and ideas and also to assume that their general understanding of symbols is likened to others’ interpretations as well (Solomon 1983). Symbols with an understood meaning do not exist in isolation of one another‐instead they are often linked and grouped with other symbols to serve as a behavior guide to individuals. The presence or absence of a particular set of symbols dictates the role the self will play, and the self can generally undertake many different roles (Solomon 1983). Both understanding how symbols dictate roles and acquiring different roles themselves, others are able to predict the role behaviors of others and can generally conform to the appropriate responsive role. Solomon continues with this discussion of the role‐playing self to encompass the idea that the self is defined largely by interactions with society. Thus, a large part of the self is inevitably attributed to others’ reactions to the different roles the self may assume using symbols as their dictate of behavior (Solomon 1983).

A traditional view of Product‐Consumer behavior includes the idea that products are responses to human behavior. This view states that in consuming, consumers are attempting to fill some need or to manage some impression they wish to portray to society. While this can be strongly argued, it must also be noted that products can also serve as causes of behavior. Here, Solomon asserts that “The focus is on the effect of economic, psychological, and sociological variables on product choice, rather than on the effects of products on the consumer’s experience” (Solomon 1983). The previous “post‐hoc” understanding of using products to attribute certain qualities to oneself is counter to what Solomon discusses that “Under some conditions, the learned cues inherent in product symbolism drive behavior, either by facilitating or by inhibiting role performance” (Solomon 1983). Selves may, in some cases, inhibit the qualities the product exudes, rather than a product fulfilling some hole in the attributes a person exudes (Solomon 1983). Clothing especially, as contributed by two researchers (Mead and Cooley), serves to contribute a stronger understanding from others of the role the person is ascribed at the moment (Solomon 1983).

An understanding of the self‐concept is garnered largely through others’ appraisals or non‐ appraisals and the evaluations of the appropriateness of the symbols used to dictate a role. Solomon states, “The actor’s reflexive evaluation of the meaning assigned by others is influenced by the products with which the self is surrounded. This (real or imagined) appraisal by significant others is, in turn, incorporated into self‐definition” (Solomon 1983). It is also stated that how successful a role is played is contingent upon the correct social interpretations of the symbols being used to portray that role. While product symbolism occurs at the social level, Solomon makes clear that symbolic consumption of items generally happens at the individual level (Solomon 1983). When a consumer lacks significant knowledge of a role they wish to enact, a product can serve as stimuli to enact that behavior. Solomon gives the example of an average MBA student with no significant job offerings. The student, who has little experiential knowledge of being a professional, fulfills this lack of knowledge by using symbols that form this role (ie: suits, luxury watches) (Solomon 1983). In the case of a person in transition from role to role (elicited by several factors including shifts in social class or age category), Solomon asserts that “Periods of role transition, which are often accompanied by uncertainty and evaluation

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apprehension, render the novice role player especially reliant upon the use of relevant product cues to guide role‐appropriate behavior” (Solomon 1983).

Prior Research on The Self and Self­Concept (including Consumer Purchase Decisions based on self­concept)

A large psychological component that manifests both in discussion of fashion discourse and the consumer culture concepts is the idea of the self and self‐concept. This concept, well‐ known in the psychological realm, plays an important role in how consumers purchase products, the cultural meanings the assign to these products, and the ways in which they speak about the products, such as with fashion discourse.

Two researchers propose the idea that without personal narrative, the self would not exist. Ochs and Copps propose the concept, in their work Narrating the Self, that personal narratives and the self are inseparable; that without narrative, experiences would be empty. Narratives allow tellers to impose order on what would otherwise be a very disorganized and incoherent series of happenstances, and additionally interfaces society with the self and all its varying dimensions. Narrative serves to present a self to others (Copps and Ochs 1996).

Narrative, according to the authors, arises at a young age and encompasses a variety of narrative genres including novels, diaries, letters, memoirs, gossip, legal testimony, boasts, eulogy, troubles talk, medical history, joke, satire, bird song, opera, mime, and dance. Narratives are also not restricted to one type of delivery media. Instead they may be delivered both verbally and visually (Copps and Ochs 1996).

A personal narrative is born as soon as the experience arises, thus it is in this way that narrative and self cannot be separated. In this particular article, self is understood to be “…an unfolding reflective or being‐in‐the‐world, including a sense of one’s past and future.” Thus it is through narrative that we come to better understand who we are, operating under the assumption that entities are ascribed meaning through experience (Copps and Ochs 1996). With this assumption, we can view narratives as self‐perceptions of reality, however fragmented they may be. This fragmentation of personal narrative, according to Copps and Ochs, is due to the narrator’s evoked emotions about a certain experience or entity. A holistic picture cannot possibly be provided, but instead gives insight to a partial self. As each narrative gives rise to the manifestation of a partial self, it is likely that multiple selves will come to surface as different narratives are told (Copps and Ochs 1996). Copps and Ochs take the concept further and offer that as “…narratives are apprehended, they give rise to the selves that apprehend them.” In reaching within to find the self who gave rise to the narrative, the self is simultaneously being re‐shaped as the narrative is told (Copps and Ochs 1996).

Two dimensions of narrative are offered in Narrating the Self. Temporality is the first of these. Temporality imposes order on what would simply be non‐chronological events. It

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must be noted, however, that narratives are not always presented chronologically as the order may be shifted around by the narrator in order to achieve some end, or simply by default. Also important to the temporality dimension is the concept that, although a narrative may be portraying an event of past, the narrative is framed within the context of the present state of mind of the narrator. With this comes all that the present self is concerned with, like worries, threats, and even the future (Copps and Ochs 1996). The other narrative dimension is point of view. Point of view may be told outright, but can also be realized through the structuring of plots in narratives and the resulting emotions attributed to entities and events through telling (Copps and Ochs 1996).

While a narrative may imply a discrete self, Copps and Ochs offer that narratives instead “…defines selves in terms of other in preset, past, and imagined universes” (Copps and Ochs 1996). Fundamental to human behavior is the development of a sense of one’s self as different from others, yet one also develops a sense of other people and things around them. It is through this involvement as well, with other people and things, that we also define ourselves‐ our interactions with each contribute to the overall self (Copps and Ochs 1996). Arising among these interactions and self‐development are often contradicting and frustrating happenstances that challenge a narrator. The narrator may either tend to create dialogue between the two conflicting entities in an attempt to resolve or simply to present one clearly right answer. This struggle is inherent in most all human narrators (Copps and Ochs 1996).

David Demo reveals in his research on the evolutionary nature of one’s self‐concept over time. In his work, The Self­Concept Over Time: Research and Directions, David Demo offers the idea that “Self‐concept is a structural product of reflexive activity, but it is also susceptible to change as the individual encounters new roles, situations, and life transitions” (Demo 1992). Demo asserts that while many researchers believe(d) that the self was a static entity, the self is constantly in flux in response to social situations and/or stimuli (Demo 1992).

Demo acknowledges several researchers’ work on the idea of the self‐concept, notably Rosenberg, but notes that while the concepts may provide an understanding of the complex make‐up of the self, it ignores the temporal aspect of self‐concept. Researchers Turner and Burke, however, more recently have acknowledged this phenomenon of changing self over time. Through their various studies, it can be gathered that people constantly monitor feedback they receive throughout their lives and thus pursue different mediums to verify their ideal self‐image. In this way, the self unknowingly resists change (Demo 1992).

Demo asserts that “Self‐concept, like other dimensions of personality, is a function of interacting biological, developmental, and social processes across the life course” (Demo 1992). Self‐concept is both formed and changed through interactions with entities and people as well as by basic human growth. Demo discusses the self‐concept development in infancy and childhood, but for the purposes of this paper, I will focus only on his commentary on adolescence and early adulthood.

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Adolescence, as anyone may well have guessed, is marked as a time of considerable change both physically, psychologically, and developmentally. From ages 12‐15, young adults begin to think in formal operational thought, deductive reasoning, and efficient and diversified information processing (Demo 1992). The development of such cognitive abilities allows these teens to test hypotheses about their self‐concept during a very introspective time in their lives. It can be assumed that in this time period, teens are constantly repeating this “testing” process internally as they are faced with numerous social, physical, and emotional challenges on a day‐to‐day basis. Most of these issues of ego‐identity are resolved by late adolescence as thoughts shift from childish ones to adult ones (Demo 1992).

According to Demo, moving from adolescence to adulthood is marked by the “…emergence of dialectical reasoning, enhanced problem‐solving, peak intellectual abilities, and optimal memory” (Demo 1992). These newly acquired thought processes allow for a more complex definition of the self‐ the crucial task of this age is forming the adult identity. Thoughts and actions pertaining to “child” roles switch to those of “adult” roles (spouse, parent, etc.) (Demo 1992). Additionally, Demo comments on the idea that although your feelings about yourself after a step into adulthood are relatively stable at any point in time, there exists “snapshots” of time where we may feel more self‐worthy or less (Demo 1992).

As the self‐concept changes in individuals over time, so to does the way in which consumers purchase items that are consistent with their self image. Johnson, in his research, explores this area. E. Laird Landon, Jr. in his paper Self­Concept, Ideal Self­ Concept, and Consumer Purchase Intentions attempts to uncover the shortcomings of previous research on the relationship between self‐concept and ideal self‐concept. Landon begins by mentioning the work of researchers who, over the years, have contributed to this area of research. Gardner and Levy, in the 1950’s, focused mainly on the idea that consumers prefer products that are congruent with self‐image. Moving forward into the 1960’s, Birdwell began to measure the extent to which self‐image was congruent with purchases made by consumers. Dolich, in the late 1960’s, uncovered the idea that self‐ image and ideal self‐image are about equally congruent with most preferred brands across four different product categories (Landon Jr., 1974). The major criticisms of these studies’ methods was in the fact that these assertions about and congruencies between self‐concept and ideal self‐concept were measured after the purchase had been made; they ignore the idea that perhaps the attitude about the product was a result of the actual purchase. In this instance, cognitive dissonance may play a role in influencing the consumer to acquire the attributes exuded by the product (Landon Jr., 1974).

Landon’s study attempts to “…clarify the relative importance of self and idea‐self image to the purchase intentions of consumers” (Landon Jr., 1974). Landon hypothesized that some individuals would show congruence between self‐image and ideal self‐image, and that some individuals would be dominantly in favor of one or the other when involving purchase decisions. To test these hypotheses, Landon surveyed 179 males and 173 females in a freshman college class. Students were asked to rate whether a product was like or unlike them, like or unlike the person they wanted to be, and then their purchase intention for the product. Limitations in this study include: the testing method has not been fully

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validated, the students may use past purchases as reference in answering their survey, and the list of products included only generic product names, not brands (Landon Jr., 1983).

Results of the study indicated that the two self‐concept/purchase intention correlations varied from product to product. In some cases, self‐image was more heavily correlated with purchase intention and in other cases, ideal self‐image was more heavily correlated (Landon Jr., 1983).

Conclusions and Hypotheses

As an industry, fashion continues to be one of the most lucrative and influential industries in the world. The industry is fueled largely through advertising, celebrity endorsement, and promotions. One avenue (arguably the most influential) through which fashion is heavily pumped is in fashion journalism. This is an interesting situation in that, among all of the avenues through which fashion is endorsed, fashion journalism is the only source in which (the majority of the time), fashion brands, designers, companies, etc. do not pay for their clothing to be featured in a fashion editorial. It is through fashion magazine content that consumers garner much of their “fashion” knowledge that ultimately influences their purchase decisions of certain fashion goods. It is almost diabolical how much power fashion editors have in shaping the fashion of a season, an era, even a generation. As shown through the research detailed above, consumers spend considerable time reading about fashion, discussing fashion, assigning meaning to consumer fashion goods, and translating the meaning of goods onto their own self‐concept. By translation, then, it is feasible to assume that fashion editors themselves have a hand in shaping who we are. Are consumers prisoners to this sobering fact, or, by self‐proclaimed exclusion as a reader of fashion journalism, do they exempt themselves from the influence of the all‐powerful fashion editor? This is where my interest lies; are the self‐concepts of women readers and non‐readers ages 18‐22 equally influenced and shaped by fashion journalism? Through testing and research, I expect to garner the following conclusions:

H1: Women readers aged 18­22 are expected to translate meanings of fashion goods onto their own self­concept (uncovered through discussion in focus group and depth interview).

H2: Women non­readers ages 18­22 are expected not to translate meanings of fashion goods onto their own self­concept (uncovered through discussion in focus group and depth interview).

H3: Variations in the extent to which participants translate the meaning of fashion goods onto their own self­concept will change in response to the discussion setting (focus group or depth­ interview).

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Methodology

Preliminary Testing

A preliminary questionnaire was administered to a group of 100 women ages 18‐22 of which only 31 completed and returned the survey. Of the 31 women that completed and returned the survey, 10 women were chosen to participate in the study based on their answers to the questions that comprised the preliminary survey. The preliminary survey consisted of seven questions asking basic contact and demographic questions as well as basic questions regarding their self‐proclaimed readership or non‐readership of fashion magazines, their level of readership, and the names of magazines they read (Appendix A). Self‐proclaimed readership or non‐readership, level of readership, and demographic answers were used as selection criteria for each of the participants selected.

Method

The method for this study consisted of two different exploratory studies in which each participant participated: a focus group and a depth interview. In both scenarios, subjects were presented with two different fashion articles from two different magazines to read and reference. The articles were purposely chosen from magazines of a degree of differing content and with different fashion motifs (Appendix B). The first article, obtained from the April 2009 issue of Elle magazine, could be categorized as more of a “high fashion” (which also translates to highly expensive) magazine (Appendix C). The second article, obtained from the March 2009 issue of Marie Claire magazine, could be categorized as a magazine featuring fashionable items but not quite as “high fashion” in content (Appendix D). The first focus group consisted of four subjects and the second focus group consisted of six subjects. Led by myself, the focus group was asked several questions pertaining to the first article, several questions pertaining to the second article, and several questions of a more general nature regarding fashion (Appendix E). Each focus group lasted approximately 45 minutes and was recorded to ensure that the entirety of the discussion from each group was documented for review. Each participant then participated in a depth interview following the focus group. Each was again given the two articles about which the questions would be asked to read and review. Led by myself, each subject was asked several questions pertaining to the first article, several questions pertaining to the second article, and several questions of a more general nature regarding fashion (Appendix F). Each interview lasted approximately 30 minutes and was recorded to ensure that the entirety of the discussion from each group was documented for review.

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Summary and Analysis of Results

Results of Methodology­ Focus Group Summary

Focus Group #1

The first focus group was composed of three self‐proclaimed readers of varying levels of readership and one non‐reader. Their ages ranged from 18‐22.

This first focus group generally did not react favorably to the first article, with the exception of one participant. The group essentially thought the clothing and accessories featured in the first article to be unrealistic and un‐wearable for a woman of their age in the current university setting. While there were a few items that the participants found to be intriguing (items from the last page of this first article, for example) and would possibly wear, they found each page to be difficult to look at because each item was so patterned and had the overall effect of making each page overly patterned. The participants, with the exception of one participant, generally expressed a feeling of disconnect from the clothing (a common phrase that arose being “I couldn’t get away with that”) and thus also from the person that they envisioned wearing these items. Generally, subjects thought the type of person to wear the clothing and accessories featured in the first article to be a member of a sect of society (some used the word “high society”) which would have events to attend that required they wear expensive and eye‐catching items such as the ones featured in this first fashion article. When asked if they would purchase the items if the money was no object, most responded that they still would not choose to wear the items.

With the exception of one subject, the participants generally found the second article much more favorable. Most found the clothing and accessories more “everyday” wear and much more wearable, and especially enjoyed all of the prints featured on the first page of the second article. Participants disliked certain items here and there, but generally liked the clothing and accessories favored in the second article. Participants found the clothing and accessories in the second article much more relatable and more aligned with their personal taste in clothing. They thus identified much more with the type of person they thought would wear the items in the second article; they thought the person to wear these items to be someone they knew, such as a friend. Money being no object, most participants would choose to wear these items over items favored in the first fashion article.

Subjects’ answers to the general fashion questions varied, but there were some commonalities among them as well. When asked how they felt after reading each fashion article, most participants answered (in one way or another) that they felt they needed to go shopping, update their personal style, and were a bit envious. Each subject, when asked to describe their ideal “fashionable” outfit (based on their own definition of fashion),

14 | Page generally described the outfit they felt best in. Only two participants touched on the motifs presented in the second, more favorable article in their description of their perfect, “fashionable” outfit. When asked how they would feel wearing this outfit, the overwhelming response from the participants was “confident,” among other more specific responses. Most participants described this confidence that arises as a result of wearing a favorite, “fashionable” outfit as being different than how they felt on a normal, day‐to‐day basis. While the subjects agreed that each always had an air of confidence about them regardless of what the may or may not be wearing, their confidence is enhanced and a different, exciting mood is created by wearing a “fashionable” outfit. When asked if they would feel more fashionable (and by translation, confident) after purchasing items featured in the article, answers varied between yes and indifferent.

Focus Group #2

The second focus group was composed of three self‐proclaimed readers of varying levels of readership and three non‐readers. Their ages ranged from 18‐21.

With regard to the first article, participants had varying responses to the clothing and accessories presented. When asked which items participants liked, varying answers arose…from entire pages to specific items. Like the first focus group, there was a general like of some of the items on the last page of the first article and also the first page of the first article (dissimilar to the first group). Similar to the first focus group, most subjects agreed that the items presented in the first fashion article were un‐wearable and unrealistic to wear on a daily basis in their current setting, but some answered that they would maybe wear a few of the items presented. The group generally felt that even if money was no object, their general dislike of the items presented in the first article would not change and they would not purchase the items presented. When describing the type of person that would wear the items showcased in the first article, responses were similar to the first focus group that it would be a person who was dressing to be notice. Subjects felt removed from and dissimilar to this type of person (one response being “we don’t do that”). Generally, participants’ personal fashion taste did not align with this first article.

Each of the subjects in the second focus group found the second fashion article more favorable than the first and each participant had different items they favored most of all of the items. The general favorability of the second article versus the first was evident in the increase in discussion and excitement about the second article. When asked which items subjects disliked, it was a bit of a struggle for each to come up with the items they disliked and generally, each could only name one item with hesitation or none at all. One participant’s only reason for the dislike of certain items was that she thought they simply would not look good on her. Participants described the type of person to wear these items to be similar to them; college students, “stuff we would wear,” even a celebrity who is

15 | Page arguably quite accessible to the general public. Overall, subjects in the second focus group found the clothing and accessories showcased in the second fashion article to be cohesive with their own personal styles and would purchase the items if price was not a deterrent.

When asked the general fashion questions, the majority of the second group (mix of readers and non‐readers) felt indifferent and/or unchanged after reading the two articles. Some opined that certain items would stick in their head as fun to wear but wouldn’t necessarily convince them to travel to purchase the items. Two subjects (both self‐ proclaimed readers) used words like “poor” and “kind of depressed” and that the “needed to go shopping” after reading these two articles. When asked to describe their ideal fashionable outfit, the subjects in the second group were much more descriptive than subjects in the first group. Some participants (both readers and non‐readers) touched on motifs in both the first and second article, interesting since there was so much distaste for the first article. In describing how they feel wearing this outfit or when dressed “fashionably” (based on their own personal definition of the word), the general consensus among the group was that they feel more confident and puts their mind at ease, allowing them to have a better time wherever they are. Interestingly, this group focused heavily on how badly they feel when they are no dressed fashionably, a change in direction from the question at hand. Participants were split in their answer to the question of whether or not they’d feel more fashionable after purchasing items featured in the articles.

Results of Methodology­ Subject Depth Interviews

(The first four subjects detailed below took part in the first focus group. The following six subjects took part in the second focus group.)

Subject 1

Profile:

1. Do you consider yourself to be a reader or non‐reader of fashion magazines? (please check one) a. Reader 2. Which fashion magazines do you read? (please list only ones you read): a. Cosmopolitan, Elle, In Style, Lucky, Teen Vogue, Seventeen 3. How often do you read a fashion magazine in a given month? a. Never 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Often 4. Your age: 18

Discussion:

Subject 1 identified herself as a heavy reader, so for the purposes of this study, it was assumed that this subject would be greatly influenced by the content of the two

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articles when asked questions pertaining to her self‐concept. This subject’s answers to the focus group questions and the interview questions were quite similar, although the subject was much more favorable towards the first article during the depth interview than during the focus group. With regard to the first article, the subject liked all of the clothes except for the polka dot page (which she also said during the focus group). She enjoyed the things that were “weird” and the things that she considered to be “dress‐up clothes.” She described how she would feel wearing this outfit as “hotty totty,” “dressing for other girls, not men,” and “expensive.” With regard to the second article, this participant thought the article gave more variety and when asked why she would or wouldn’t wear the items showcased, replied “Of course…they’re my style.” The subject said she would feel confident and happy wearing all of the items in the second article. The subject considered herself to be a fashionable person because she enjoyed color and patterns, two motifs evident in the two articles. Her ideal, “fashionable” outfit of the moment was an exact clothing item seen in a movie and did not authentically touch on any of the motifs presented in the articles. When wearing this outfit, the subject replied almost identically to her description of how she would feel wearing items from the first two articles: confident, “hot,” and happy.

Subject 2

Profile:

1. Do you consider yourself to be a reader or non‐reader of fashion magazines? (please check one) b. Non­Reader 2. Which fashion magazines do you read? (please list only ones you read): a. N/A 3. How often do you read a fashion magazine in a given month? a. Never 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Often 4. Your age: 20

Discussion:

Subject 2 identified herself as a non‐ reader, so for the purposes of this study, it was assumed that this subject would not be influenced by the content of the two articles when asked questions pertaining to her self‐concept. Answers to the questions during the depth interview were generally consistent with answers to the questions during the focus group. This subject did not find the first article very favorable; she instead found it to be more like “art” and not something to wear. She would, however, wear a few items (like the “fun, unique” heels for example) here and there which was a consistent answer to her focus group answer to a similar question. This participant also gave the reason of “not being able to pull it off” as another

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reason for disfavoring some of the clothing items showcased in the first article. When asked how she would feel wearing the clothing in the first article, the subject responded with “out of my place,” unless she had an event to attend that required “high‐end” clothes such as the ones in the article. The second article was much more appealing to this participant as she believed the clothes to fit in with her “everyday life.” She would feel “really great” and more like herself dressed in items from the second article. While the subject wouldn’t necessarily categorize herself as a “fashionable” woman, she felt that she in fact did wear “cute clothes.” In her description of her ideal outfit of the moment, the subject did incorporate motifs that were presented in both of the articles: unique heels and natural colors. When wearing this ideal outfit, the participant detailed that she would feel “great, confident, fun, and social,” feelings similar to how she described herself when wearing items presented in the second article.

Subject 3

Profile:

1. Do you consider yourself to be a reader or non‐reader of fashion magazines? (please check one) a. Reader 2. Which fashion magazines do you read? (please list only ones you read): a. Vogue, Cosmopolitan, Elle 3. How often do you read a fashion magazine in a given month? a. Never 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Often 4. Your age:22

Discussion:

Subject 3 identified herself as a reader, so for the purposes of this study, it was assumed that this subject would be influenced by the content of the two articles when asked questions pertaining to her self‐concept. Subject 3 was quite consistent in her answers during both the in‐depth interview and the focus group. This participant, unlike all other participants, found the first article to be more favorable. She enjoyed that it showcased the upcoming trends in fashion and how each trend was categorized and supplied a myriad of different looks for the trend. The extravagance of this article was also appealing to this participant. The subject said that she would “definitely” were the items in the first article because “its fun to experiment,” especially if she had the right event to wear it to. If she were wearing these clothing items, this participant said she would feel “awesome,” depending on if she could “pull it off.” When asked about the second article, the participant enjoyed the items showcased here as well. She would “absolutely” wear the clothes in the second article as well, claiming that they would be more “comfortable,” for her and

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that she wouldn’t “have to be going anywhere” to wear them (versus the first article where she opined that an event would be necessary to wear some of the clothes showcased). This participant considers herself to be fashionable, but mentioned that she would probably not be considered fashionable by those who work in fashion, hinting that she is aware of the nuance that those “in fashion” are all‐ knowing. When describing her ideal, fashionable outfit, the participant touched on the motif of heavily beaded heels that was touched upon in both the first and second article; however, she referenced the heels in the second article when making this statement. When asked how she would feel wearing this ideal fashionable outfit, the participant said she would feel “Great! Everyone feels great in a great outfit…”.

Subject 4

Profile:

1. Do you consider yourself to be a reader or non‐reader of fashion magazines? (please check one) a. Reader 2. Which fashion magazines do you read? (please list only ones you read): a. Vogue, Bazaar, In Style 3. How often do you read a fashion magazine in a given month? a. Never 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Often 4. Your age:21

Discussion:

Subject 4 identified herself as a reader, so for the purposes of this study, it was assumed that this subject would be influenced by the content of the two articles when asked questions pertaining to her self‐concept. Of any of the participants, this particular participant’s answers were the most consistent across the focus group and the interview. This participant did not necessarily like the first article in both the focus group or in the interview. She described the first article as being more artistic than realistic, detailing that it would not be practical for her to “buy stuff like this.” In both setting, she believed the items to be relevant only for a “very small high‐end population that could afford” the items showcased in the first article. She did admit that she may consider wearing a few pieces “here and there,” but would rather shop out of the second article. This participant said she would feel “out of her element and probably uncomfortable” wearing the items in the first article. The subject found much more she liked in the second article versus the first article. In her description, the items were “fun and fashionable but still could be used for the average purpose” and detailed that she would “wear the clothes.” Wearing these clothes, the participant would feel “happy, cute, and stylish.” The subject confessed that if she had more money, she would like to be more fashionable but since that is

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currently not the case, it is not a very big deal to her. She detailed that she doesn’t “pay that much attention to it” (fashion). In this participant’s description of her ideal fashionable outfit, she did not touch on any of the motifs presented in either of the articles, a bit surprising since she claimed to be a moderate reader of fashion magazines which were similar in nature to the ones from which the articles were taken. However, in her answer to how she would feel when dressed in her ideal outfit (“cute, confident, happier”), her answer was similar to the same question pertaining to how she would feel wearing items from the second article.

Subject 5

Profile:

1. Do you consider yourself to be a reader or non‐reader of fashion magazines? (please check one) a. Reader 2. Which fashion magazines do you read? (please list only ones you read): a. Cosmopolitan, Elle, In Style 3. How often do you read a fashion magazine in a given month? a. Never 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Often 4. Your age:18

Discussion:

Subject 5 identified herself as a reader, so for the purposes of this study, it was assumed that this subject would be influenced by the content of the two articles when asked questions pertaining to her self‐concept. This participant’s answers were fairly consistent across both the focus group and the depth interview. When asked what she liked about the first article, the subject struggled to answer in both scenarios. She identified a few clothing items that could maybe “function into a wardrobe” but generally, would not wear any of the items showcased in the first article because she is “more basic” in her style and doesn’t wear things that would make her feel as “extreme” as the items in the first article. This admission is interesting as the first article came from a magazine of which this subject claimed to be a reader. This subject was much more intrigued by the second article and could see herself wearing the items “on an everyday basis” because “they look more comfortable, like something that people in college would wear.” Although a little hesitant, the participant said she would feel “stylish” and “cute” wearing items from the second article. When asked, this subject didn’t consider herself to be a fashionable woman but also didn’t feel she was completely “out of the loop” regarding current trends in fashion. Her ideal outfit included a vintage‐like, floral,

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and feminine dress, which touches on two motifs presented in the articles. In her description of how she would feel when wearing this outfit, she stated that she would feel “confident, comfortable, and happier” when dressed in an outfit like the one described‐very similar to her answer to how she would feel dressed in items from the second article.

Subject 6

Profile:

1. Do you consider yourself to be a reader or non‐reader of fashion magazines? (please check one) a. Reader 2. Which fashion magazines do you read? (please list only ones you read): a. Vogue, InStyle 3. How often do you read a fashion magazine in a given month? a. Never 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Often 4. Your age:20

Discussion:

Subject 6 identified herself as a reader, so for the purposes of this study, it was assumed that this subject would be influenced by the content of the two articles when asked questions pertaining to her self‐concept. The subject’s answers varied slightly between the focus group and the interview, but not too significantly. With regard to the first article, this participant didn’t find much about it that she liked. She thought the way different items were grouped together was interesting, but when it came to the items themselves said she wouldn’t wear any of the patterns presented. In her explanation of why she wouldn’t wear the items, she said many of the items were “too out there,” but would consider wearing some of the shoes or the purses. If she were to wear the items in the first article, one of the words she used to describe this was “self‐conscious.” The subject favored the second article more than the first article because they were “more versatile” and more her “style.” She explained that she would feel fashionable wearing clothing from the second article since its all “really cute stuff.” With regard to if the participant perceived herself as a fashionable woman, she said she believed herself to be “pretty fashionable” because she “has a good taste of what is out there” and also sees many things she owns on other people, which could be “considered fashionable.” This participant’s perfect outfit did not touch any motifs presented in the article, yet the mood she described when wearing this outfit (“cute, fashionable, confident”) was aligned with her answer to how she would feel wearing items from the second article.

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Subject 7

Profile:

1. Do you consider yourself to be a reader or non‐reader of fashion magazines? (please check one) a. Reader 2. Which fashion magazines do you read? (please list only ones you read): a. Vogue, Elle, Nylon, Bazaar 3. How often do you read a fashion magazine in a given month? a. Never 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Often 4. Your age: 20

Discussion:

Subject 7 identified herself as a heavy reader, so for the purposes of this study, it was assumed that this subject would be greatly influenced by the content of the two articles when asked questions pertaining to her self‐concept. This participant’s answers were almost identical across the focus group and the interview. She liked how the first article was categorized and a few of the items, but other than that did not really favor the items showcased in the first fashion article. To her, most items were “unrealistic” and “impractical” and not wearable on a day‐to‐day basis. Also, she explained that she doesn’t believe someone “our” age would wear items showcased in the first article. When asked how she would feel wearing items showcased in the first article, she responded that she “probably wouldn’t be able to pull it off” since it was so high fashion and that it was too weird for her to have the confidence to wear the items. When asked to consider the second article, this participant said the liked the items “a lot better” and she would wear many of the different pieces. She believed it to be more fitting to “our” age group; still high‐fashion but toned down from the first article. When wearing items from the second article, she described herself feeling “comfortable, more me, fashionable, fun, and chic.” This subject considered herself to generally be a fashionable woman based on her love of clothes and the fact that she puts a lot of time into clothes and defining her own style. Her ideal outfit would consist of a sundress and gladiator sandals encompassing the colors of black, green, purple, and orange. When dressed in this attire or any other fashionable outfit, the participant described carrying herself “with more confidence because you know you look good.” However, if she is not dressed fashionably, it doesn’t necessarily affect her mood, a surprising notion since this subject claimed to be such a heavy reader.

Subject 8

Profile:

1. Do you consider yourself to be a reader or non‐reader of fashion magazines? (please check one)

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b. Non­Reader 2. Which fashion magazines do you read? (please list only ones you read): a. Cosmopolitan, Elle 3. How often do you read a fashion magazine in a given month? a. Never 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Often 4. Your age:21

Discussion:

Subject 8 identified herself as a non‐reader, so for the purposes of this study, it was assumed that this subject would not be influenced by the content of the two articles when asked questions pertaining to her self‐concept. This participant was relatively un‐talkative in both the focus group and interview settings which may or may not have signaled either disinterest or confusion. Regardless, her answers were consistent across the focus group and the depth interview. She struggled in naming things she liked in regard to the first fashion article, explaining that the items were too “over the top, discouraging, overwhelming, and almost distasteful.” She ventured that perhaps this article was intended for an older audience since she couldn’t even imagine anyone she knew wearing these items. In wearing any of the items from the first article she believed she would garner negative attention and also would feel uncomfortable. She believed the second article to be much more geared to her age group and much more wearable, thus, she would probably wear items from the second article. Wearing items from the second article would attribute to her feeling more comfortable and fashionable. The subject did not consider herself to be a fashionable woman because it takes so much effort to be “really fashionable” and at this stage of life, has “other priorities.” Her perfect “fashionable” outfit was a playful sundress—mildly touching on motifs presented in the second article. When she perceives herself as being dressed fashionably, she would commonly feel “confident and positive.”

Subject 9

Profile:

1. Do you consider yourself to be a reader or non‐reader of fashion magazines? (please check one) b. Non­Reader 2. Which fashion magazines do you read? (please list only ones you read): a. InStyle 3. How often do you read a fashion magazine in a given month? a. Never 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Often 4. Your age:21

Discussion:

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Subject 9 identified herself as a non‐reader, so for the purposes of this study, it was assumed that this subject would not be influenced by the content of the two articles when asked questions pertaining to her self‐concept. This participant offered relatively similar answers to the questions presented in both the focus group and in the depth interview. Her favorite aspect of the first article was the last page, which showcased silver items and, as her favorite color is silver, was naturally drawn to the page. Aside from a few pieces from that last page, however, this subject would not wear anything from the first article and joked that she would maybe wear some of the items to a “themed party.” If she had to wear some of the items in the first article, she said she would almost feel a little like an “idiot.” When asked how she liked the items presented in the second article, the participant responded (as hypothesized) that it didn’t do “as much” for her as it did other girls in her focus group. She explained that she couldn’t see herself wearing a lot of the items presented in the article. The only item she took a great liking to were the boots on the second page of the second article. Wearing the boots, she explained, would make her feel “confident” and “pretty hot.” When asked if she considered herself to be a fashionable woman, she responded that if she was comfortable and could “rock it,” then she felt fashionable. The subject’s ideal outfit included a colorful dress that fit her well above all else and that she could dance in, completed by matching accessories. When she is dressed “fashionably” or in this outfit, she feels “confident” and “ready to go out and see friends.”

Subject 10

Profile:

1. Do you consider yourself to be a reader or non‐reader of fashion magazines? (please check one)

b. Non­Reader

2. Which fashion magazines do you read? (please list only ones you read): a. N/A 3. How often do you read a fashion magazine in a given month? a. Never 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Often 4. Your age:21

Discussion:

Subject 10 identified herself as a non‐reader, so for the purposes of this study, it was assumed that this subject would not be influenced by the content of the two articles when asked questions pertaining to her self‐concept. Unfortunately, this subject was unable to complete a depth interview so the consistency of her answers was

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unable to be measured. During the focus group, this participant did not like the first article and was relatively quiet during the entire discussion regarding the article, possibly signaling disinterest. She explained that even if she could afford the clothes, she still would not buy them as she perceived them as being worn only by “extreme” people. The subject favored the second article and detailed specific items that she liked and would wear because they were simpler and more accessible, to name two reasons. She thought that some of the items would be “fun” and “flirty” to wear. Her ideal outfit touched on the motif of unique heels to accentuate an outfit, but other than that did not encompass any other motif presented in either of the two articles. When wearing this outfit or something else fashionable, this subject described herself as feeling “hot” and that it would bring out another side of her that normally, she might not show. Conclusions and Contributions

H1: Women readers aged 18­22 are expected to translate meanings of fashion goods onto their own self­concept (uncovered through discussion in focus group and depth interview).

H2: Women non­readers ages 18­22 are expected not to translate meanings of fashion goods onto their own self­concept (uncovered through discussion in focus group and depth interview).

H3: Variations in the extent to which participants translate the meaning of fashion goods onto their own self­concept will change in response to the discussion setting (focus group or depth­ interview).

At the conclusion of the study, it is almost difficult to say whether or not the hypotheses were supported or un‐supported. To some extent, each was supported. To some extent, each was unsupported. Certain subjects yielded different results concerning each of the three hypotheses which lends to difficulty in generalizing whether or not each hypotheses was supported.

Within the scope of the first article, H1, H2, and H3 were each unsupported. The negative reaction garnered by the first article generally hindered even the self‐proclaimed readers from translating the meaning of the fashion goods onto their self‐concept (with the exception of Subject 3 and the translation of the “unique heel” motif evident in the first article). The items featured in the first article were apparently too far removed from the realm of normalcy for the test to even be effective. Perhaps a pre‐test testing different magazines and their appeal to the sample pool should have been conducted prior to the administering of the articles to the subjects to gain a sense of what is, in essence, comprehendible for the subjects to be tested on.

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What does this imply for marketers of Elle magazine, the source from which this article was drawn? That in order to have success in effectively shaping their target market, they must first identify a market segment who can comprehend and/or appreciate the content of their magazine. The copy of Elle magazine used for this study was obtained at a local Tucson Safeway grocery store, an arena open to the mass public who more likely than not, would not have the level of fashion knowledge or appreciation to fully benefit from reading the contents of Elle magazine. Perhaps retailing at locations that attract this type of consumer could be a consideration for the magazine; less copies may be printed but those printed might be sold more quickly and appreciated more by the consumer, increasing their inherent brand equity.

The second article was much more supportive of H1 and H2. With the exception of a few subjects (Subject 2, Subject 4, and partially Subject 6 as her answers varied in the group vs. interview setting), it can be generally concluded that readers tend to translate fashion goods onto their own self concept. This conclusion can be drawn through the evidence lying in the answers from many of the readers. For example, many readers explained that they would feel a certain way if they wore clothes offered in the second article; this feeling was very similar to the feeling answer they gave when asked how they would feel if dressed in their favorite fashionable outfit. The cognitive connection can thus be drawn that, by translation, items from the second article would trigger a reader to feel the same emotion as they did wearing their own version of a fashionable outfit. Additionally, a few subjects labeled as readers included motifs presented in the second article when describing their ideal fashionable outfit.

While support for both H1 and H2 is evident, it can be concluded that H2 was not as supported as the first hypothesis. This is because through this study, two self‐proclaimed non‐readers translated the meanings of certain fashion goods onto their self‐concept in the same way that the readers translated the meanings of certain fashion goods onto their self‐ concept. This fact alone has grand implications for marketers. Marie Claire magazine, the source from which this article was drawn, was obtained from the same location as the source of the first article, a local Tucson Safeway. According to the study, the retail location for this magazine was a more accurate tool in reaching a market that can both comprehend and appreciate the contents of the magazine. The magazine even has the ability to change the way a non‐reader translates the meanings of fashion goods onto their own self‐concept.

H3, in the scope of the second article, could not be supported. The notion that subjects’ answers would change from focus group to depth interview was simply not supported by the results of the study. While there were a few instances where subjects’ answers varied, these variations were quite minimal and could not necessarily have been attributed to the group setting versus the individual setting, but to other confounding variables such as time

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between focus group and interview, exposure to outside stimuli on a given day, or personal bias. Limitations of Work

Sample

The sample for this particular research was quite limited. As the adequate resource of a representative sample pool was not able to be accessed, the sample lacked in diversity and instead was more closely aligned with that of a convenience sample. Participants were hesitant to participate, so the subjects that did participate were willing to do so, signaling their interest in fashion and/or marketing research in general. This interest alone could have attributed to some of the inconsistency among findings. The sample also was drawn from female students who had many characteristics in common including common membership in certain organizations, their status as students at the same university, as well as their exposure to much of the same stimuli (i.e., the University of Arizona campus, student body, etc.). Additionally, the sample contained members that were higher in “seniority” according to class rank of which subjects were aware. This fact may have contributed to some of the inconsistencies found between a subject’s focus group responses and interview responses. As participation in this study was unenforceable, two subjects that initially had pledged to participate in the study at the last minute decided otherwise, which attributed to the uneven number of subjects in the first and second focus groups. This imbalance of subjects in each focus group may have attributed to some of the differences in conclusions drawn about each of the two groups. Also due to the non‐ mandatory nature of the study, one subject was unable to complete the depth interview portion of the study, attributing to an incomplete evaluation of the subject.

Time Frame

The time frame in which the focus groups and interviews were conducted may also have affected the results of the two experiments. It was logistically impossible to keep consistent the time between the focus group and the interview for each participant. Therefore, subjects’ answers from the focus group may have been more top of mind if the interview followed shortly after versus a subject whose interview was farther removed from the time of the focus group. A subject whose interview was shortly after may also have been influenced in their interview answers by the memory of other subjects’ answers within the focus group when asked. This would, again, cause some variation between subjects whose interviews followed more quickly after the focus group than those whose interviews were farther removed from the time of the interview.

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Interviewer/Focus Group Leader Bias

As the interviewer and leader of the focus group, it was quite difficult for me to simply read the questions on the focus group guide and the interview guide without adding to them in any way. For example, if a subject did not explain an answer to the extent that I expected, I would reiterate the question and essentially probe for a more detailed response. Had the questioner not been myself, perhaps the subjects’ answers would have remained as they were originally stated and different conclusions may have been drawn. Another inconsistency that arose as a result of my taking on the role of both the focus group leader and interviewer was my voice intonation in phrasing the questions. Certain intonations or tones may have led the subjects to respond in a way that they may not have responded given a guide and interviewer who had little to no voice inflection. Additionally, because I knew the questions very well (since I authored them), I would at times change the question a bit and not stick to exactly the way it was worded on the paper. This discrepancy in the treatments of the two focus groups and the different interview subjects may have attributed to some of the discrepancies among subjects’ answers between the focus group and the interview.

Methodology

The two articles chosen for the method of this study ending up garnering very different responses from the participants. The first article, on the whole, received a quite negative reaction from the participants while the second article, on the whole, received a quite positive reaction from the participants. These two very different (and unplanned and un‐ accounted for) reactions perhaps skewed some of the responses from participants. If both articles had been received well, there may have been a stronger case for the support of at least two of the hypotheses (those two involving the translation of fashion goods onto self‐ concept). Future Research Directions

This study, which was limited in its resources, could have done a much better job of concluding whether or not hypotheses were supported has their been a larger group of subjects. A larger group of subjects (at least 100) would most likely begin to reveal more trends regarding the way readers and non‐readers translate the meanings of fashion goods onto their self‐concept than can be generalized from a group of only ten women. Should these trends begin to surface, secondary testing may also be conducted to uncover even more about the ways in which consumers translate these meanings onto their self concept and the ways marketers can utilize this fact.

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A secondary test could include a mock store experiment in which after reviewing articles from selected fashion magazines, consumers are asked to go shopping in a controlled environment in which items from the magazine articles as well items of a similar motif are available for purchase. When the experiment time has run up, the conductors of the experiment can evaluate if participants purchased the items in the magazine or the similar items by simply looking at their purchases. An interview following the controlled shopping experience could also be conducted to measure the level of translation the fashion goods have had on the participant’s self‐concept.

After the above or related secondary experiments have been conducted and analyzed, based on the results, marketers of magazines could work towards manipulating some of their content to attract the exact consumer they wish to attract. This will ultimately eliminate costs associated with the guessing game of target marketing and will also increase the likelihood that a reader will a) be very satisfied with the content of the magazine because it is exactly what they wanted, and b) repeat purchase. As advertising slowly wanes, enhanced content becomes the main selling point for readers and thus the primary profit generator for magazine companies.

Studies of this nature can be extended beyond the scope of fashion magazines as well. Other genres of magazines, newspapers, and other types of print media could begin to explore these concepts with their own studies of a similar nature. Ultimately, studies of this nature can be extended to other media as well, including television, radio, promotional events, and more.

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References

Arnould, Eric and Thompson, Craig. "Consumer Culture Theor (CCT): Twenty Years of Research." The Journal of Consumer Research 31(2005): 868‐882. Print.

Berthon, Pierre and Nairn, Agnes. "Creating the Customer: The Influence of Advertising on Consumer Market Segments: Evidence and Ethics." Journal of Business Ethics 42(2003): 83‐ 99. Print.

Breward, Christopher. "Femininity and Consumption: The Problem of the Late Nineteenth Century Fashion Journal." Journal of Design History 7(1994): 71‐89. Print.

Capps, Lisa and Ochs, Elinor. "Narrating the Self." Annual Review of Anthropology 25(1996): 19‐43. Print.

Demo, David. "The Self‐Concept Over Time: Research Issues and Directions." Annual Review of Sociology 18(1992): 303‐326. Print.

Haytko, Diana and Thompson, Craig. "Speaking of Fashion: Consumers' Uses of Fashion Discourses and the Appropration of Counterveiling Cultural Meanings." The Journal of Consumer Research 24(1997): 15‐42. Print.

Landon, E. Laird Jr.. "Self Concept, Ideal Self Concept, and Consumer Purchase Intentions." The Journal of Consumer Research 1(1974): 44‐51. Print.

McCracken, Grant. "Culture and Consumption: A Theoretical Account of the Structure and Movement of the Cultural Meaning." The Journal of Consumer Research 13(1986): 71‐84. Print.

Olson, Eric M. and Slater, Stanley F. "Marketing's Contribution to the Implementation of Business Strategy: An Empirical Analysis." Strategic Management Journal 22(2002): 1055‐ 1067. Print.

Solomon, Michael. "The Role of Products as Social Stimuli: A Symbolic Interactionism Approach." The Journal of Consumer Research 10(1983): 319‐329. Print.

Turow, Joseph. "Audience Construction and Culture Production: Marketing Surveillance in the Digital Age." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 597(2005): 103‐121. Print.

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Appendices

Appendix A: Preliminary Survey

1. Do you consider yourself to be a reader or non‐reader of fashion magazines? (please check one) a. Reader______b. Non‐Reader ______

2. Which fashion magazines do you read? (please list only ones you read): a. ______

3. How often do you read a fashion magazine in a given month? a. Never 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Often

4. Would you be willing to help me in completing my Honors Thesis this Spring? The time obligation would be approximately an hour and a half. Meeting time could be scheduled at a time that is convenient for both of us. a. Yes______b. No______

5. Your name:______

6. Your age:______

7. Your e‐mail address:______

Appendix B: Article Motifs

First Article:

Pattern

Black and White

Geometric Shapes

Wire

Technology

Color

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Stripes

Pixelated Prints

Polka Dots

Unique Heels

Embellished, Beaded Heels

Stand Out Jewelry

Silver

Studs

Second Article:

Color

Natural Colors

Flowy Materials

Embellished, Beaded Heels

Feminine

Vintage

Sundresses

Animal Prints

Maxi Dresses

Embellished Accessories

Cuff Shorts

Classic

Beige

Sculptural

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Geometric

White and Off‐White

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Appendix C: First Article

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Appendix D: Second Article

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Appendix E: Focus Group Guide

Focus Group Guide

I. Begin discussing the first fashion article a. What items girls like? b. What items girls dislike? c. Why they like/dislike certain items? d. Would they wear any of the items in the fashion article? Why or why not? e. If money was no object, would they buy these items? f. Describe the type of person that would wear these fashion items. i. Is this person similar or dissimilar to you? g. Does your personal fashion taste align with these items? II. Discuss second fashion article a. What items girls like? b. What items girls dislike? c. Why they like/dislike certain items? d. Would they wear any of the items in the fashion article? Why or why not? e. If money was no object, would they buy these items? f. What type of person would wear these fashion items? i. Is this person similar or dissimilar to you? g. Does your personal fashion sense align with this? III. Speak about general fashion concepts, specifics to the articles, and how they relate to the readers. a. How do you feel after reading these two fashion articles? b. What is your ideal fashionable outfit of the moment? c. Describe how you feel when you are wearing this outfit. i. Is it different than how you feel normally? d. Would you feel more fashionable after purchasing items presented in either of these two fashion articles? Why or why not?

Appendix F: Depth Interview Guide

1. What intrigued you the most about each of the two articles you were given? 2. What did you think about the clothing and accessories showcased in the first fashion article? Why do you like or dislike it? 3. Would you ever wear the clothing and/or accessories showcased in the first fashion article? Why or why not? 4. Describe how you would feel wearing one of the items showcased in the first fashion article? 5. What did you think about the clothing showcased in the second fashion article? Why do you like or dislike it?

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6. Would you ever wear the clothes showcased in the second fashion article? Why or why not? 7. Describe how you would feel wearing one of the clothing items showcased in the second fashion article? 8. Do you consider yourself to be a “fashionable” woman? Why or why not? 9. Describe your perfect “fashionable, dress to impress” outfit. 10. When you perceive yourself as being dressed “fashionably,” how do you feel? Do you feel differently than when you feel you are not dressed “fashionably?”

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