Seniors and Portrayals of Intra-generational ’-generational Inequality in

Julia Rozanova and Herbert C. Northcott Department of Sociology, University of Alberta

Susan A. McDaniel Department of Sociology, University of Windsor

RESUME Cet article examine comment les personnes agees sont decrites dans le Globe et Mail. Trente articles publies en 2004 ont ete selectionnes et analyses thematiquement. Dans ces articles les personnes agees etaient presentees dans six contextes differents: la famille; le travail et la retraite; les reseaux communautaires; les etudes scientifiques de population; la securite sociale et la politique sante; les attitudes sociales sur le vieillissement. Les questions concernant les aines refletent trois themes: le theme de la diversite des personnes agees a fait apparaitre les aines de differents ages, sexes, degres de sante, besoms et ressources; le theme de la vieillesse a reussi a projeter des exemples positifs de vieillissement, mais a marginalise les aines qui ne correspondent pas a ce modele et, par consequent, a encourage un agisme intra-generationnel; le theme de la demographie apocalyptique et du conflit inter-generationnel a souligne l'importance de la securite sociale pour les aines, mais aussi a manifeste le probleme d'inegalite entre les generations en decrivant les aines comme un fardeau pour les personnes plus jeunes dans les families et dans la societe. Les analyses critiques ont propose que les descriptions negatives et positives des personnes agees dans les journaux, puissent manifester les signes d'agisme.

ABSTRACT In this article, we examine how seniors are portrayed in the Globe and Mail. Thirty articles published in 2004 were selected and thematically analysed. Seniors were discussed in six different contexts, including family, work/retirement, community networks, scientific studies of population, social and health care policy, and social attitudes to aging. Issues pertaining to seniors were captured in three themes. The theme diversity of seniors made visible seniors of different genders, ages, health statuses, abilities, and needs. The successful aging theme provided positive examples of aging well but marginalized seniors who did not meet these expectations, thereby fostering intra-generational ageism. The apocalyptic demography / inter-generational conflict theme underscored the importance of society's support system for the elderly but raised the issue of inter-generational inequality, of presenting the elderly as a burden on younger persons in families and on society at large. Critical analyses suggested that both negative and positive newspaper portrayals of seniors might be ageist.

* We thank Judith Golec for her useful comments on earlier drafts and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful and helpful feedback. Julia Rozanova received support from an Izaak W. Killam Memorial Doctoral Scholarship and from Alberta Heritage Foundation for Medical Research Studentship. Manuscript received: / manuscrit repu : 8/07/06 Manuscript accepted: / manuscrit accepte : 5/09/06 Mots cles : vieillissement, aines, descriptions dans les journaux, diversite, inegalite, agisme Keywords: aging, seniors, newspaper portrayals, diversity, inequality, inequality, ageism Requests for offprints should be sent to: / Les demandes de tires-a-part doivent etre addressees a : Julia Rozanova Department of Sociology University of Alberta 419 HM Tory Building

Canadian Journal on Aging / La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 25 (4) : 373 - 386 (2006) 373 374 Canadian Journal on Aging 25 (4) Julia Rozanova, Herbert C. Northcott, and Susan A. McDaniel

Edmonton, AB T6G 2H4 (rozan ova@ualberta .ca)

Introduction inter-generational and intra-generational inequality The media are one vehicle for shaping attitudes about from the perspective of critical social gerontology. age and aging and have been often blamed for Inter-generational inequality refers to portrayals of perpetuating ageism and cultural stereotypes about differences between older and younger persons seniors, particularly older women (Cohen, 2002; in hierarchical and evaluative terms, while intra- Kessler, Rakoczy, & Staudinger, 2004). Nelson (2005) generational inequality refers to portrayals of hierarchy says that, in developed industrialized societies, among various groups of older persons. We present seniors tend to be seen as distinct and inferior by the findings from thematic qualitative analyses of virtue of being old and consequently are devalued, 30 articles about seniors published in the Globe and marginalized, and stripped of authority, responsibil­ M ail in 2004. Finally, we discuss some implications ity, and dignity. Manifestations of overt media ageism, of our findings regarding challenges that overt and where seniors are under-represented or portrayed in a subtle inter-generational and intra-generational media negative light, as unattractive, selfish, greedy, senile, ageism pose for social policy and research. and generally inferior to younger people, have been acknowledged and studied for 30 years (Bell, 1992; Review of the Literature Cohen, 2002; Donlon, Ashman, & Levy, 2005; Gerbner, Gross, Signorielli, & Morgan, 1980; Northcott, 1975). Portrayals of Older Adults in the Media Most of this work has focused on negative stereotypes The majority of research examining the portrayals of and ageism in the portrayals of older adults on older adults in the media focuses on how seniors television (Bell, 1992; Cohen, 2002; Donlon et al., 2005; are portrayed on television (Bell, 1992; Cohen, 2002; Gerbner et al., 1980). In contrast, a few recent studies Diamond & Ohringer, 1993; Donlon et al., 2005; have begun to focus attention on more subtle Gerbner et al., 1980; Kessler et al., 2004; Northcott, manifestations of ageism in seemingly positive 1975; Vernon, Williams, Phillips, & Wilson, 1990). media portrayals of seniors as active, healthy, affluent, A growing area of scholarship considers how seniors and socially engaged (Katz & Laliberte-Rudman, 2005; are portrayed in magazines (Loetterle, 1994) and in McHugh, 2003). We join this effort by examining the magazine advertisements (Chen & Zhou, 1994; portrayals of older adults in the newspaper, where, Harwood & Roy, 1999; McHugh, 2003), but recent in contrast to television (Bell, 1992; Cohen, 2002; studies concerning the portrayals of seniors in news­ Donlon et al., 2005; Gerbner et al., 1980; Northcott, papers are scarce (Gibb & Holroyd, 1996; Katz & 1975) and magazine advertisements (McHugh, 2003), Laliberte-Rudman, 2005; Whitfield, 2001). manifestations of overt and subtle ageism remain largely unexplored. The research literature on media portrayals of seniors has predominantly focused on two issues. The first is The purpose of our study was to examine the the under-representation of older adults in different contemporary portrayals of seniors in the Globe and media: on television (Donlon et al., 2005; Gerbner M ail, which presents itself as Canada's national et al., 1980; Northcott, 1975; Robinson, Skill, & Turner, newspaper, and to discuss how these portrayals both 2004; Whitfield, 2001), in magazines (Chen & Zhou, resist and reinforce the prevailing stereotypes of 1994; Harwood & Roy, 1999), and in national and local seniors in Western society. At the core of our newspapers (Whitfield, 2001). Older adults are more perspective is the thesis that, by portraying older often portrayed on television than in print media adults in both negative and positive lights, the media (Robinson et al., 2004). On television, older men are may manifest signs of ageism by advancing normative portrayed more frequently than older women standards about how older persons should age, (Cohen, 2002; Kessler et al., 2004), affluent older marginalizing vulnerable older adults who fail to people are portrayed more frequently than poor older fit the normative ideals of aging, downplaying people (Bell, 1992), and single older adults are under­ the actual problems and concerns of seniors, and represented in comparison to older adults who are de-emphasizing institutional discrimination and the married (Whitfield, 2001). segregation of older adults. Our presentation starts with a brief overview of research literature focusing The second issue identified by research into media on media portrayals of older adults. We then portrayals of seniors is the portrayal of older adults in introduce a theoretical framework of polarized a negative light. The existing research indicates that media ageism and operationalize it in terms of all media tend to portray seniors less positively than Seniors in the Globe and Mail La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 25 (4) 375 younger people (Cohen, 2002; Donlon et al., 2005; considered as a non-productive burden, a threat to O'Reilly, 1997; Robinson et al., 2004). Negative the sustainability of public-pension, health-system, portrayals of older adults are more likely to prevail and other social programs (Nelson, 2005; Turner, on television than in the print media (Whitfield, 2001), 1991), and consequently as of lesser economic and and older women are more likely to be portrayed in social value than younger people (Nelson, 2005; a negative light than are older men in any media Turner, 1991). A social construction of age that (Vasil & Wass, 1993; Whitfield, 2001). More specif­ devalues the elderly has been institutionalized by ically, Whitfield (2001) argues that, both on television means of educational and retirement systems and of and in the print media, older women are portrayed cultural values (Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2005; in roles less associated with power and prestige. Thornton, 2002). Furthermore, various derogatory Bell (1992) points out that, on television, positive and pejorative labels, such as the "grey peril" or portrayals of older adults as powerful, affluent, "greedy geezers" (Robinson et al., 2004) have healthy, physically and socially active, quick-witted, emerged to define the elderly as inferior to younger and admired are predominantly portrayals of older people and in competition with them for scarce men and very seldom of older women. Cohen (2002) resources and benefits. Youthfulness, associated with and McNamara (1998) argue that, in Western societies, being an active, productive, and valued member few women have sources of power or status other of society, has become a desirable attribute of all than their youthfulness and beauty and that, conse­ social groups, regardless of their age (Blaikie, 1999; quently, the media portray the effects of aging as Nelson, 2005; Turner, 1991). particularly negative for women. Nevertheless, research points out that denigration A limitation of the studies cited is that they take and devaluation based on age and aging does not positive portrayals of seniors at face value and do apply to all people of the same chronological not critically examine them (McHugh, 2003; for an age in the same way. In other words, there are exception, see Katz & Laliberte-Rudman, 2005). social constructions of intra-generational inequality Instead, an overwhelming proportion of research (McDaniel, 1997, 2003a, 2003b; McDonald, 2004; into media portrayals of seniors focuses on character­ Turner, 1991). Older people in social positions of istics of older adults conventionally labelled as power who possess considerable economic and bad (such as wrinkled, poor, ill, senile, or unkempt) political capital may not give up or be stripped of as opposed to good (such as healthy, affluent, well- their authority and prestige with aging (Turner, 1991). groomed, or youthful in appearance) (Donlon et al., Present-day political elites of many Western 2005; Harwood & Roy, 1999; Kessler et al., 2004). countries where there are large numbers of men past However, McHugh (2003) recently used thematic the official retirement age are a case in point. qualitative analysis to examine the texts of advertise­ Conversely, McDonald (2004) and Chappell, Gee, ments for retirement living in Arizona and pointed McDonald, and Stones (2003) point out that those out that positive portrayals of older adults in who, in addition to being older, are also female and magazine advertisements of retirement living may unattached are a particularly vulnerable group in also be ageist and exclusionary. That is, the portrayal comparison with their married peers and are most of seniors as healthy, active, engaged, and affluent likely to experience discrimination and poverty, and excludes those seniors who are unhealthy, inactive, thus to be socially and economically disadvantaged. and poor. Other than Katz and Laliberte-Rudman's Ageism, that is discrimination and prejudice against (2005) study of "exemplars of retirement" in the people because of their age, can be experienced Toronto Star newspaper, this thesis remains largely by older adults in two ways (Bytheway, 2005). First, unexplored in relation to portrayals of seniors in the ageism in the usual sense, that is, inter-generational news media. Our study aims to contribute to filling ageism, manifests itself when older people are judged this gap in knowledge. as different from and unequal/inferior to younger people (Bytheway, 2005). This ageism stems from the Polarized Ageism devaluation of older adults in general as senile, Age and aging are socially constructed categories rigid in thought and manner, old-fashioned in and have changed over time in relation to social morality and skills; as less productive members of prestige and honour (Turner, 1991). While pre­ society who contribute less and have less economic industrial agrarian elders were respected for their and social worth than younger people (Bytheway, wisdom and were considered to be of equal or greater 2005). Second, ageism may take the form of intra- worth than younger people (Nelson, 2005), in modern generational ageism that manifests itself when some societies, "age has become profoundly downgraded groups of seniors are judged as different from and as a value" (Turner, 1991, p. 596). Elders tend to be unequal/inferior to other groups of seniors according 376 Canadian Journal on Aging 25 (4) Julia Rozanova, Herbert C. Northcott, and Susan A. McDaniel to how they are aging (Bytheway, 2005). Intra- dailies like the Globe and Mail, purportedly report generational ageism among age peers emphasizes news factually and provide commentaries on those the perceived differences between “us" (i.e., still new stories. Since readers form solid views based youthful, active, healthy, productive, and socially on reading newspapers (Robinson et al., 2004), it is engaged) and “them" (i.e., the “really old people" fundamentally important to explore the newspaper who embody overall decline) and may be the most portrayals of groups in society. This, however, has common form of ageism (Bytheway, 2005; Nelson, rarely been done (Donlon et al., 2005). Our article 2005). contributes to filling this gap by examining the portrayals of seniors' issues in a sample of newspaper The thesis of polarized ageism developed by Cole articles appearing in the Globe and Mail during the (1992) and McHugh (2003) asserts that ageism in the year 2004. form of negative stereotypes about old age and the elderly in general (in contrast to younger people) We developed two research questions for this study. has been rightfully acknowledged and critiqued First, does the Globe and Mail portray seniors as in social gerontology. In response to that critique, different/inferior to younger people and in what various positive concepts, such as successful and ways? Second, does the Globe and Mail portray some active aging, have been offered as antidotes to groups of seniors as different from and inferior to negative stereotypes about aging and old age other older adults, and if so, how? To address these (Blaikie, 1999; Cole, 1992; McHugh, 2000, 2003). This two questions, we first searched for newspaper has resulted in splitting stereotypes of old age articles where inter-generational portrayals contrasted “into positive and negative poles": a good old age of seniors with younger people (rich and poor, healthy health, virtue, self-reliance, and activity, and a bad and unhealthy, independent and dependent, etc.). old age of sickness, dependency, and premature death Second, we searched for newspaper articles where (Cole, 1992, p. 230). The social and moral value of intra-generational portrayals contrasted different a good old age is legitimized by an ethic of busyness groups of seniors with one another (older women (Blaikie, 1999; Chapman, 2005; Katz, 2000; McHugh, and older men, healthy seniors and unhealthy seniors, 2003) that envisions older adults pursuing active financially independent seniors and poor seniors) and leisure as vigorously and purposefully as younger showed some groups of seniors as different from people pursue work and raise their families. and inferior to their peers. According to the thesis of polarized ageism, positive portrayals of seniors are the antitheses of the negative Methodology portrayals (McHugh, 2003). The biggest problem The Globe and Mail was chosen for this study because with stereotypes of good and bad old age is that it is referred to (and presents itself) as Canada's they marginalize the most vulnerable older adults, national newspaper, at least for English-speaking those with the fewest personal and economic Canada. To uncover through thematic analysis how resources, who are particularly likely to be unat­ this newspaper portrays seniors, we produced a tached, female, in precarious health, and to manageable set of information-rich articles through have limited support networks (Eales et al., 2005; a three-step process, selecting one year of the McDonald, 2004). Stereotypes of good and bad may Globe and Mail, a random sample of daily editions in further devalue and segregate these more vulnerable this year, and all relevant articles within these daily older adults, reinforcing the social, economic, and editions. cultural differences between those who do and those who do not “age well" (Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2005). The period of our sample is 2004. This was, at the time the study was done in 2005, the most recent full-year Given the theoretical framework of polarized ageism, period. It was considered that the influence of it is important to recognize and critically examine corporate and public policy on content and style both negative and positive stereotypes in portrayals was most likely to be consistent over a single year and of seniors in various media (Giles & Reid, 2005; would thereby be held constant in our study. McHugh, 2003). On television, fictionalized and exaggerated portrayals of seniors are found in soap Daily editions of the Globe and Mail were included in operas, comedies, dramas, and even in talk and the data set by means of systematic sampling with a “reality" shows (Cohen, 2002). Magazines typically random start, to control for potential seasonal varia­ target specific readerships and portray older adults tion in the content of daily editions and ensure their in ways that fit the lifestyles and products they diversity across the year (Harwood & Roy, 1999, are trying to sell (McHugh, 2003). Newspapers, p. 272). A single 7-day period of the four full 7-day particularly highly respected and acclaimed national periods in January 2004 was randomly selected. Seniors in the Globe and Mail La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 25 (4) 377

Then, in addition, every fourth 7-day period following in one article from Nova Scotia, and in the others there it in the calendar year 2004 was selected, to produce was no explicit mention of region. a total of thirteen 7-day periods. Among these In line with the inductive approach to thematic 13 periods, a random 7-day period was then selected. analysis (Patton, 2002, p. 453), and in contrast to the Finally, this period and every second period majority of previous studies of media portrayals of that followed or preceded it in the 13-period seniors, which used the deductive method of classical sequence was selected, to produce six 7-day periods content analysis (Donlon et al., 2005; Gerbner et al., (February 12 to 18; April 8 to 14; June 3 to 9; July 29 1980; Harwood & Roy, 1999; Kolbe & Albanese, 1997), to August 4; September 23 to 29; November 18 to 24). we began working with the articles without a This was done to create an unbiased reserve sample pre-determined coding scheme. Instead, our coding in case the first sample produced too few relevant emerged from the data as part of the analysis. Our articles for analysis and needed to be augmented. study set out to identify the categories and themes Finally, every article in the 36 editions of the Globe in the articles pertaining to our research questions and M ail published during these six periods was and to interpret relationships among these themes. To thoroughly examined (the Globe and Mail is published achieve inter-coder agreement, two of the co-authors six times a week). All articles that directly mentioned read the articles independently, and then the cate­ the age of featured individuals or groups as 65 and gories and themes proposed by one co-author were above or that contained any reference to being retired reviewed by the other co-authors and refined and or being an elder, a senior, or an older adult, and all validated through discussion. articles of which older persons and issues explicitly pertaining to them were the focal point were included in the data set. The final data set consisted of R e s u lts 30 articles featuring individual seniors and older By carefully reading the articles and reflecting on their adults in general. content, we found that seniors were discussed in terms of the following: Our approach to the analysis of these articles was descriptive and inductive. Qualitative methodology • social characteristics: characteristics of the seniors in the has different methods for analysing text (Den/in & stories that are used in society to categorize, rank, Lincoln, 2000, p. 637; Ryan & Bernard, 2000; Tesch, and count or identify individuals (e.g., age, gender, 1990). Some approaches, like schema analysis or race/ethnicity, health status, or marital status) grounded theory work best when exploring data • social roles: what the seniors in the story-line (or plot) and building hypotheses, while others, such as were performing or doing (e.g., being a spouse/ classical content analysis, are more appropriate for romantic partner or widow(er), parenting, grandparent- testing theories and models. When it comes to the ing, giving care, receiving care, working as an employee, analysis of non-fiction texts such as newspaper being retired, volunteering, or being a role model / articles, inductive thematic analysis is appropriate distinguished person, consumer, client of the social for revealing categories, patterns, and themes in the security system, or client of the health care system) data and developing hypotheses about relationships • contexts: the situation of the senior(s) in the stories and among the themes (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000; background information supplied in the story (e.g., Patton, 2002; Silverman, 2000). A sample of 30 to family work/retirement, community networks, scien­ 50 texts is suggested as ideal for this purpose tific studies of population, social and health care policy, (Charmaz, 2000; Morse, 1997). Thirty newspaper or social attitudes to aging) articles seemed sufficient to provide saturation • issues: the point of the story, the overall sense conveyed (i.e., what we read was no longer new as we by putting the components of the story together in order approached a sample size of 30). to elevate the life situation of a senior into a subject of public interest (inclusion/exclusion, control over deci­ The articles varied in length from 111 words to 2,895 sion making / subordination, empowerment/vulner­ words, with the majority being around 800 words. ability autonomy/dependency, productivity/ burden, There was no consistent pattern regarding the success/ challenge) location of these articles in a specific section of the • themes: major ideas about older adults explicitly or newspaper, and only one out of the 30 was included implicitly expressed by portraying interconnections in the front-page headlines. No article portrayed between social characteristics of seniors, their roles, senior members of any visible minority. In one article, their contexts, and issues pertaining to them. Three the principal characters (older women) were first- major themes emerged: diversity of seniors, successful generation immigrants (from Western Europe). aging/ intra-generational inequality, and apocalyptic The stories in four articles originated from Ontario, demography / inter-generational conflict. 378 Canadian Journal on Aging 25 (4) Julia Rozanova, Herbert C. Northcott, and Susan A. McDaniel

Diversity of Seniors the person's age had to be highlighted and the label retiree attached to her/him at all. Would the same The portrayal of older adults in various contexts, the multiplicity of roles in which seniors were presented, story make the news had the principal character not and the heterogeneity of issues pertaining to them been a retired person? And by pointing out that the individual was retired, did the story imply that suggested, above all, that the Globe and Mail portrayed Canadian seniors as diverse. The articles featured her/his actions and achievements were somehow seniors of different ages, health statuses, marital more distinguished or unusual than if they had been statuses, personal resources, abilities, and needs and performed by someone else (i.e., a working-age discussed the issues pertaining both to older men and adult or a youth)? There is a subtle doubt about to older women. Older women tended to appear in whether the cause adopted by a given senior is really family contexts in the roles of mother, widow, worthwhile for the society at large or is only perceived caregiver, or care receiver, while older men tended as such by the senior: to appear in work/retirement contexts in the roles of Abel Van Wyk must be the happiest Torontonian employee or retired volunteer. Articles also presented alive today. After decades of searching, the seniors as role models in the contexts of community Scarborough retiree has finally found someone networks or as clients of the health care and social who believes in his kooky "Causeway Concept" support systems and often referred to older adults (or "Causchvay Conschept", as fellow generically without direct reference to gender when Scarborough comedian Mike Myers, scourge of portraying them as grandparents, spouses, con­ the Dutch, might put it)—an expressway running through Lake Ontario. ("CAA Expressway Plan Is sumers, or citizens. The issues discussed in the Just More Spit in the Wind") articles portraying seniors included empowerment and disempowerment, autonomy and dependency, In sum, the theme of diversity of seniors was a first frailty and healthiness, poverty and wealth, loneli­ step in presenting seniors' issues in terms of intra- ness and social engagement, angst and well-being, generational and inter-generational inequalities. The making contributions and receiving support, and covert theme of intra-generational inequality sug­ vulnerability and security. gested that seniors were not equal in their ability to age well, while the covert theme of inter-generational That the seniors were not conflated into the one­ inequality suggested that seniors were perceived as a dimensional negative stereotype so vigorously criti­ burden on younger people. cized by researchers (Vasil & Wass, 1993; Whitfield, 2001) but were indeed portrayed in the Globe and Successful Aging and Intra-generational Inequality M ail as diverse needs to be recognized and highly commended. However, as we were reading and The theme of successful aging was evident in the comparing the articles with one another, we could newspaper articles analysed for this study. Peel, not help thinking whether the texts—and our McClure, and Bartlett (2005) define successful aging society—tend to rank diverse portrayals on continua as “a lifelong process optimizing opportunities for from good to bad, better to worse. Seniors are improving and preserving health and physical, social, compared and contrasted among one another as and mental wellness; independence; quality of life; younger versus older, poor versus wealthy, married and enhancing successful life-course transitions" versus widowed, dependent versus independent, frail (p. 298). The successful aging perspective underscores versus healthy, or vulnerable versus empowered. the importance of active social engagement in Furthermore, following Bytheway (2005), we began meaningful activities (including productive, physical, to wonder whether the very emphasis on age and on social, and cognitive activities) in later life, and its being or becoming an older adult was tacitly or positive impacts on older adults' physical health overtly juxtaposing seniors with non-seniors, making and mental well-being (Bukov, Maas, & Lampert, older adults and their issues somehow exceptional 2002; Chapman, 2005; DiPietro, 2001; Herzog, Markus, and different from everybody else's only because of Franks, & Homlberg, 1998; Kaye, Butler, & Webster, the number of years they had lived. On the surface, 2003; Menec, 2003; Phelan, Anderson, LaCroix, & the portrayals of seniors in diverse social roles, Larson, 2004; Rowe & Kahn, 1997; Tate, Lah, & Cuddy, particularly in the contexts of work and community 2003). Focusing on health and active participation involvement, manifested empowerment and the in later life, the successful aging perspective defines ability to make meaningful contributions in terms of both the preconditions and the outcomes of the paid or unpaid work or voluntary community service. process of aging successfully and sees achieving However, in reading through a story about an older successful aging as normative and desirable for adult who volunteered in the community for the individuals (Holstein & Minkler, 2003). The successful sake of a good cause, we wondered whether and why aging perspective has been favoured by governments Seniors in the Globe and Mail La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 25 (4) 379 that seek to reduce welfare spending through market- moving for care of crumbling bones" ("Merry oriented policies and imposes on individuals, Widows"). families, and communities increasing responsibility The negative and positive poles (Cole, 1992; McHugh, for elders' attaining healthy aging and retaining 2003) of the successful aging theme involved an intra- independence in later life (Graham, 2004). generational inequality in the ability or inability of McHugh (2003) says that "in popular culture, wise older adults to age well. While portrayals of success­ lifestyle choices and active engagement in life are fully aging older adults pointed out that they were touted as pathways to happiness and longevity" aging well (due to luck or making smart lifestyle (p. 165). Successful aging was, indeed, the major choices), the articles suggested that not everybody theme in the portrayals of older adults in the Globe attained this goal and that some older adults were and M ail. Overall, it was subtly suggested that older unlucky (McDaniel, 2005). The article described Joplin adults might have agency in determining the quality as "lucky" in not looking like an "old-folk folkie" and of their lives, through personal choices made earlier thus implicitly differentiated her from the "really old and in the present. Agelessness (McHugh, 2003) people" who do, indeed, look old, do not have the or postponing decline and deterioration (whether healthy habit of regular walking or weightlifting, and physical signs such as wrinkles or unsteady balance also, perhaps, do not live in wealthy neighbourhoods. or loss of social contact) was presented as a desirable Another article featuring older women described goal: "Helen Zajchowski and her friends are nothing them as "luckiest" in being able to age well; that is, like the doddering old women of stereotypes.... They to stay physically active and vigorous and to defy are proof that old age is not the constant suffering aging: "In a nation of seniors, the luckiest ones [italics imagined by people still young, or at least doesn't added] will age like the foursome in Ms. Elliot's have to be" ("Merry Widows"). aerobics class, side-stepping to the tunes of Elvis and Ethel Merman ("Merry Widows"). Youthfulness of physical appearance, independence, and vigour—all ways of defying old age and signs Reading through these descriptions of vigorous, alert, of aging—were presented as key to success within and energetic older women doing aerobics and of the framework of a youth-centric, competitive urban Joplin's youthful and fashionable appearance, our culture. "What if you could pop a pill and look mind's eye registers their absent antithesis, the younger?" asks one article ("Beauty Meds"). Older unsuccessful aging that is not shown but clearly adults were judged and evaluated in terms of the implied: perhaps a frail, lonely, housebound older youthfulness and attractiveness of their physical woman or man; or a senior living in a dreary nursing appearances and lifestyles. Seniors who could best home; or an unkempt, unfit older woman or man meet these standards of youthfulness, health, and wearing an old-fashioned outfit and living in a poor vigour were presented as having a comparative neighbourhood. Weber's Protestant ethic comes to advantage over seniors who could not. Gender mind and makes one wonder whether the "luck" so made a difference in the quest for youth, in that enthusiastically referred to in the articles may be older women's appearance was subject to detailed another reference to divine blessing and whether scrutiny but older men's was not (Abu-Laban & successful aging may incidentally accompany eco­ McDaniel, 2004): nomic success. The articles suggest that some seniors have a comparative advantage over others in their She is 63. "Oh, I'm just lucky, I guess", she ability to age well; for example, by "luckily" growing says... as she pushes her long graying hair over up in an environment where certain healthy practices her shoulder. Dressed in jeans, a jean jacket, were the norm: "They did have the advantage of dangling silver maple-leaf earrings and a chunky necklace, she certainly isn't an old-folk folkie. Her growing up in a generation that walked and danced skin is clear and smooth. Her only secret, she and worked their brains counting bridge hands—the says, is that she walks every morning near her same stay-young activities now promoted in medical 1920s' house in Rosedale, one of Toronto's journals" ("Merry Widows"). wealthy neighbourhoods, and lifts weights three While the successful aging theme incorporated times a week. ("Partying with Joplin"). positive portrayals of older adults (including, as the Joplin obviously makes wise lifestyle choices, but luck passages quoted earlier demonstrate, such positive also plays a role in her success. She looks different characteristics as wealthy, active, healthy, youthful than other older women, who are portrayed as looking, pursuing stay-young activities, and so on), looking like "old-folk"—"There's no denying their the negative stereotypes of older people loomed age: they have wrinkles too deep for Botox, soft just under the surface. The positive stereotypes of bellies, white frothy hair and that slow-motion way of "successfully aging" older women like Joplin or the 380 Canadian Journal on Aging 25 (4) Julia Rozanova, Herbert C. Northcott, and Susan A. McDaniel foursome in Ms. Elliot's aerobics class were bench­ Assumptions that older adults are affluent and marks against which other seniors were implicitly relatively equal among themselves and that they evaluated. It follows that those who did not conform push for the redistribution of wealth in favour of the to these ideals might not be aging well. Moreover, elderly and to the relative disadvantage of younger as "successfully aging" stereotypes are connected generations have long been recognized in social to the notion that individual choices and attitudes gerontology as the basis for apocalyptic demography play a role in aging well, they may possibly ideology and the "problem paradigm" of aging serve as further justification for giving increasing (McDaniel, 1997). In line with this ideology, older responsibility for their well being to the old persons adults are stereotyped as unproductive greedy themselves. The larger social, institutional, and geezers, are blamed for public debt loads, and are cultural issues that underlie economic and health portrayed as a threat to the sustainability of public inequalities among older persons (e.g., not all seniors pensions, the health system, and other social live in wealthy neighbourhoods like Joplin), that programs (Gee & McDaniel, 1993). Apocalyptic constrain older adults' lifestyle choices (e.g., not all forecasts about the growing proportion of seniors in seniors have access to sports facilities and aerobics society (Adams & Dominick, 1995; Lascelles, 2004) instructors), and that may be out of one's control, have fuelled concerns about the sustainability of were implied but not portrayed. the public systems that redistribute wealth within and between generations. Older adults are blamed Similarly, in the context of a discussion of a popula­ for receiving from society more than they contribute. tion health study, one article suggested that physical Further, it is suggested that younger people will exercise helped maintain better health in later life not enjoy the same level of income and social and pointed out that whether some one exercised or services when they reach old age as their parents not was up to that person. Frail older adults were portrayed as inactive and sedentary, as not making and grandparents did because the generous welfare state will collapse under the escalating costs of wise lifestyle choices (in contrast to Joplin and the sustaining aging baby boomers (Lascelles, 2004). foursome in Ms. Elliot's class), and as, instead, spending their time sitting around: The apocalyptic demography / inter-generational The very oldest seniors are significantly more conflict theme in media portrayals of older adults likely to suffer a fall than Canadians only has in part been acknowledged and critiqued 10 years younger, and, in the 1999 study, they (Robinson et al., 2004). We found manifestations of were 75 per cent more likely to be admitted to inter-generational conflict and inequality in the hospital in a year. They are the most inactive age portrayals of seniors in the Globe and Mail in two group in a population that spends a lot of time contexts: family and society. sitting around—only 6 per cent of seniors over the age of 85 were physically active on a regular In the family context, the issues pertaining to basis. ("For Those Who Think Young"). seniors were familial support, caring, compassion, and giving, and also vulnerability, dependency, The issue underlying this passage is older adults' disempowerment, and receiving. Seniors were personal responsibility for their health problems. presented as care receivers, dependent for support Maintaining a high level of physical activity and on their children. Vulnerability, indebtedness social involvement was portrayed as a means to to children, and dependency were particularly increase one's chances to preserve good health, while emphasized in discussions of older single women, frailty was linked to poor individual choices. where several issues were compounded (financial Apocalyptic Demography and Inter-generational insecurity, health deterioration, widowhood, etc.). Conflict Younger family members were presented as support­ ing seniors financially and emotionally—"When Not only did those older adults who made poor she became engaged four years ago, Dina Arellano lifestyle choices fail to age successfully and lose made one thing clear: her widowed mother, who the competition among their peers, they were also was financially dependent on her, was going to be presented as an increasing burden on younger part of the package" ("Role Reversal: Children Who generations. While the successful aging theme Support Parents"). incorporated portrayals of intra-generational inequality (presented as inequality in aging well as Furthermore, younger family members who were a consequence of individual choices and efforts), supporting older adults were portrayed as making the apocalyptic demography theme addressed explicit sacrifices in terms of their careers and social lives: or tacit conflict between the generations and their "Canadians providing care for aging parents... are respective needs and interests. meeting those challenges through sacrifices to their Seniors in the Globe and Mail La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 25 (4) 381 careers, social lives and overall health" (“Sandwich in work-related contexts and in the contexts of the Generation Making Sacrifices"). health care and social security systems. On the surface, portraying older adults in the role of The issue of seniors' (both men and women) being employees suggests empowerment, social inclusion, a burden for their families emerged in depictions of professional expertise, independence, and the ability younger family members as “sandwiched" between to make meaningful social contributions. However, the conflicting demands of providing care for young older workers are often considered different children and providing care for elderly ailing parents (particularly in their abilities to adapt to changes and, consequently as sacrificing their careers and and innovations) from everybody else by virtue leisure to provide care and support to seniors: of being older, which is one of the main manifesta­ The stress of caring for both parents and children tions of ageism, according to Bytheway (2005) is taking its toll on the so-called "sandwich and Hagestad & Uhlenberg (2005). In the Globe and generation", according to a report from Statistics M ail, while there was no mention of professional Canada released Tuesday. It is already a substantial group and it is likely to grow, the growth, achievement, or development in regards authors warn. These "sandwiched" workers were to older adults in the workplace, there was a direct considerably more likely to feel generally mention of conservative attitudes, unwillingness stressed. ("'Sandwich Generation' Stresses Likely to change, and non-flexibility: "The obvious conclu­ to Grow."). sion is that too many older doctors simply didn't want to change" ("Older Doctors Pose Challenge to Older adults were also presented in giving roles, Reshaping System"). helping their children and their families and making meaningful contributions in terms of unpaid caring Last but not least, the apocalyptic demography/ and domestic work as grandparents and baby-sitters. inter-generational conflict theme was manifested in However, their taking up these roles was presented the discussion of seniors in the role of clients of the not as a contribution and equitable participation in health care and social security systems. The older the the family's division of labour but as a forced seniors of both genders were, the more likely they reaction to decisions made by their children. Seniors were to be portrayed as dependent on the social performing grandparenting roles were portrayed as security system. Similarly, concern about the sustain­ having less decision-making power and less control ability of an adequate health care system highlighted over their lives (in comparison to their children, the "tough choices" necessary to deal with the needs as well as in comparison to their luckier peers) as of an aging population: "The $18-billion health-care a result of some unfortunate circumstances in their accord signed last week isn't a fix for a generation and children's lives or their own lives, such as the death of Canadians are going to face some tough choices as a partner or late-life divorce: they deal with the needs of an aging population, When your kids are just too much, who you New Brunswick Premier Bernard Lord says" gonna call? Your parents [i.e., the grandparents]. ("Economy Drives Health Care, Lord Says"). I'm not talking about having mom and dad baby­ sit occasionally or housesit during a short crisis. Thus, older adults were portrayed as a burden on I'm talking about "systemic grandparenting." their families and on society. Seniors were described This is a permanent state of active involvement as unproductive, dependent, and in need of support with your children [i.e., the grandchildren] and care, and younger people were presented as brought about by your own state of marital making sacrifices in terms of professional growth and breakup, single parenthood, shift work, critical leisure time in order to take care of seniors. Seniors, illness or financial hardship. Sometimes, the even if healthy at the moment, were portrayed as a changes in the grandparent's situation—such as time bomb that would sooner or later damage society widowhood or their own late-life failed due to the rising costs of the health care system: marriage—open the door to days of unstinted attention to your children [i.e., the grandchildren], In the next 20 years, one in five Canadians will ("Your Folks Can Help Your Kids."). reach the age of 65, and although the majority of today's seniors report their health as good, the Disempowerment of seniors within families, discus­ incentive for keeping the country's fastest growing sions of seniors in the role of care receiver rather demographic as fit as possible is obvious. Longer than caregiver stressing the sacrifice seniors' children life means more people living with chronic health were making in taking care of them, all reflected the conditions and dementia. ("For Those Who Think inter-generational conflict theme. Young"). On the societal level, the theme of inter-generational Seniors portrayed as a burden on society as a whole conflict was manifested in portrayals of older adults and on younger adults, in particular, were the centre 382 Canadian Journal on Aging 25 (4) Julia Rozanova, Herbert C. Northcott, and Susan A. McDaniel of the apocalyptic demography / inter-generational care to seniors, while seniors' contributions to families conflict theme. The underlying assumption was that and to societies were socially and economically seniors are not productive and do not contribute devalued. Older adults were presented as a burden to the creation of economic wealth. Thus, younger on younger persons in families and in society at large, generations have to bear the extended social and receiving more than they contributed, and were economic costs of sustaining the public health and simultaneously assumed to be unable (or unwilling) pension system in a society where the proportion of to make meaningful contributions to the same extent seniors is growing. as younger persons. Consequently, the elderly were described as dependent on the young and as subordinate to them. This theme is illustrative of D isc u s sio n inter-generational ageism, which signifies that older This study illustrates Cole's (1992) and McHugh's adults in general are perceived as inferior to younger (2003) notion of polarized ageism or, in other words, people (i.e., less productive, less capable of making that ageism consists of both negative and positive decisions, having less control over their lives, and so stereotypes of old age. The study also demonstrates on) by virtue only of their having lived a certain that ageism can involve both inter-generational number of years. As Hagestad & Uhlenberg (2005) and intra-generational comparisons. Older adults and Nelson (2005) point out, at the root of age were portrayed in the Globe and Mail both in inter- discrimination is the stereotype that older people generational characterizations of older persons in are a special kind of human being, different from contrast to younger persons and in intra-generational everybody else only because they are older, and age characterizations of advantaged seniors in contrast discrimination, unlike racism and sexism, is often to those seniors who were less advantaged. These unacknowledged. portrayals were evident in different contexts, includ­ ing family, work/retirement, community networks, With respect to our second research question, we scientific studies of population, social and health found that some groups of seniors were portrayed care policy, and social attitudes to aging. The roles in as different from and inferior to other older adults. which seniors were discussed in relation to these For a long time, said McHugh (2003), social scientists contexts involved both giving and receiving, through have critiqued negative stereotypes of older engagement with families, communities, paid work, adults, but the positive stereotypes that create the and social institutions. Different issues that pertain expectation that all will age healthily and that aging to seniors in their various roles were subsumed need not be a problem need to be critically examined within three major themes: diversity, successful as well (McDaniel, 2005). The theme of successful aging / intra-generational inequality, and apocalyptic aging, which was evident in the Globe and Mail demography / inter-generational conflict. articles, discriminated between older adults in terms of how well they were aging by providing positive We found that, on the surface, the visibility in stereotypes of older adults who were aging well; newspaper articles of seniors of different genders, that is, who were active, healthy, young looking, and ages, health statuses, abilities, and needs reflected the financially well off and were actively engaged in diversity of seniors theme. This theme accommodated various activities. These portrayals also showed the both positive and negative issues pertaining to negative antitheses of successful aging, showcasing seniors, issues such as empowerment and disem- groups of frail and/or poor older adults who were not powerment, independence and dependence. aging well. The theme of successful aging illustrates However, this theme also implied the marginalized intra-generational ageism, where the most vulnerable, status of seniors in comparison to non-seniors in the disabled, ill, frail, poor, and/or oldest seniors are contexts of work, social policy, and family relations, segregated as the "really old people" (Bytheway, 2005) and of certain groups of seniors in comparison to their for whom, as implied in one of the articles peers in all life domains, and thus implied inter- quoted earlier, old age means constant suffering and generational and intra-generational inequality. decline. McDaniel (2005) argues that successful aging With respect to our first research question, we found is really not aging and therefore that the concept that seniors were portrayed in newspaper articles can condemn those who age to feeling lesser. The as different from and unequal to younger adults, "successful aging" notion has a darker side and can reflecting the apocalyptic demography / inter- become normative, so that those who are disabled or generational conflict theme. We found that articles in ill-health come to blame themselves or be blamed where seniors were presented in the contexts of family by others for not aging successfully. The positive or of social and healthcare policies highlighted the images of successful aging that were offered in the thinning resource base that sustains the provision of newspaper articles were positive stereotypes against Seniors in the Globe and Mail La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 25 (4) 383 which all seniors might be evaluated; this resulted in other print media. It would also be interesting to stigmatizing those who failed to meet expectations. know whether or not the themes evident in an The seemingly sweet flavour of the successful aging anglophone newspaper are mirrored in leading theme—the good news that aging well is possible— francophone newspapers. provides positive and inspiring examples of how This study has limitations, of course. Only one type of successful aging is achieved by real people and media (that is, print), only one particular newspaper, suggests that an individual has control over her/his and only one year were selected for analysis. destiny at any age. The sweetness becomes bitter However, our methodological framework may, and once we acknowledge that some seniors do not age hopefully will, be applied to broader investigations successfully due to ill luck or to factors beyond of the portrayals of seniors in other news media their control. By assigning most of the responsibility in Canada and elsewhere. Thus our study opens for seniors' quality of life to seniors themselves, possibilities for further research. The next step could the successful aging theme blames the victims (for example, frail seniors) for their health status be to extend this study to include other news media being poorer and their quality of life worse than those and to compare how the portrayal of statuses and of their age peers and thus diverts attention from roles among seniors and between seniors and younger the role of social institutions and public policies in people are presented across different news media. producing and sustaining structural inequalities A longitudinal study, both prospective and retro­ that are the root causes of poverty and inequalities spective, examining how news-media portrayals of of health (Graham, 2004). seniors change over time, would also be of value. Also, it would be exciting to extend this study cross- McHugh (2003, p. 181) concluded that the magazine culturally and to compare portrayals of seniors in the advertisements he studied were guilty of ageism even Globe and Mail with portrayals of seniors in major when portraying older adults in positive terms. newspapers in other countries, particularly outside He raised important questions about the degree to of North America. Analyses of whether seniors which ageism penetrates our society and culture, are portrayed in different cultures in similar or about whether criticizing positive views of aging— different roles and of whether the media in different including successful aging stereotypes—might societies depicts intra-generational and inter- be another form of ageism, and about whether generational inequalities in different terms would be non-ageist thinking was "fathomable or culturally useful for scholars concerned with the cultural aspects possible". As a colleague pointed out, gerontology of globalization. itself may be somewhat guilty of ageism as it juxtaposes older adults and their issues to the rest Another direction in which to expand the research of humanity. In our view, these questions are that this study has begun might be to conduct crucially important, but scholarship has only started ethnographic research among media professionals. to address them and thus much further research is Exploring what factors are involved when media needed. Like McHugh's (2003) research, our study professionals make decisions regarding the depictions aimed to elucidate ways in which portrayals of of seniors in the media could be an avenue to pursue. older adults in the newspaper might manifest signs It would be also interesting to parallel this research of intra-generational and inter-generational ageism. with a study of the readership of newspaper articles By pointing out that positive portrayals of seniors and to find out who reads about seniors and what may be ageist, our study aims to increase awareness sense they make of media portrayals. of ageism in the media, research community, Finally, one key question that needs more investiga­ and among practitioners and the general public. tion is what portrayals of seniors mean. Two different Our study also encourages critical analysis of media assumptions underlie the literature concerning media portrayals of seniors that does not take conventionally portrayals of seniors. The first assumption—and positive descriptions at face value. the one on which most of the thematic analyses of It needs to be emphasized, here, that the purpose media portrayals of seniors (Cohen, 2002; Harwood & of our qualitative and inductive study was to produce Roy, 1999; Northcott, 1975), including ours, are based— substantive arguments on the basis of an in-depth is that how often a given group of people is portrayed exploration of the pool of data, arguments that were and in what terms that group is described are true to the data we explored (Payne & Williams, 2005), indications of the social status of the group within but not to test the generalizability of these arguments a given culture (Hacker, 1951). However, another in relation to a larger data set. The next step could assumption is possible—that how often a given group be to operationalize the themes that we uncovered of people is portrayed and with what terms that group and to test their presence in a larger sample, including is described in the media are indications not so much 384 Canadian Journal on Aging 25 (4) Julia Rozanova, Herbert C. Northcott, and Susan A. McDaniel of how these groups are viewed by society as of how "Partying with Joplin." July 31, 2004, p. R3. journalists believe the audience views these groups "Role Reversal: Children Who Support Parents." (Fisher, 1989; Gitlin, 1983). Much further conceptual February 18, 2004, p. FI. work is needed, building on studies like ours, to theorize the various dimensions of media portrayals "Sandwich Generation Making Sacrifices." September of seniors. 29, 2004, p. A12. Our inductive thematic analysis of articles about "'Sandwich Generation' Stresses Likely to Grow." seniors in the Globe and Mail uncovered a duality in September 28, 2004, p. A10. the ways older adults and issues pertaining to them "Your Folks Can Help Your Kids." July 31, 2004, p. F6 are portrayed in the media. While there is an effort to represent the diversity of seniors, to make various groups of older adults, their social roles, and their R e f e r e n c e s issues visible to the public, inequalities among the Abu-Laban, S., & McDaniel, S. (2004). Aging women elderly are downplayed. While there has been an and standards of beauty. In N. Mandell (Ed.), Feminist effort to debunk the negative stereotypes of the issues: Race, class and sexuality (pp. 69-94). Toronto: elderly that have so often been criticized as ageist Prentice-Hall. and to offer positive examples instead, there is Adams, P., & Dominick, G.L. (1995). 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