Forum Ilmu Sosial 44 (2), December 2017, pp. 116-131 ISSN 1412-971X (print), ISSN 2549-0745 (online) ©Faculty of Social Science, Universitas Negeri

Countering Ahok, Countering the Public: An Investigation of Counter-public Sphere in the Cyberspace

Subekti W. Priyadharma Universitas Padjajaran,

Abstract This paper analysis how Buni Yani used social media – in this case his Facebook account - to counter the Indonesian mainstream public sphere in order to challenge its domination that predominantly started series of Islamic rallies in Aksi Bela Islam by the end of 2016. Using the theory of public sphere as described by Gerhards and Neidhardt (1990) and its transfer to the realm of Internet (Gerhards & Schäfer, 2009), this paper shows that Buni Yani used all the three stages of public spheres as explained in the theory: encounters, public events, and mass media communication to successfully force a political issue into the arena of debate in the communication system and in the end changed the political outcome in Jakarta: Ahok’s detainment and consequently his inability to hold his Governor post any longer. The strategic communication by Buni Yani was not only successful to offer/force a new topic in the public daily communication but also to mobilize thousands of Islamic sympathizers in a series of demonstrations to support his view. All the materials used for this analyses are mainly obtained from online sources.

Keywords: Counter-public Sphere; Internet; Social Media; Ahok; Social Movement

INTRODUCTION public as well. The situation changed 180 Basuki Tjahaja Purnama or better degrees when Buni Yani, an academician known through his nickname, Ahok, was who once worked as a journalist, added a is the Governor of the Special Capital “defamation” frame to Ahok's video which Region of Jakarta until June 15, 2017 he partly uploaded on his Facebook (effectively suspended by May 9, 2017). account a week later. Since then, political During his official visit to Thousand Islands turmoil began in the Jakarta and on September 27, 2016, he cited one of Indonesian political scene, where the the holy verses of the Qur'an, the Surah Al- residue of it is still felt until the time of this Maidah, verse 51. Everything went normal writing. and without drama at that place. Even the Responding to the concerns of audience were laughing when Ahok said Thousand Islands residents about the those things (Castells, 2015). The video possibility of the termination of Ahok’s documentation of the visit including the program there, were he not reelected at the controversial Ahok’s speech was available then upcoming governor election, Ahok, by on Youtube and could be accessed by the quoting the Quran, said at that time, “So,

Received: July 24, 2017; Accepted: December 1, 2017; Published: December 15, 2017. 117 Priyadharma / Countering Ahok, Countering the Public: An Investigation of Counter-public... don’t believe them, perhaps in your personifies the Quran and makes it the deepest heart you are not allowed to subject that performs an action (the act of choose me (in the next election), right? lying). You’re lied using Surah Al-Maidah (Verse) In his later statement, after a public 51, all kinds of it. That's your right (not to outburst caused by Buni Yani's post, Ahok choose me). So, if you feel that (I) cannot clarified his statement, stating that he was be chosen anymore, because ‘I’m afraid of referring to his political opponents who going to hell’ because (you’re) fooled, so often politicize religion (Gerhards, et.al. yes, I’m okay with it.” (Downey, et.al. 1990) to attack him (Gerhards, et.al. 2003). 2009). Ahok, a member of minority When Buni Yani updated his groups in 3 categories (a Christian, an Facebook status on October 6, 2016 that ethnic Chinese, and a non-Java politician), included 31 seconds of Ahok’s video (from was not a new kid on the block of a total of 1 hour 45 minutes), he Indonesian politics. According to him, intentionally/unintentionally left out the since he started his political career in word "using" (see Picture 1) in the Bangka-Belitung province, from which he transcription. The omission of that word comes, his opponents often used religious had changed the meaning of Ahok's issues and the Al-Maidah 51 to defeat him statement totally: from being “lied/fooled (Goffman, 1961). In Kepulauan Seribu, using Surah Al-Maidah” to being although he didn’t mention the subject of “lied/fooled [by] Surah Al-Maidah”. The his words, but from an objective standpoint, he clearly didn’t mean to insult the Quran, Islam nor the Muslims. Unfortunately, the Indonesian Islamic community, especially the rather conservative one, had other ideas. Provoked by Buni Yani’s frame, groups of Picture 1. Print out of Buni Yani’s Facebook masses in the name of the whole Muslim status that triggered a wave of demonstrations, which ultimately brought communities had gone angry. What came down Ahok from the position of Governor of Jakarta (Galtung, 1971). were series of anti-Ahok massive first places the Quran as a tool of an action demonstrations on the streets of Jakarta. that carried out by a person, the latter They called themselves Aksi Bela Islam or Forum Ilmu Sosial 44 (2), December 2017, pp. 116-131 118

Aksi Bela Al-Qur’an (Action to Defend Club) show on TV One on October 11, Islam/the Qur’an) (see Picture 2). There 2016. But it was too late to stop the mass were at least four such rallies carried out in movement of the Islamists. the streets of Jakarta: on November 4, The outcome of this scandal was at 2016 or known as “411”, on December 2, least threefold. First, in May 2017 Ahok 2016 (or 212), on February 11, 2017 (or was sentenced 2 years in prison and with 112) and on March 31, 2017 (or 313), that verdict, it effectively ended his career organized by GNPF-MUI (National as the governor of Jakarta. Second, it has Movement to Guard MUI’s Fatwa), an polarized Indonesian civil society even umbrella organ that established shortly further into two camps: the anti-Ahok and after the MUI (Indonesian Ulema Council) the pro-Ahok group. Three, it fuels published its stance about the incident, intolerance towards minority groups in stating that Ahok had despised Islam. Indonesia and dangers Indonesian Within the GNPF-MUI itself were multiculturalism conceptualized in the incorporated several Islamic organizations, Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity). such as HMI, FUI, and the hardline This paper aims to shed some lights Islamist organization FPI, led by a into this case from the perspective of controversial figure Rizieq Shihab, who communication. It is a communicative became the ‘motor’ of the actions. analysis, emphasizing the use of new media in influencing the forming of public opinion that in turn inciting successful Islamic social movements to topple down Ahok from his governor post. The theory of public sphere and counter-public sphere will be used to highlight the Islamists’ resistance position against the dominant Picture 2. Aksi Bela Islam 3 or the 3rd Action Ahok as portrayed by the mainstream to Defend Islam 212 on December 2, 2016 that covered Sudirman-Thamrin street and the media. However, in order to understand HI-Square in Jakarta city center (Habermas, from the communication perspective why 1991). Meanwhile, Buni Yani himself has Ahok was dominating mass media public admitted his mistake in removing the word sphere at that time, we need to understand “using” at the ILC (Indonesian Lawyers

119 Priyadharma / Countering Ahok, Countering the Public: An Investigation of Counter-public... first the current landscape of Indonesian To make things worse, that 10 media. national private television stations (excluding TVRI) are owned by the so State of the art of Indonesian media called five “media moguls” who four of landscape them are or were politically active, either as If we look at the Indonesian media the chief of a political party, or as a system, it is currently dominated by the presidential candidate or simply working media industry which resided mostly in the closely with the government as a Minister. capital city of Jakarta. Merlyna Lim (2012) Hary Tanoesudibjo, the owner of MNC in The League of Thirteen found that all 10 Group that owns three national television national television stations are located in stations: RCTI, MNCTV, and Global TV, is Jakarta. In addition to public broadcasters the founder and chief of Perindo Party. His (TVRI/RRI) (Habermas, 1991), they are party’s advertisements can be seen every dominating the Indonesian media day in those three television stations, not landscape (see Picture 3). This is not in to mention in other media that he owns, accordance with the Indonesian such as radio, print, and online. His Broadcasting Law, where television constant and persistent political campaigns companies must operate in network show us his ambition to be the next system in order to broadcast nationally. Indonesian president. Similar to him, Thus, this constellation makes Indonesian Surya Paloh, the owner of Media Group media are concentrated in Jakarta. Other that controls Metro TV and newspaper media groups that also counted as the big Media Indonesia, is the founder and chief players are Gramedia Group, of Nasdem Party. He was an old fox in Jawa Pos Group, Lippo Group, Femina Indonesian politics by being a member of Group, and Post Group. However, they Golkar party for a long time before went on do not operate free-to-air national to establish his own political party. television broadcasting. But, the fact that Nasdem is now part of the government these companies are also located in coalition. In the coalition sits also Golkar Jakarta, (Jawa Pos) and Bali party, which in the last presidential (Bali Post), makes Indonesian media election in 2014 challenged Joko Widodo, system far from decentralized. now the president of Indonesia, by supporting his opponent Prabowo Forum Ilmu Sosial 44 (2), December 2017, pp. 116-131 120

Picture 3. Map of Media Concentration in Indonesia (Lim, 2012, p. 2). Subianto, before making the U-turn later Looking at those backgrounds of and joined the government coalition. In Indonesian media ownership constellation, 2014, Golkar was led by Aburizal Bakrie, it is difficult to expect balanced reporting whose family owns two national televisions from those media. We can forget internal TV One and ANTV. Meanwhile, Trans TV pluralism in each media, because of their and Trans 7, another two national partisan policy and their market-oriented broadcasting corporations, are the nature, whereas external pluralism is still a daughter companies of Trans Corpora big question mark due to lack of diversity (Para Group) that also owns Indonesian of ownership and biased reporting. When largest online news portal detik.com and business and politics collide in Indonesian chainstores Transmart and Carrefour. Para media industry, sadly, we are now seeing Group is owned by Chairul Tanjung, a the colonization of media networks by former Coordinating Minister for political networks. Ecomonics and former Chief of the Because the networks of mainstream National Committee for Economics under media are controlled by the big media the SBY’s administration (Kersting, 2014). players, in Picture 3, in the center, it is somewhat difficult for those who live in

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Indonesian peripheries that means outside öffentlich. That means all public affairs that Jakarta or Java and Bali, to be even are open and not covert and taken into considered important or relevant by the consideration by the state and may media, thus, to be considered significant to become object of public discussion. We appear in the public sphere. Center- also often relate public sphere to the periphery relations can be seen also from opinions of the majority of the citizen and the perspective of power relations. Those therefore talk about public opinion. who are close to media networks and/or Although actually public opinion does not political networks find it easy for their necessarily reflect the opinion of the interests and opinions to be represented by majority. Public opinion is not the sum of the mainstream media in the public opinions of the citizen, rather it represents sphere. On the contrary, marginalized the public through intermediary process, in groups that are pushed to the periphery of which mass media play a big role in the public sphere need special strategy for construction of public opinion (cf. media to be aware of their existence and Gerhards and Neidhardt, 1990, p. 4). their voices. It is therefore a constant power Gerhards and Neidhardt (1990) view struggle between center and periphery to public sphere as an arena of contesting seize public attention in the public sphere opinion and interest of the public. They that in turn will affect the construction of highlight the functions of public sphere as public opinion, which is important an intermediary between political system ingredient for political decision-making. and civil society. Seen from the system perspective, the functions, as well as THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK dysfunctions, of the public sphere can be Public Sphere, Counter-public Sphere and evaluated through the communicative Public Opinion process of input-throughput-output But what does it mean with public mechanism. Inspired by Habermas, sphere? Generally, public sphere refers to Gerhards and Neidhardt (1990) developed public affairs. It could also everything that a structured classification of the public is not private, rather, it can be accessed by sphere. Three main intermediary functions the public or öffentlich. Indeed, public of the public sphere are: sphere or Öffentlichkeit in German language is derived from the word Forum Ilmu Sosial 44 (2), December 2017, pp. 116-131 122

a) Selective/transparency function But the “fear of isolation” has forced them (input): taken up issue, interest, to go underground. opinion from the public. In Habermas’s descriptive-normative b) Validation function (throughput): approach, public sphere is conceptualized process information, give meaning, as a discursive space of rational-critical gate keeping, framing. debate that can be equally accessed by all c) Articulation function (output): citizens through which public opinion is synthesize public opinion, agenda formed (1991). He referred at first to the setting. bourgeois public sphere though, thus neglecting the communicative dynamics at However, in order for public sphere to the grassroots level. He then revised his function, it has to be institutionalized. And theory and recognized the existence of the in modern society, mass media are still the proletarian/plebeian public sphere, that most powerful institution to take this characterized by horizontal communication position and stimulate public debate. and by the use of alternative media. This Meanwhile, Noelle-Neumann (in kind of public sphere was born during the Schutz & Rössler, 2013) views public peak of new social movements (feminist sphere as a quasi-statistical organ with movement, human rights movement, which we orient ourselves in the society. It environmental movement) and later known possesses a latent function that works as as the counter-public sphere against the social control. Noelle-Neumann’s dominant, mass media controlled public integration model (in oppose to the elite sphere (Downey & Fenton, 2003). Today, model) of public sphere gives the public an due to the advance of new ICTs, people orientation of which opinion or political use mostly Internet as alternative media position is dominant at a given time and is that give them the opportunity to form the ‘save’ to be expressed or articulated before so-called “virtual counter-public sphere”. the public. Those who disagree with the New ICTs open up the opportunity for the dominant public opinion could suffer from periphery to articulate opinion and interest the threat of public isolation and are forced and “touch” the political system via to be silent. Sometimes, the number of the autonomous “invented” public sphere, in “silent majority” outweighs the “small oppose to dependent “invited” mass elites” who dominate public discussion.

123 Priyadharma / Countering Ahok, Countering the Public: An Investigation of Counter-public... communication public sphere (see private organizations, charitable Kersting, 2014, p. 55). organizations as well as unorganized private citizen/civil society actors are in the Habermas’s Center-periphery Model outer-periphery (Habermas, 1996, p. For Habermas, public sphere is an 354-355) (see Picture 4). intermediary space of communication Public organization such as Non- between civil society in the peripheries and Government Organizations (NGOs) are political system in the center. Other somewhere between the inner and outer- scholars put the market as a separate periphery because there are NGOs that system. So, social world contains political close to the public institutions and state system, civil society or the “live world” and actors as well as NGOs that are closer to in addition to that, market system. the grassroots, for instance NGOs that The political center consists of the concentrate more on their advocacy whole governing system: the government activities. But the description of center and and its administration, the parliament, and periphery is actually not that simple. The the judiciary system, as well as political analysis of Galtung (1971) on imperialism parties. Meanwhile, he divided peripheries reveals that there are also Center in the into two categories: the inner periphery Center, Periphery in the Center, Center in and the outer periphery. The “quasi-state the Periphery, and Periphery in the institutions” such as universities, Periphery. foundations, public insurance system are located in the inner-side of periphery. Levels of Public Sphere Interest groups, civil society organizations, When describing public sphere, Gerhards and Neidhardt (1990) speak Political Center from an open communication system, Inner periphery: Quasi-state institutions whose form is differentiated according to

Outer periphery: (Un)organized civil its number of participants in the society communication process and the “degree of structural embeddedness” of each level.

The level distinctions indicate that public Picture 3. Picture 4. Center-periphery model sphere is distinguished by its method of following Habermas (1996) (author’s illustration). information collection, processing, and Forum Ilmu Sosial 44 (2), December 2017, pp. 116-131 124 application. Furthermore, “levels” perspective, and therefore rather represent the existence of different steps of homogenous than that of the first level. an “autonomous system of public sphere” Issues that they discuss are more as well (p. 19-20). focused due to its organizational Relying on several other scholars, character. Examples of this kind of Gerhards and Neidhardt conceptualize public sphere include mass three levels of public sphere: demonstrations, political campaigns, 1. Simple interaction system and public meetings and lectures This is the lowest level of public sphere (Gerhards and Neidhardt, 1990, p. in which its participants interact with 22-23; cf. Gerhards & Schäfer, 2009, each other spontaneously in public p. 2). transports, parks, on the streets, or in 3. Mass media communication the waiting room of a doctor’s office. It The last one in this category is the is characterized by its two-way, face- classical mass media public sphere. It to-face communication process, benefits from the “full-fledged unorganized communication structure, technical and organizational less impact on society and short term infrastructure and [is] dominated by effect. Goffman’s (1961) “encounter” specialists like journalists, experts and and Luhmann’s (1986, p. 75) collective actors …” (Gerhards & “communication au trottoir” are two Schäfer, 2009, p. 2). Ordinary citizens concepts similar to this kind of public take passive role of receiver as the sphere (Gerhards and Neidhardt, communication process is rather one- 1990, p. 20-22; cf. Gerhards & way. Furthermore, it has the Schäfer, 2009, p. 2). advantage of reaching large audience 2. Public events and therefore the effect of This type of public sphere is slightly communication is arguably stronger organized in its structure and has more (seen from the positivist perspective). impact on society. ‘Specialist’ and The media can take diverse issues into ‘opinion leaders’ start to develop and account at a short time and have more normally they control and dominate influence in the formation of public the communication environment. Its opinion. However, they cannot escape participants share their identity and from the critics of biased reporting due

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to “economic pressure and political and Germany and raised question whether preferences” (ibid., p. 3). Hence, the the Internet is a better public sphere. In participatory model of this public doing so, they equal ‘encounter’ public sphere is somewhat limited and bias sphere with email and personal messaging to those who are close to the center applications, public event with discussion because the media prefer “powerful boards, blogs, and social media groups, and institutionalized actors” (ibid.) to and mass media public sphere with search be appeared in their ‘arena’ and ignore engines respectively. However, they didn’t less important institutions and less specifically categorize social media in their empowered civil society (see the analysis and therefore it is still open to discussion on center-periphery relation discuss what social media equivalent to? above) (Gerhards and Neidhardt, Does it constitute a special form of online 1990, p. 23-26). public sphere? Or of counter-public sphere? Nevertheless, according to their research Transfer to Cyberspace result, Gerhards & Schäfer (ibid.) didn’t Following the changing nature of support the popular claim that internet media practice due to widely use of the provides better public sphere than the old internet, it can be justified if one questions mass media public sphere. The how is the constellation of the public communication in the internet is even sphere nowadays, in regards to Gerhards more one-sided that that in the print media and Neidhardt’s typology of the public (ibid, p.6, 13). This is due to structural sphere. Since not all parts of civil society precondition, its openness characteristics have access to the traditional public sphere and low level of professionalism that hinder or are considered relevant by mass media, the internet public sphere from performing new media gives more opportunity for civil its functions (see above). The challenge is society to participate in the public sphere now, however, finding way to exploit new and therefore influence the formation of media, as alternative media, to which we public opinion, which in turn can affect have free access, in order to make online political decision making process for their activism effective for the benefit of the favor. In pursuing the answer to this people who are positioned in the periphery. question, Gerhards & Schäfer (2009) In the effort to explain this process, this compared old and new media in the US paper will take a closer look at the Ahok’s Forum Ilmu Sosial 44 (2), December 2017, pp. 116-131 126 case. In doing so, we should keep in mind sensationalism. For Ahok’s opponents it the definition of public sphere as an arena was difficult to defeat him at that time, of contesting opinions of elements of civil both in the political and in the media society and as a space where people have arena. equal opportunity to participate in Suddenly, opportunity came along discussing public affairs that affect them. with Ahok‘s controversial statement that Case analysis started counter-action from the side of his First, the public opinion that was opponents. It was for blessing in disguise dominating mass communication public for them. Ahok’s unintentional error was sphere was that Islamic fundamentalism, exploited by Buni Yani via his Facebook as a political category, was cornered into status that proved later to have multiplied the periphery position. They were its controversy effect and pushed its way to portrayed negatively and people rarely the mass media public sphere. Here, wanted to be openly associated with those Habermas (1996) reiterates the ‘type’ of Islamic interpretation (tafsir). Ahok importance of controversial aspect for was the anti-thesis of it. And because he periphery-civil society in which he says, was close-related with the media and Only through their controversial supported by political parties who own presentation in the media do such topics media (Nasdem party: Media Group; reach the larger public and subsequently , although gain a place on the “public agenda.” doesn’t have any direct relation with any Sometimes the support of sensational political parties, but this group shares actions, mass protests, and incessant political values with Ahok, e.g. pluralism, campaigning is required before an issue multiculturalism, moderate interpretation can make its way via the surprising of religion, secularism, etc.), he became election of marginal candidates or radical “media darling” and dominated media parties, expanded platforms of coverage even before he took over “established” parties, important court governor’s role from Joko Widodo. His decisions, and so on, into the core of the eccentric, controversial, and non- political system and there receive formal compromise behavior have only added to consideration. (p. 381, emphasis added media attraction, for which the media were by author). more than happy to buy for the sake of

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By removing part of Ahok’s speech and and negative image in the mainstream adding his own frame, i.e. the media. Hence, choosing social media, to “defamation” frame, via social media, Buni which he had free access, for spinning Yani has clearly spun Ahok’s statement practice, was rational enough. and presented the event in a controversial It is the nature of online way. Even though manipulative in its communication (or in principal, of nature, spin-doctoring is a common communication), that when something practice in a political campaign. According goes viral, the sender of the message can to Wikipedia, spin is a form of propaganda, rarely control her or his original achieved through providing a biased communication again. That is why, from interpretation of an event or campaigning this point onwards, Buni Yani couldn’t to persuade public opinion in favor or predict the outcome of his statement against some organization or public figure, anymore because it already became public spin often implies the use of disingenuous, consumption and was free to translate or deceptive, and highly manipulative tactics, be given meaning by whoever read that a standard tactic used in spinning is to Facebook status without looking at the reframe, reposition, or otherwise modify original Ahok’s speech. But, unfortunately, the perception of an issue of event, to frame was already constructed and thrown reduce any negative impact it might have onto the internet which, in turn, on public opinion. Spin approaches used reproduced and partially re-spun by include selectively cherry-picking quotes various interest groups, particularly among from previous speeches made by their Buni Yani’s followers. employer or an opposing politician to give Sensational expression of opinion the impression that they advocate a certain could be a weapon for grassroots position; and purposely leaking movement to be detected by the radar of misinformation about an opposing mainstream media driven by their market politician or candidate that casts them in a orientation. “Bad news is good news” is negative light (Lim, 2012). like a journalistic mantra, which minority From the point of view of a person who groups can benefit from. Even the radical happened to be in the periphery position, groups in a society, who normally spin-doctoring via mass media was neglected by political center, including unlikely because of his marginal position mass media, can exploit such mechanism Forum Ilmu Sosial 44 (2), December 2017, pp. 116-131 128 of news production in conventional mass traditional public sphere and force mass media, in order for them to be counted and media to reconstruct the structure of public gain wider publication. Downey and sphere (cf. ibid., p. 199). The success of Fenton (2003) acknowledge that “… the GNPF-MUI and its followers in breaking internet permits radical groups from both into the public debate in the general public Left and Right … to construct inexpensive sphere and forcing out its interpretation of virtual counter-public spheres to the case to become public opinion, was an accompany their other forms of answer to a wider criticism of alternative organization and protest … The internet media for their “lack of success in reaching offers them a way not only of out beyond the radical ghetto” (Curran, communicating with supporters, but also 2000, p. 193 in ibid., p. 196). This is also the potential to reach out beyond the another prove that public sphere is rather ‘radical ghetto’ both directly (disintegration) dynamic rather than static (see Downey and indirectly, through influencing the and Fenton, 2003, p. 186). mass media.” (p. 198) Referencing to Gerhards and This is exactly what happened after Neidhardt’s (1990) functions of public Buni Yani posted his biased Facebook sphere, internet has been fulfilled the status. The followers and participants of function of transparency. Ahok’s statement Aksi Bela Islam were not only members of was freely accessible to the public via radical groups of, for instance, Islamic Youtube video and could be considered as Defender Front (FPI), but also common, an input in a virtual public sphere unaffiliated Muslim, who felt disturbed yet mechanism. Buni Yani took up ths provoked by both Ahok’s statement and opportunity as a political issue that he Buni Yani’s frame. This proves that Aksi thought deserved public attention. Bela Islam has directly and indirectly Nevertheless, after Buni Yani’s spin- reached out beyond the “radical ghetto” by doctoring action of the case, online public adding more followers via mass media sphere failed to function as a validator of coverage on a daily basis. By doing so, the issue. This validity dysfunction in the minority groups have grown bigger and throughput process occurred because the become significant enough for mass media public failed to counter-argue Buni Yani’s public sphere to be considered and can claim about Ahok’s allegedly defamation of even contribute to “destabilize” the the Quran. Though some facts about Buni

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Yani’s error quote were laid out, those momentum by evaluating the Civil counter-arguments lost in the battle of Organization Law (UU Ormas). Recently, public opinion building. This was proved the revision of the Law was agreed, issued, as series of massive Islamic and immediately executed by banning demonstrations took place and therefore Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), an legitimized Buni Yani’s defamation frame Indonesian Islamic organization with as a public opinion that favored the global affiliation that aims for the return of periphery. This was the output of a the caliphate. Consequently, this reaction counter-public sphere operation. At the from the government has again drawn end, one could argue that virtual counter- public debate on how they are handling the public sphere has won the battle in the issue & executing the law. The public has arena of contesting opinion and interest of been very critical, accusing the government the public. of being authoritative and repressive, against democratic principles and even so Impacts far as labeling them being not much The impacts of Buni Yani’s and GNPF- different than the New Order regime in MUI’s ‘controversial presentations’ regards to eliminating political opponents. were/are massive. It had attracted public At the grassroots level, this phenomenon attention and led to series of mass has polarized the Indonesian civil society mobilization: a combination of offline even further into two camps: the anti- and protest and online counter-publicity, in pro-Ahok groups, or if we relate the case to other words, a “hybrid space” (Castells, the national politics: the anti- and pro- 2015). It systematically drew media Jokowi, or if we go beyond that: the attention which influenced public agenda conservatives and the moderates. and incited public debates, which, in turn, Subsequently, this reality adds up to a formed public opinion. The forming of wider concern that we need to address: do public opinion was crucial for political the new and plural counter-public spheres agenda, which again, in turn, could contribute to better intersubjectivity, determine the direction of public policy that mutual-understanding and social affected Indonesian civil society at large. integration or to greater fragmentation (see The reaction of the Indonesian Downey & Fenton, 2003, p. 200)? government was instantaneous, as it gains Forum Ilmu Sosial 44 (2), December 2017, pp. 116-131 130

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