IZDAVAČ/PUBLISHER: INSTITUT ZA ISLAMSKU TRADICIJU BOŠNJAKA / INSTITUTE FOR ISLAMIC TRADITION OF ZA IZDAVAČA/FOR THE PUBLISHER: DR. DŽEVADA ŠUŠKO UREDNIK/EDITOR: HIKMET KARČIĆ PRIJEVOD/TRANSLATION: HIKMET KARČIĆ, PETER LIPPMAN, ZUBEJDA KADIĆ LEKTURA/PROOFING: ELMINA KULAŠIĆ; RICHARD NEWELL NASLOVNICA/ COVER MAHIRA HADŽIĆ DESIGN&DTP: TARIK BEĆIĆ ŠTAMPA/PRINT: PRINT LINE TIRAŽ/CIRCULATION: 300 MADE IN PORTUGAL , Maj/May 2015

Obilježavanje genocida u Srebrenici služi Marking the genocide will kao upozorenje za buduće generacije jer bez serve as a warning for future generations, because sjećanja neće se prevazići zlo niti će se naučiti without its memories, it will not be possible lekcije za budućnost. to overcome evil nor will it be possible to learn lessons for the future. Pred Vama je druga izložba Instituta za islamsku tradiciju Bošnjaka. Ovu izložbu smo Today you will see the second exhibition organizirali povodom obilježavanja 20 godina od from the Institute for Islamic Tradition of genocida u Srebrenici (1995-2015). Izložba nosi Bosniaks. We organized it to mark the 20th naslov „Masovne grobnice u Bosni i Hercegovini“ anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide (1995- autora Muhameda Mujkića koji svojim vlastitim 2015). The exhibition is titled “Mass graves in fotografijama svjedoči sistemsko istrebljenje ” by Muhamed Mujkić Bošnjaka. Zahvaljujemo se autoru koji se složio who, with his own photographs, bears witness da izložba bude popratni događaj međunarodne to the systematic extermination of Bosniaks. naučne konferencije „Genocid u Srebrenici: We thank this artist, who agreed to create the ka trajnom sjećanju“. Smatrali smo važnim da exhibition as an accompanying event of the pored izlaganja renomiranih naučnika iz Bosne scientific international conference “Genocide i Hercegovine kao i iz inostranstva, ponudimo in Srebrenica: Towards a long-lasting memory”. izložbu koja će vizuelno prikazati i prisjećati na We considered it important, alongside the genocid u Srebrenici. presentations of renowned scientists from Bosnia and Herzegovina and abroad, to offer an Dalekosežni je značaj konferencije i exhibition that will visually show, and remember izložbe prepoznala i medijska kuća Al Jazeera the genocide in Srebrenica. Balkans koja je glavni medijski pokrovitelj na čemu joj se zahvaljujemo. Zahvaljujemo se također na The far-reaching significance of this podršci Fondaciji Konrad Adenauer, Kantonu conference is recognized By Al-Jazeera Balkans, Sarajevo na čelu sa Premijerom mr. Elmedinom which is the main media partner for which we are Konakovićem, predsjedavajućem Općinskog grateful. We are thankful, also, for the support vijeća Centar dr. Nedžadu Ajnadžiću, načelniku from the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, the Općine Stari Grad mr. Ibrahimu Hadžibajriću kao i Canton of Sarajevo headed by its prime minister načelniku Općine Novi Grad mr. Semiru Efendiću. mr. Elmedin Konaković, to Chairman of the Riječi zahvale upućujemo i direktorici Muzeja Municipal Council Centar dr. Nedžad Ajnadžić, grada Sarajevo Amri Madžarević. the Mayor of Stari Grad municipality mr. Ibrahim Hadžibajrić and to the mayor of Municipality Novi Grad mr. Semir Efendić. We would also like to thank the director of the Sarajevo Museum, dr. Dževada Šuško Amra Madžarević Institut za islamsku tradiciju Bošnjaka, direktorica / Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks, director

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Predstavništvo u Bosni i Hercegovini The Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s Office Fondacije Konrad Adenauer se raduje što je in Bosnia and Herzegovina is pleased to support podržalo konferenciju Instituta za islamsku tradiciju the Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks in the Bošnjaka pod nazivom “Genocid u Srebrenici: Ka implementation of the conference “Genocide in trajnom sjećanju”. Budući da se približava 20. Srebrenica: Towards a Long-Lasting Memory.” As godišnjica genocida, smatrali smo da je vrlo bitno da the 20th anniversary of the genocide approaches, se prisjetimo tragedije koja se tamo dogodila, kao i we feel that it is of critical importance to remember da odamo počast žrtvama najgoreg masakra nakon the crimes that took place and honor the victims Holokausta. Nadamo se da će informacije koje će of the worst massacre to occur on European soil biti prezentirane u idućim danima na konferenciji, since the Holocaust. It is our hope that the info- biti dostupne širokom krugu ljudi, kao i lokalnom rmation presented here over the next few days will stanovništvu. become widely available and accessible to the local population. Bez pristupa punoj istini o događajima koji su se odigrali za vrijeme rata u Bosni i Hercegovini Without access to full information about u periodu između 1992. i 1995. bit će teško mladima the war-time events that occurred in Bosnia and i budućim generacijama – onima koji nisu sami Herzegovina between 1992 and 1995, it will be doživjeli konflikt – da surađuju u naporima da saču- difficult for today’s youth and future generations vaju sjećanje na događaje i žrtve i da zajednički – those who have no personal memories of the rade za bolju budućnost. Kultura sjećanja sprječava conflict – to come together in an effort to remember zaborav. A onaj ko ne zaboravlja, tako što je iskustvo and honor the victims and work jointly towards a po sjećanju učinio dijelom sebe, nije u opasnosti da better future. The culture of memory prevents us from ponovi historiju. To je snaga sjećanja u kojoj leži naša forgetting, and those who don’t forget because nada. they’ve internalized such memories are not in danger of repeating history, and the events of Srebrenica. That is the power of memory - and the power upon which our hope rests.

Dr. Karsten Duemmel Fondacija Konrad Adenauer Predstavništvo u BiH/ The Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s Office in Bosnia and Herzegovina

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Pismo iz Srebrenice/ Made in Portugal LETTER FROM SREBRENICA/ MADE IN PORTUGAL

Hasan Nuhanović Danas sam identificirao brata po njegovim patikama. Today I identified my brother by his tennis Jesenas mi javili za mater. Našli je, ono što je ostalo od nje, u jednom potoku, selo Jarovlje, dva shoes. kilometra od Vlasenice. Ovi Srbi što tu žive bacali četrnaest godina smeće na nju. Nije bila sama. Još šestero su In the fall they got in touch with me about ubili na istom mjestu. Spaljeni. Rekoh, nadam se da su spaljeni nakon što su izdahnuli. Jesenas, isto, odem na my mother. They found her, or what was left of her, sud da vidim Predraga Bastaha Cara. Rekao mi jedan Srbin u Vlasenici, dao mu ja poslije sto maraka, da ih je in a creek, in the village of Jarovlje, two kilometers Car polio benzinom i zapalio. Kad sam ga u sudnici vidio, a sude mu što je klao devedeset i druge, ne imadoh from . My home town. The who live šta ni vidjeti. Nekakav zakržljali odbacak. Valjda je cio život čekao svojih pet minuta da bude neko. I dobio ih there threw garbage on her for fourteen years. She je devedeset i druge. Pa onda nije bilo muslimana više živih za klanje do pada Srebrenice. Čekao je on više wasn’t alone. They killed another six in the same od dvije godine a onda mu opet zapadoše šaka u mene mati i još neki. Naredbodavac njegov, evo ga radi u place. Burned. I hope they were burned after they Sarajevu, tako mi rekao jedan drugi Srbin, a njemu sam dao tristo maraka. died. Last fall, also, I went to court to see Predrag Pripremih se da je ukopam ove godine pored oca. Oca identificiraše prije četiri godine, a jeda- “Czar” Bastah. A Serb in Vlasenica told me — I gave naest godina nakon smaknuća. Malo više od pola kostiju, kažu, našli. Lubanja smrskana odzada. Ne znade him a hundred marks — that Czar had poured gas mi reći doktor je l’ i to nakon smrti. Sekundarna grobnica - Čančari 5. Zvornička Kamenica. Trinaest je tu on them and lit them on fire. When I saw him in the grobnica a sve tijela što su ih četnici, iz primarne grobnice kod Pilice, farma Branjevo, malo prije Daytona, courtroom, they were trying him for slaughtering buldožerima zgrnuli, natovarili na kamione i odvezli četrdeset kilometara dalje, tu ih istresli i ponovo zatrpali. people in ’92, there was nothing for me to see. Just some stunted piece of trash. Probably he waited Bilo ih je tu oko hiljadu i pet stotina. Tako kažu oni iz Tribunala. Čitao sam izjavu jednog od krvnika all his life for his chance to be “somebody” for five koji kaže: «Nisam više mogao pucati, kažiprst mi bio utrnuo koliko sam ih pobio. Ubijao sam ih satima.» minutes. And he got his chance in ’92. After that Neko im, kaže, bio obećao po pet maraka za svakog muslimana kojeg ubiju tog dana. Reče i da su natjerali there were no more Muslims around to slaughter vozače autobusa da izađu i ubiju barem nekoliko muslimana kako ne bi poslije nikad o tome pričali. Eto, jadni until Srebrenica fell. He waited more than two more vozači. Jadan Erdemović što kaže da je morao ubijati ili bi on bio ubijen. Svi su morali, eto, a samo je Mladić years and then my mother and a few others fell into kriv jer on je to, kažu, sve naredio. I kad uhvate Mladića, jednoga dana, on će reći, kao pravi srpski junak: «Ja his hands. His commander, who ordered the killings, preuzimam odgovornost za sve Srbe i za cijeli srpski narod. Samo sam ja kriv, sudite meni a njih sve pustite.” now works here in Sarajevo. That’s what another I onda ćemo svi, i mi i Srbi i ostali, biti sretni i zadovoljni. Skinut ćemo gaće i izljubit ćemo se. Neće nam više Serb told me — I gave him three hundred marks. I’m trebati stranci ni za šta. preparing to bury them this year next to my father. Prošle godine napraviše im svima kamene nišane, lijepe, bijele. Svi isti, pod konac. Do oca dva prazna They identified my father four years ago, eleven years mjesta. Čeka on već tri godine moju majku i svog sina, Muhameda, da ih polegnu kraj njega. I rekoše mi za after his execution. They found a little more than half majku. Spremih se da je sahranim kod oca ovog 11. jula 2010. A onda me neki dan zovnuše telefonom - kažu his bones, they say. His skull smashed from behind. imamo podudaranje DNK ali nismo sto posto sigurni. Rekoše da dođem u Tuzlu. I danas ja odem. The doctor couldn’t tell me whether that happened after he died. They found him in a secondary mass grave, Cancari. Kamenica near . There are thi- rteen mass grave sites there. The Chetniks dug them up with bulldozers from the primary grave at Pilica, the Branjevo farm, a little before the time of Dayton, piled them on trucks and took them there, forty

12 kilometers away, to dump them and bury them again. There were around 1500 of them killed there. That’s what they say at the Tribunal. I read the statement of one of the murderers who says, “I couldn’t shoot anymore, my index finger was sta- rting to get numb from so much killing. I was killing them for hours.” Someone, he says, had promised them five marks for each Muslim that they kill that day. And he says that they made the bus drivers get out and kill at least a few of the Muslims so that they wouldn’t talk about this to anyone later.

Oh yes, poor drivers. Poor Drazen Erdemovic, who says that he had to kill or he would be killed. They all had to do it, you see, and only Mladic is guilty because, they say, he ordered it all. And when they catch Mladic, some day, he’ll say, like a real Serb hero, “I am taking the responsibility for all Serbs and for the whole Serb nation. Only I am guilty, judge me and let everyone else go.” And then all of us, we and the Serbs and the rest of them, we’ll be satisfied and happy. We’ll rip off our clothes and jump into bed together. We will no longer need the foreigners for anything. Last year they put up headstones for everyone, nice ones, white in color, all the same, lined up in rows. Two empty spaces by my father. He’s waiting three years for my mother and his son, Muhamed, for them to be laid next to him. Then they told me about my mother. I was preparing to bury her by my father this July 11th, 2010. And then the other day they called me on the phone — they said they had a DNA identification for my brother, but they weren’t a hundred percent sure. They said to come to , and I went today. Tuzla—Podrinjski indetifiacioni projekat (PIP) je mrtvačnica u kojoj se provodi sudskomedicinska obrada posmrtnih ostataka i identifiacija žrtava stradalih 1995. godine prilikom pada Srebrenice.

Tuzla—Podrinje Identifiation Project (PIP) is a morgue in which forensic processing and identifiation of the remains of victims killed in 1995 during the fall of Srebrenica are conducted

14 15 Kupio ja Braci devedeset i pete u proljeće nove patike, Adidaske, preko nekog stranca. Donio ih on iz Beograda kad se vraćao u Srebrenicu s odmora. Nije ih Braco nosio ni mjesec-dva kad se ono sve desilo. Kupio mu ja i Leviske, 501. Imao je to na sebi. Znam tačno i koju je majicu imao na sebi i koju košulju. I pokaza mi danas doktor fotografije - odjeće. Kaže - nema puno, vrlo malo, ali imaju patike. Kad je stavio sliku pred mene na sto - ugledam patike, Bracine Adidaske, kao da ih je neki dan skinuo sa sebe. Nisu ni odvezane.

Donese doktor vreću preda me i istrese na jedan karton sve što su na njegovim posmrtnim ostacima našli. I nakon petnaest godina čekanja uzeh Bracine patike u ruke. Pored njih i kaiš, velika metalna toka, i ostaci Leviski. Imaju i čarape, obje.

Tražio sam onu poznatu etiketu od Leviski 501 - kako bi nam i to potvrdilo Bracin identitet. Uzeh u ruke ostatke Bracinih farmerki, nakon petnaest godina. Metalna dugmad. Ostaci od unutrašnjih džepova. Sve od pamuka se raspalo. Nema ga više. Ostala samo sintetika. Etiketa neka, drugačija, visi čitava, samo malo zaprljana, zapetljana u tim koncima, nitima, ostacima. Pročitam tražeći znak Leviski. Piše: “Made in Portugal”.

Cijeli dan mi pred očima to “Made in Portugal”. I cijeli život će mi, mislim, biti to pred očima. Zamrzit ću sve što je “Made in Portugal”, kao što sam zamrzio Heineken pivo koje su holandski vojnici lokali u Potočarima, u bazi, nepunih sat nakon što su sve muslimane istjerali iz nje - pravo četnicima u ruke. Ili ću možda zavoljeti sve na čemu piše “Made in Portugal”, sve što će me, do kraja života, podsjećati na mog ubijenog brata. In the spring of ’95, I bought my brother new tennis shoes, Adidas, from some foreigner. He brought them from on his way back to Srebrenica from vacation. My brother hadn’t been wearing them more than a month or two, when that all happened. And I bought him Levi 501s, he was wearing those. I know exactly what T-shirt he was wearing and what overshirt. And today the doctor showed me a photograph — the clothes. He said, there isn’t much, very little, but there are tennis shoes. When he put the picture on the table in front of me, I looked at the sneakers, my brother’s Adidas, as if he had just taken them off the other day. They weren’t even untied. The doctor brings in a bag and shakes out everything that they found on his remains into a box in front of me. And after waiting for fifteen years I take my brother’s sneakers in my hands. And besides that a belt, with a big metal buckle, and what’s left of his Levis. And his socks, both of them. I looked for that well-known slogan on the Levis, that would also confirm my brother’s identity. I took the remains of my brother’s jeans into my hands, after fifteen years. Metal buttons. Part of the inside of the pockets. Everything that was made of cotton had fallen apart. Only the synthetic material was left. Some other tag hangs untouched, just a little dirty, stuck in those threads, in the strands, the fragments. I read it, looking for the Levis trade mark. It says, “Made in Portugal.” All day I see that “Made in Portu- gal” before my eyes. And for my whole life, I think, I will see that. I’m going to hate everything that was “Made in Portugal,” just like I hated Heineken beer that the Dutch UN soldiers had guzzled in Potocari, on the base, less than an hour after they drove all the Muslims off it – handing them over, right into the Serbs’ hands. Or maybe I will love everything that has “Made in Portugal” written on it, everything that will remind me, until the end of my life, of my murdered brother. Priđe mi, tad, jedan holandski vojnik, malo mlađi, i nudi mi karton piva, i Marlboro. Ja odmahnem A Dutch soldier, then, a little younger, glavom. On samo sleže ramenima i ode. I ja, kao i svi ostali, petnaest godina sam molio Boga da, kad jednom came up to me and offered me a beer and a saznamo šta se dogodilo, bude da nisu dugo patili, da nisu umirali u mukama. Marlboro. I shook my head. He just shrugged Oni su mrtvi već petnaest godina. Te godine neka nova djeca su se rodila. I danas ta djeca imaju and walked away. petnaest godina. Nekome je 11. jula ove godine petnaesti rođendan. And for fifteen years I, like all the Ja neću nikada, ničim, učiniti ništa što bi toj djeci ugrozilo budućnost. Neću to ni pomisliti. Da Bog da da se ovo rest, prayed to God that when we finally find više nikome nikada ne dogodi. Samo, nema amnestije, jarane. Za krvnike nema amnestije. out what happened, it will be that they didn’t suffer long, that they didn’t die in torment. Pitaše me žurnalisti puno puta, a neki dan ponovo: koja je moja poruka za buduće generacije. Ja im They have been dead for fifteen ispričam kako sam nakon Daytona u autu prolazio kroz istočnu Bosnu tražeći tragove nestalih, ubijenih. Znao years. In that year some new children were sam da kod Konjević Polja, Nove Kasabe, Glogove, kuda se ide u Srebrenicu, ima masovnih grobnica, da su ih born. And now those children are fifteen years pune livade. I kad sam se tim putem vozio u dane kad je sve cvjetalo, kad se sve zelenilo, ja tu ljepotu nisam old. This July 11th will be someone’s fifteenth vidio. Ja sam samo vidio masovne grobnice koje kriju te livade. Ispod cvijeća ležali su naši očevi i braća, sinovi. birthday. Njihove kosti. I will never do anything, in any way, Vozio sam se pored mjesta gdje žive Srbi - gledam ih kroz prozor i mislim: ko je od njih ubica? Ko je that would endanger those children’s future. I od njih ubica? Godinama je bilo tako. Godinama. A onda, jednog dana, pored puta na livadi za koju sam čuo would not even think of that. May God grant da krije masovnu grobnicu, igrala se jedna djevojčica. Imala je pet-šest godina. Baš kao moja kćerka. Znao sam that this will never happen to anyone again. da su tu srpske kuće. But, there is no amnesty, my friend. For the Trčala je ta djevojčica preko livade. I sve mi se pomiješalo - i žal, i bol, i mržnja. guilty there is no amnesty. A onda pomislim: jadna djevojčica, kome je ona šta skrivila. Ona i ne zna šta se nalazi ispod te livade, ispod cvijeća. Bi mi žao te male djevojčice koja je izgledala baš kao moja kćerka. Mogle bi se zajedno igrati na The reporters ask me all the time, livadi - pomislim. and again the other day: what is my message I poželim da ta djevojčica i moja kćerka nikada ne dožive ono što smo mi doživjeli. Nikada. One for future generations. I tell them about how zaslužuju ljepšu budućnost. Eto to sam rekao tim žurnalistima. Ovi posljednji su bili iz Beograda. after Dayton I drove through eastern Bosnia in I eto, potvrdi mi doktor Kešetović - bit će spremni posmrtni ostaci moga brata za dženazu ovog 11. jula. Isto kao a car, looking for the traces of the disappeared, da se Braco javio u posljednji čas da bude sahranjen zajedno s majkom, pored oca koji ih čeka u Potočarima. the murdered. I knew that near Konjevic Polje, , Glogova, on any of the routes I tako će, konačno, moj otac, ubijen u Pilici, ekshumiran u Kamenici, moj brat ubijen u Pilici, ekshumiran towards Srebrenica, there are mass graves, u Kamenici, i moja majka, ubijena u Vlasenici, ekshumirana iz potoka ispod smeća, ležati jedno do drugoga u that the meadows are full of them. And when Potočarima. I drove that way when everything was bloo- ming, when it was all green, I did not see that beauty. I only saw the mass graves that those meadows hid. Under the flowers our fathers and brothers were lying, our sons. Their bones. I drove by the places where Serbs live — I look at them through the window and think, which

18 of them is a murderer? Which of them is a murderer? It was like that for years. For years. And then, one day, by the road on a meadow where I had heard that a mass grave was concealed, a little girl was playing. She was five or six. Just like my daughter. I knew those were Serb houses. The little girl ran across the meadow. And everything mixed together in me — sorrow, and pain, and hate. And then I think, that poor little girl, what is she guilty of? She doesn’t even know what lies under that meadow, under the flowers. I’m sorry for that girl who looked just like my daughter. They could be playing together on that meadow. And I wish that that little girl and my daughter will never experience what we lived through. Never. They deserve a nicer future. That’s what I said to those journalists. Those last ones were from in Belgrade. And so, Dr. Kesetovic confirms — the mortal remains of my brother will be prepared for the funeral on July 11th. It is just as if my brother had managed to check in at the last minute, in time to be buried together with my mother, beside my father who lies waiting for them in Potocari. And so my father, murdered in Pilica and exhumed in Kamenica, my brother, murdered in Pilica and exhumed in Kamenica, and my mother, murdered in Vlasenica and exhumed from under the garbage the creek at Jarovlje, will finally rest beside each other in Potocari.

Plan genocida: Uništenje Muslimana Istočne Bosne Blueprint for Genocide: The Destruction of Muslims in Eastern Bosnia

Hikmet Karčić

Atmosfera u Bosni i Hercegovini s The atmosphere in Bosnia and početka 1992. godine bila je prilično napeta. Srpska Herzegovina at the start of 1992 was quite Demokratska Stranka na čelu sa Radovanom tense. The Serb Democratic Party headed by Karadžićem se već naoružavala i planirala Radovan Karadžić was already being armed and stvaranje etnički čiste srpske države. Bosanski plans for creating an ethnically pure Serb state Srbi su uspostavili sopstvenu skupštinu sačinjenu were well under way. The Bosnian Serbs had od srpskih političara i proglasili Autonomnu already created their own assembly made up of Pokrajinu Krajina – poludržavu u čiji sastav su Serb politicians, established the Autonomous ušle opštine regije Krajina u Bosni – kao i srpske Region of Krajina – a semi-state consisting of autonomne oblasti Romanija, Birač i Hercegovina, municipalities in the Krajina region of Bosnia pod zajedničkim nazivom „ “. – as well as the Serb Autonomous Regions of Odmah nakon proglašenja nezavisnosti Bosne Romanije, Birač and Herzegovina, collectively i Hercegovine 1. marta 1992. godine, pojavile known as “Republika Srpska”. As soon as Bosnia su se barikade širom zemlje. Srbi su zahtijevali and Herzegovina declared independence on 1 odvajanje opština, stvaranje paralelnih institucija March 1992, barricades popped up all over the i ostanak ovih autonomnih oblasti u Jugoslaviji. U country. The Serbs demanded the separation of aprilu, srpske specijalne formacije pod nazivom municipalities, the creation of parallel institutions „Tigrovi“ i „Bijeli orlovi“ su, zajedno sa regularnom and that these Autonomous Regions remain in Jugoslovenskom Narodnom Armijom, napali Yugoslavia. In April, Serb Special Forces, named pogranične gradove Zvornik, Bijeljinu i Višegrad. “The Tigers” and “The White Eagles” attacked, Rat je zvanično započeo. along with the regular Yugoslav People’s Army, the border towns of Zvornik, Bijelina and Višegrad. The war had officially started.

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Na prvoj meti su se našli intelektualci i The intellectuals and elites were targeted elite. Na stotine njih je pogubljeno a na hiljade first. Hundreds were executed, and thousands protjerano iz svojih domova i prepušteno expelled from their homes, left to seek refuge traženju skloništa u područjima pod kontrolom in Bosnian Government-controlled areas. The bosanskih vlasti. Bosanski Srbi su bili šokirani Bosnian Serbs were shocked by the amount obimom neočekivanog otpora, naročito nakon of unexpected resistance especially after the neuspjelog pokušaja Vojske bosanskih Srba da Bosnian Serb Army’s failure to take control of the zauzme zgradu Predsjedništva u Sarajevu 2. Presidency building in Sarajevo on 2 May 1992. As maja 1992. godine. Pošto je rat već trajao duže the war already seemed to be lasting longer than nego što se prvobitno očekivalo, održana je had previously been assumed, on 12 May, the šesnaesta sjednica Skupštine tadašnje „Srpske 16th session of the assembly of the-then ‘Serbian Republike Bosne i Hercegovine“ u Banja Luci, Republic of B&H’ was held in , the najvećem gradu u Republici Srpskoj. Vodila se largest city in the RS. There was a long discussion duga diskusija o tome kako i šta treba učiniti da on how and what should be done to bring about bi se obezbijedila srpska pobjeda. Predsjednik a Serb victory. The President of the Republika Republike Srpske, Radovan Karadžić, najavio je Srpska, Radovan Karadžić then announced the tom prilikom strateške ciljeve srpskog naroda strategic goals of the Serb people in Bosnia and u Bosni i Hercegovini. Ove ciljeve je prihvatila Herzegovina. These goals were adopted by the Srpska Skupština kao zvaničnu politiku Republike Serb Assembly and became the official policy of Srpske tokom rata: Republika Srpska throughout the war:

Šest strateških ciljeva srpskog naroda: “The Six Strategic Goals of the Serbian Nation

1. Državno razgraničenje od druge dvije nacionalne 1. State delineation from the other two national zajednice, communities. 2. The establishment of a corridor between 2. Koridor između Semberije i Krajine, Semberia and Krajina. 3. Uspostavljanje koridora u dolini rijeke Drine, 3. The establishment of a corridor in the valley of odnosno eliminisanje Drine kao granice između the Drina River, meaning the elimination of the srpskih država, Drina as a border between the two Serb states. 4. Uspostavljanje granice na rijekama Uni i Neretvi, 4. The Establishment of a border on the rivers of the Una and Neretva. 5. Podjela grada Sarajeva na srpski i muslimanski dio i uspostavljanje u svakom od dijelova efektivne 5. The Division of the city of Sarajevo into Serb and državne vlasti, Muslim parts, and the establishment of a state authority in each part. 6. Izlaz republike Srpske na more.1 6. Creation of outlet for Republika Srpska to the sea.”1 1 Lara J. Nettelfield, Courting Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cambridge University Press, p. 68 1 Lara J. Nettelfield, Courting Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cambridge University Press, p. 68 27

Prvi strateški cilj bio je razgraničenje The first strategic goal was the srpske nacionalne zajednice od zajednica separation of the Serb community from the Muslimana i Hrvata a koje bi vodilo ka stvaranju Muslim and Croats communities, leading to etnički „čiste“ srpske države na teritoriji Bosne the creation of an ethnically ‘clean’ Serb state i Hercegovine. Drugim strateškim ciljem bi on Bosnian territory. The second strategic goal se ostvarila teritorijalna povezanost između would create to a territorial connection between Republike Srpska Krajina (srpska republika u the Republika Srpska Krajina (the Serb republic Hrvatskoj koja je vojno poražena 1995. godine) i in Croatia which was militarily defeated in 1995) Jugoslavije (koja se tada sastojala samo od Srbije, and Yugoslavia (which by then, comprised only Makedonije i Crne Gore). of Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro) Treći strateški cilj je precizno definisao The third strategic goal, was well Radovan Karadžić u svom obraćanju Skupštini: defined by Radovan Karadžić during his speech „I s jedne i s druge strane Drine smo mi, naši in assembly: “We are on both sides of the Drina strateški interesi i naš životni prostor. Trenutno and our strategic interest and our living space are vidimo mogućnost osnivanja nekih muslimanskih there. We now see a possibility for some Muslim opština uz Drinu, kao enklava, da bi oni ostvarili municipalities to be set up along the Drina as svoja prava, ali taj pojas u osnovi mora da enclaves, in order for them to achieve their rights, pripadne Srpskoj Bosni i Hercegovini. Koliko god but that belt along the Drina must basically je to od strateške koristi za nas na pozitivan način, belong to Serbian Bosnia and Herzegovina. As toliko nam pomaže u ugrožavanju interesa naših much as it is strategically useful for us in a positive neprijatelja da otvore koridor koji bi ih povezao way, it helps us by damaging the interests of our sa „ islamskom internacionalom“ (zvanična enemy in establishing a corridor which would srpska propaganda je predstavljala Bošnjake connect them to the ‘Muslim International’ kao fundamentaliste koji priželjkuju osnivanje [Official Serb propaganda portrayed Bosniaks as islamske države i povezivanje sa drugim fundamentalist who wish to establish a Muslim Muslimanima na Balkanu, takozvane zemlje state and connect with the other Muslims in the „Zelene transverzale“) i tako ovaj prostor učine Balkans so-called “Green Transversal”]and render trajno nestabilnim“.2 this area permanently unstable.”2

2 Transkript suđenja Krajišniku, ICTY, 13 juni 2006, http://www. 2 Krajisnik Trial Transcript, ICTY, 13 June 2006, http://www.ictytran ictytranscripts.org/trials/krajisnik/060613IT.htm scripts.org/trials/krajisnik/060613IT.htm

29 U presudi Zdravku Tolimiru koji je In the Trial Chamber judgement of proglašen krivim za genocid u Srebrenici i Žepi Zdravko Tolimir in which he was found guilty of istaknuto je da je politika prisilnog iseljavanja genocide in Srebrenica and Žepa, it was found Bošnjaka iz Istočne Bosne izložena u šest that the policy of forcibly removing the Bosniaks strateških ciljeva 12. maja 1992 godine. Tolimir, of Eastern Bosnia was laid out within the Six pomoćnik zapovjednika Obavještajne i bezbje- Strategic Objectives on 12th May 1992. Tolimir, an dnosne službe Armije bosanskih Srba, osuđen je Assistant Commander of Intelligence and Secu- 2012. godine po šest osnova: genocid, udruživanje rity for the Bosnian Serb Army, was convicted radi vršenja genocida, istrebljivanje, ubistvo, in 2012, on six counts: genocide, conspiracy to progon zbog etničke pripadnosti i prisilno pre- commit genocide, extermination, murder, perse- mještanje. Osuđen je na doživotnu kaznu zatvora. cution on ethnic grounds and forced transfer. The Chamber sentenced him to life imprisonment. Ovih šest strateških ciljeva je označilo početnu tačku kojom je oblikovan ostatak rata. The Six Strategic Objectives were the Najužasniji zločini su počinjeni nakon starting points which shaped the rest of the war. usvajanja ciljeva u Srpskoj Skupštini. Oni su kasnije The most horrible crimes were committed after elaborirani i „nadograđivani“ Direktivom 4 i, these objectives were adopted by the Serb konačno, Direktivom 7 koju je Armiji bosanskih Assembly. They were later further elaborated Srba izdao Predsjednik Republike Srpske Radovan upon and ‘upgraded’ by Directive 4 and finally Karadžić nekoliko sedmica prije pada Sre- Directive 7, issued by Republika Srpska Presi- brenice i Žepe. Direktivom 7 od 8. marta 1995. dent Radovan Karažić to the Bosnian Serb Army godine izdate su sljedeće naredbe Drinskom several weeks before both Srebrenica and Žepa korpusu Armije Republike Srpske: „Potrebno fell. Directive 7 of 8 March 1995 issued the je što više neprijateljskih snaga onemogućiti following commands to the Drina Corps of the diverzivnim i aktivnim borbenim operacijama na Republika Srpska Army: “As many enemy forces sjeverozapadnom dijelu fronta, koristeći operaci- as possible should be tied down by diversion- one i taktičke mjere kamuflaže, dok se u smjeru ary and active combat operations on the N/W enklava Srebrenica i Žepa treba što prije obaviti part of the front, using operational and tactical potpuno fizičko razdvajanje Srebrenice od Žepe, camouflage measures, while in the direction of sprečavanjem bilo kakve komunikacije među the Srebrenica and Žepa enclaves complete ljudima ovih dviju enklava. physical separation of Srebrenica from Žepa should be carried out as soon as possible, pre- venting even communication between individu- als in the two enclaves.

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Planiranim i dobro smišljenim borbenim operacija- By planned and well-thought out combat opera- ma, stvoriti nepodnošljivu situaciju apsolutne ne- tions, create an unbearable situation of total inse- sigurnosti bez nade za preživljavanje stanovnika curity with no hope of further survival or life for Srebrenice i Žepe“3 the inhabitants of Srebrenica and Žepa.” 3

Ove godine obilježavamo dvadesetu go- This year we mark the 20th anniversary of dišnjicu genocida nad Bošnjacima Srebrenice i Is- the genocide against the Bosniaks of Srebrenica točne Bosne. Zločini u i oko Srebrenice zbili su se and Eastern Bosnia. The crimes in and around u nekoliko dana jula 1995. godine iako su zapra- Srebrenica are mostly narrowed down to a vo počeli mnogo ranije, već 1992. godine, ubrzo couple of days in July 1995, though in reality they nakon što je Karadžić najavio svoje ciljeve. Skloni began much earlier in 1992, soon after Karadzic smo da zaboravimo da je za izvršenje tako ogrom- announced his goals. We tend to forget that in nog i užasnog zločina kao što je ovaj potrebno order to commit such a widespread and horrible imati političku i vojnu namjeru uništenja grupe crime such as this, it is necessary to have political ljudi – u cjelosti ili djelimično. Šest strateških and military intent to destroy a group - in whole or ciljeva pokazuju, između ostalog, namjeru istre- in part. The Six Strategic Objectives demonstrate bljenja Bošnjaka Istočne Bosne koji žive u dolini amongst other things, the intent to eliminate rijeke Drine. Šesnaesta sjednica Skupštine Srpske those Bosniaks of Eastern Bosnia living along the Republike Bosne i Hercegovine može se smatrati Drina valley. The 16th session of the Assembly of Vanzejskom konferencijom bosanskog genocida. the Serbian Republic of B&H could be considered Jedina razlika je u tome što su sudionici te skupš- as the Bosnian Genocide’s Wannsee Conference. tine još uvijek aktivni političari suvremene Bosne The only difference is that the participants of this i Hercegovine. Assembly are still active as politicians in modern- day Bosnia and Herzegovina.

3 Transkript suđenja Popoviću, ICTY, 17 novembar 2008, http:// 3 Popovic Trial Transcript, ICTY, 17 November 2008, http://www.icty. www.icty.org/x/cases/popovic/trans/en/081117IT.htm org/x/cases/popovic/trans/en/081117IT.htm

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Na prostorima Bosne i Hercegovine, po For the first time in history, it was in the prvi put u istoriji, zabilježen je fenomen masivnog territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina that a phe- dislociranja žrtava i/ili dijelova posmrtnih ostata- nomenon of massive dislocations of victims and/ ka žrtava iz primarnih u sekundarne , tercijarne i or parts of their mortal remains from primary kvartalne masovne grobnice. to secondary, tertiary, quaternary mass graves occurred. Iako je i u ranijoj istoriji bilo primjera da se posmrtni ostaci žrtava, s namjerom skrivanja Although history is familiar with examples tragova zločina, uništavaju npr. spaljivanjem ili where remains of victims, with the intention of premještaju sa jednog na drugo mjesto, ipak su concealing the crime, are destroyed by burning takvi postupci bili tek sporadičnog karaktera, or moving from one place to another, such sve do genocida koji su pripadnici srpske vojske actions were only of sporadic nature, all until uz obimnu vojnu, logističku, finansijsku i propa- the genocide orchestrated by the Serb army gandnu pomoć institucija susjedne Srbije i Crne with substantial military, logistical, financial and Gore počinili tokom jula i narednih mjeseci 1995. propaganda assistance from neighboring Serbia godine u i oko tzv. zaštićenih zona Ujedinjenih and Montenegro was committed in and around nacija - u enklavama Srebenica i Žepa. the so-called UN protected zones - in enclaves of Srebenica and Zepa in July and subsequent U samo nekoliko dana, bez suđenja, months of 1995. tokom arbitrarnih egzekucija likvidirano je više od 8.000 dječaka, mladića, žena i muškaraca sta- In only a few days, without court trials, novnika enklava Srebenica i Žepa. Velika veći- in arbitrary executions, more than 8,000 boys, na njih bili su nenaoružani civili lišeni slobode u women, and men, inhabitants of Srebenica and kampu holandskog bataljona UNPROFOR-a u Po- Zepa enclaves were liquidated. The vast majority točarima, ili u koloni izbjeglica iz Srebenice i Žepe, of them were unarmed civilians detained in the koji su tražili spas u pokušaju da se domognu camp of the Dutch battalion of UNPROFOR in Po- teritorije pod kontrolom snaga Armije Republike točari, or in lines of refugees from Srebrenica and Traženje nestalih Bosne i Hercegovine. Samo manji broj likvidivanih Zepa, seeking safety in an attempt to reach the osoba imali su pravo na status ratnih zarobljenika jer su territory under the control of the Army of Bosnia zarobljeni kao borci tokom napada srpskih snaga and Herzegovina. Only a small number of the liqu- Search for Missing na kolonu. idated were entitled to the status of prisoners Persons of war because they were captured as soldiers during an attack by Serb forces on the refugee line. Amor Mašović

37 Suprotno Trećoj ženevskoj konvenciji o In spite of the Third Geneva Convention zaštiti ratnih zarobljenika i oni su gotovo svi do on the protection of prisoners of war, almost all jednog likvidirani. Neposredno nakon egzekucija of them were executed. Immediately after exe- uz pomoć unaprijed pripremljene mehanizacije cutions, by use of already prepared machinery (kamiona, buldožera, bagera, rovokopača ...) u (trucks, bulldozers, excavators, loaders ...) victims vrlo kratkom roku vrši se ukop žrtava u masovne were hurriedly buried into mass graves of several grobnice koje sadrže od nekoliko desetina do dozens to hundreds of victims. Mass graves were više stotina žrtava, formirane bilo na mjestima dug on or near the locations of executions. egzekucije bilo u neposrednoj blizini tih mjesta. However, being aware of satellite mo- No, suočeni sa saznanjima o postojanju nitoring of the sites of primary graves, planners satelitskih snimaka lokacija na kojima je vršen and organizers of crimes, with the participation primami ukup, planeri i organizatori zločina, of perpetrators themselves, but also of those uz sudjelovanje samih izvršilaca, ali i onih koji who were not directly involved in genocide, nisu bili izravno involvirani u izvršenje geno- decided to relocate victims from primary to newly cida, donose odluku i istu provode u djelo, o prepared secondary graves. In this way, once izmještanju žrtava iz primarnih u novopripreml- destructed bodies of victims (destruction caused jene sekundarne grobnice. Pri tome se jedanput by initial burial with the use of heavy equipment), već destruirana tijela žrtava (destrukcije nastale were again decomposed during excavations prilikom prvobitnog ukopa uz upotrebu teške from primary graves, transportation, and re-burial mehanizacije), iznova dekomponiraju pri iskopa- on secondary locations. vanju iz primarnih, transportu i ponovnom ukopu na sekundarnim lokalitetima. Much later, it will show that such non-civilizational attitude toward the dead shall Ovakav necivilizacijski odnos spram tijela not only aggravate, or in some cases disenable ubijenih, pokazat će se to znatno kasnije, ne samo re-association (completing) of the remains of da će otežati i u nekim slučajevima potpuno victims, but prolong their identification or make onemogućiti reasocijaciju (kompletiranje) po- it definitely impossible. Thus the actions of geno- smrtnih ostataka žrtava, već će na duži rok odgodi- cide and their consequences are prolonged ti ili zauvijek onemogućiti identifikaciju tih žrtava. indefinitely, i.e. they will last at least as long as Na taj način učinak genocidnih radnji i njihovih pos relatives of the dead are alive. ljedica produžava se na neodređeno vrijeme tj. trajat će barem onoliko dugo koliko budu živjeli bliski srodnici ubijenih.

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Planeri, organizatori, podstrekači, Planners, organizers, persuaders, perpe- izvršioci i pomagači u izvršenju zločina genocida trators, and accessories in execution of a crime jednako kao i oni koji danas minimiziraju ili negiraju of genocide, as well as those who even today try genocid nisu niti svjesni da svojim djelovanjem to minimize or deny it, are not aware that they samo dodatno motiviraju ne samo srodnike žrtava only additionally motivate not only the relatives da ustraju u svojim zahtjevima za utvrđivanje of victims but also the professionals engaged istine o sudbini nestalih u masovnim grobnicama, in investigation and prosecution of criminals to već i one koji se profesionalno bave istraživanjem persist even more in their endeavors to reveal i procesuiranjem zločina i zločinaca, da sa još crimes. Deniers of genocide are actually working većom upornošću i zalaganjem nastave otkri- against their own selves all the time vati zločine. Poricatelji genocida zapravo svo to vrijeme rade u korist vlastite štete. Denial or refusal to face the conse- quences of genocide by perpetrators or deniers Odbijanje suočavanja sa posljedicama only means one thing: the story of genocide and genocida i u krajnjem njegovo minimiziranje ili mass graves shall for a long time be a top subject negiranje, neotkrivanje lokacija masovnih gro- among the domestic and international public. bnica, za izvršitelje i poricatelje genocida može Political leaders who have a vision should take značiti samo jedno: Priča o genocidu i masovnim courageous and decisive steps in order to bring grobnicama još dugo vremena bit će top- tema the story of genocide and graves to an end and u domaćoj i međunarodnoj javnosti.Politički lideri make it what it had to become long time ago: sa vizijom trebaju poduzeti hrabre i odlučne a part of our individual and collective memory korake kako bi priča o genocidu i grobnicama and a subject of consideration by historians. By prestala biti našom svakodnevicom i postala their denial and unwillingness to admit holo- ono što je odavno trebala biti: samo dio našeg caust, the Nazi criminals made the story of ho- individualnog i kolektivnog sjećanja i tema za locaust eternal. istoričare. Shall the Bosnian genocide become and remain an eternal subject in our country and in the region? The decision is awaited to Vodeći nacistički zločinci svojim come from Belgrade and from Banja Luka. nepriznavanjem i poricanjem holokausta priči o holokaustu udahnuli su vječni život. Hoće li i genocid nad Bošnjacima postati i ostati vječna tema na prostorima naše zemlje i regiona? Odlu- ku o tome valja čekati iz Beograda i Banja Luke.

41 42 43 44 Memorijalni centar Srebrenica-Potočari Memorijalni centar je u septembru 2003. godine zvanično otvorio predsjednik SAD-a Bill Clinton. Susret sa majkama, ženama srebrenice u Spomen sobi memorijalnog Centra u Potočarima. Iste godine, u mjesecu martu, na dan ukopa prvih 600 identifiiranih žrtava genocida.

Memorial Centar Srebrenica-Potočari The Memorial centar was offially opened in September 2003 by former United States President Bill Clinton. Meeting with mothers, women of Srebrenica in the Memorial Room in the Memorial Center Srebrenica-Potočari. The same year, the first 600 identified genocide victims were buried in Potočari.

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Masovne grobnice u Bosni i hercegovini - proces traženja i ekshumacija nestalih osoba mass graves in bosnia and herzegovina - process of tracing and exhumation missing persons 48 49 50 Zavirili smo samo malo u fragmete naše We glanced only slightly into a fragment stvarnosti, koja je daleko obimnija i istinski surova. of our reality which is far more extensive and tru- Hasanova tragedija me podsjeti na sve one “naše” ly harsh. Hasan’s tragedy reminds me of all our početke dok smo tražili nestale bosanskohercego- begginnings while we were searching for missing vačke žrtve. Nadali smo se svaki dan da je neko koga Bosnian and Herzegovinian victims. Everyday we tražimo živ, negdje.. ali će se vratiti. Nismo mogli ni hoped that we would find somebody alive, some- slutiti šta nas sve čeka te 1996., 1997., 1998., 1999. sve where... that he would come back. We never do sada, do ove 2015. godine , 20 godina od sre- suspected what was waiting for us those years 1996, breničke tragedije, kada je onakva prošlost identična ‘97, ‘98, ‘99 until today, since the Srebrenica tragedy, sadašnjim skicama zasutim masovnim grobnicama. when this past similar to today’s sketches covered with mass graves. Naša historija sada ima ovu strašnu strani- cu i mi se moramo nositi s tim. Moramo naučiti naše Our history now has this dreadfull page sagovornike da sa velikom dozom poštovanja biraju and we must deal with it. We must teach our inte- riječi i ponašanje kada pominju Bosnu i Hercegovinu rlocutors to refer to Bosnia and Herzegovina with u bilo kom kontekstu. Na nama je da istinu i termine a great deal of respect and carefuly chosen words zovemo pravim imenom i prezimenom, a naše sa- and behavior, when in any given context. It is up to govornike naučimo kroz razne komunikacijske forme us to call truth with its right name and surname and da sve to pravovremeno koriste. to teach our interlocutors, with diffrent communica- tional forms, to use it promptly. Ako je ovo prošlost, pa evo i sadašnjost, šta je onda budućnost? If this is the past, and present, then what is the future? Svi oni koji pokušavaju na bilo koji način po- bjeći od istine, okoristiti se, preinačiti , oskrnaviti i za All those who try to evade the truth, gain boraviti je moraju se suočiti sa najstrašni- profit, diversify, desecrate and forget it must be jim mrakom kojeg čovječanstvo pamti. faced with the scariest darkness humanity has Mi smo ga već osjetili i nećemo to known. We have already felt it and will not forget it. zaboraviti.

autor: Muhamed Mujkić

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