YOUTH CLIMATE ACTIVISM in LIMA, PERU Drivers and Ways of Engaging in Organized Climate Activism Through Csos

University of Amsterdam Graduate School of Social Sciences Master International Development Studies

MSc Thesis YOUTH CLIMATE ACTIVISM IN LIMA, PERU Drivers and ways of engaging in organized climate activism through CSOs

‘Don’t burn our future’, poster of youth climate activists in Lima. Source: The author.

Marie-Theres Dyckhoff Student number: 12787337 Contact: [email protected]

Thesis supervisor: Dr. Mirjam A. F. Ros-Tonen Second reader: M. Andres Verzijl MSc

Submission: Amsterdam, 14 June 2020 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Abstract Home to a variety of climatic and geographic zones, Peru is particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change. Looking ahead, young Peruvians have the most to gain and lose – still, their voices often go unheard. Therefore, youth in Lima engages in civil society organizations (CSOs) to address the climatic challenge. While most research on youth’s climate-change action has focused on cases in the global North, little is known about such activism in Latin Amer- ica in general and in Peru in particular. Hence, this study asks how and why young Limeños engage in organized climate activism through CSOs. For this purpose, qualitative data was gathered using participatory observation and semi-structured and in-depth interviews with CSO representatives and youth activists. Findings reveal, first, that young Limeños majorly engage in eight CSOs. Second, they employ a variety of strategies directed towards the society, the state and activist training, and pursue a common aim to connect with more CSOs to strengthen their impact. Third, while activists are driven by diverse motivations, they often use their engagement to solidarize with those Peruvians who either lack a certain privilege to participate or are silenced because of their distance to the centralized capital. Overall, while youth climate activism in Lima follows a global trend of emerging civic engagement on climate issues, it distinctively focuses on Peru’s local social realities and vulnerabilities, and refuses to use the global North’s activism as a copy-paste-model. By elucidating a case of youth climate activism from the Latin American region, this study adds important theoretical findings to existing theory from the global North. Moreover, these insights can help young Limeños and their respective CSOs strengthen their engagement and spread their voice.

Keywords Civil society organization, climate action, climate change, engagement, Peru, youth activism

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Dedication I would like to dedicate this thesis to the organizations that were involved in my field research in Lima, and especially to the affiliated youth activists who participated in this study. Thank you for your time and interest, for your openness in sharing your experiences, and for your friendship that guided me through my stay in this overwhelming city. I am eternally grateful for every single conversation in which we discussed our common passion to combat climate change and the cultural differences of our home countries. What is more, I sincerely thank you for letting me be part of your activism, and for involving me as not only a researcher, but also as a friend. Even though the outbreak of COVID-19 forced me to leave Peru earlier than expected and I did not get a chance to say goodbye, I still feel deeply connected to you. As I follow your online activities in social media, I am impressed by the way you continue your engagement on a virtual level during the strict lockdown that was still in place at the time of submitting this thesis. With your unconditional commitment to save our planet you are a source of inspiration to me and many other young world citizens. Thank you for allowing me to see climate change through your eyes, and I hope that this thesis can provide you with some answers on how to strengthen your impact in tackling the climatic challenge.

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Acknowledgements My sincere appreciation goes out to my thesis supervisor Mirjam Ros-Tonen, whose patient guidance, helpful feedback and invaluable encouragement throughout the entire research process allowed me to pursue an independent research topic and develop my academic skills. Equally, I would like to express my gratitude to Andres Verzijl for being the second reader of my thesis and for leading the defence. Furthermore, many thanks to all the lecturers and staff of the Master International Development Studies at the University of Amsterdam for keeping the course going despite many complications and uncertainties due to COVID-19. I am also very grateful to my fellow students for supporting me so energetically during the thesis-writing process, even though our weekly peer-group sessions via Skype could hardly replace the time spent together and the shared laughter on campus. Finally, I would like to thank my family and friends for always believing in me, and for continuously supporting me from near and far.

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Table of contents

Abstract ...... i Dedication ...... ii Acknowledgements ...... iii List of tables and figures ...... vii List of acronyms and abbreviations ...... viii Chapter 1. Introduction ...... 1 1.1 The Peruvian climate challenge – transforming the burden into action ...... 1 1.2 Relevance and research objectives ...... 2 1.3 Research questions ...... 2 1.4 Thesis setup ...... 3 Chapter 2. Theoretical framework ...... 4 2.1 Civic engagement ...... 4 2.1.1 Collective civic engagement ...... 4 2.1.2 Civic engagement for environmental action ...... 4 2.1.3 Youth agency in civic engagement ...... 5 2.2 Youth activism on climate change ...... 5 2.2.1 Frameworks for measuring youth climate activism ...... 5 2.2.2 Climate justice ...... 7 2.3 Conceptual scheme ...... 8 2.4 Conclusions ...... 9 Chapter 3. Methodology ...... 10 3.1 Operationalization ...... 10 3.2 Unit of analysis ...... 10 3.3 Units of observation and sampling ...... 10 3.4 Data collection methods ...... 11 3.5 Data analysis ...... 12 3.6 Ethical considerations ...... 12 3.6.1 Voluntary participation ...... 12 3.6.2 Informed consent ...... 12 3.6.3 Safety in participation ...... 13 3.6.4 Confidentiality ...... 13 3.6.5 Trust ...... 13 3.7 Reflection on the quality and limitations of the research ...... 14 3.7.1 Trustworthiness ...... 14

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3.7.2 Authenticity ...... 15 3.8 Conclusions ...... 16 Chapter 4. Context to climate change and youth activism in Peru ...... 17 4.1 Situating the research context: Lima ...... 17 4.2 Climate change in Peru ...... 19 4.2.1 Peru’s vulnerability to climate change ...... 19 4.2.2 The government’s response ...... 21 4.3 Youth engagement in Peru ...... 22 4.3.1 Political engagement among young middle-class Limeños ...... 22 4.3.2 Youth activism in Peru ...... 22 4.4 Conclusions ...... 23 Chapter 5. CSOs: agendas, actions and strategies ...... 24 5.1 CSOs and their youth and climate agenda ...... 24 5.1.1 Canto Vivo ...... 24 5.1.2 Clima de Cambios ...... 25 5.1.3 Conservamos por Naturaleza ...... 25 5.1.4 Jóvenes Peruanos frente al Cambio Climático ...... 26 5.1.5 Movimiento Ciudadano frente al Cambio Climático ...... 26 5.1.6 Red Universitaria Ambiental ...... 27 5.1.7 TierrActiva ...... 27 5.1.8 Viernes por el Futuro ...... 28 5.2 Strategies and actions to address climate change ...... 28 5.2.1 Awareness raising ...... 29 5.2.2 Interventions and mobilizations ...... 32 5.2.3 Political advocacy ...... 34 5.2.4 Training of activists ...... 35 5.2.5 Connecting and solidarizing...... 37 5.3 Conclusions ...... 39 Chapter 6. Youth engagement in climate activism: drivers, constraints and roles ...... 41 6.1 Who is an ‘activist’ ...... 41 6.2 Drivers of engagement ...... 41 6.2.1 Initiating drivers ...... 41 6.2.2 Sustaining drivers ...... 43 6.3 Constraints to engagement ...... 45 6.3.1 External constraints ...... 45 6.3.2 Internal constraints ...... 46

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6.4 The self-perceived role of young Limeños ...... 47 6.4.1 Taking action along shared responsibilities ...... 47 6.4.2 Seeing the importance of Lima for climate action ...... 48 6.4.3 Making climate activism ‘their own’ ...... 49 6.5 External perceptions of youth climate activism in Lima ...... 50 6.5.1 Societal perceptions ...... 50 6.5.2 Political perceptions ...... 50 6.6 Conclusions ...... 51 Chapter 7. Conclusions ...... 52 7.1 Synthesis of findings ...... 52 7.1.1 SQ1 – How does climate activism in Lima look in terms of CSOs, their climate agenda, and focus on youth? ...... 52 7.1.2 SQ2 – How is climate activism among youth shaped in terms of actions and strategies? ...... 52 7.1.3 SQ3 – What drives and constrains young people to engage in climate activism through these organizations? ...... 52 7.1.4 SQ4 – How do youth climate activists and other actors see young people’s role in combatting climate change now and in the near future? ...... 53 7.2 Theoretical reflection ...... 54 7.3 Recommendations for policy and practice ...... 56 7.4 Suggestions for further research ...... 58 7.5 Concluding remark ...... 58 References ...... 60 Appendices ...... 66 Appendix 1: Operationalization table ...... 66 Appendix 2: Interview guides ...... 68 Appendix 3: List of respondents ...... 73 Appendix 4: Final coding frame ...... 74 Appendix 5: Detailed map of Lima ...... 77

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List of tables and figures

Table 2.1 Strategies of youth-led social change ...... 6 Table 2.2 Forms of youth activism on climate change ...... 6 Table 5.1 The eight CSOs and their youth agenda ...... 24 Table 5.2 Strategies to address climate change by the four focus CSOs ...... 28 Table 7.1 Drivers of and constraints to engagement in youth climate activism ...... 53 Table 7.2 Suggested expansion of strategies in youth climate activism ...... 54 Table 7.3 Dutiful and disruptive actions resulting from the five strategies ...... 55

Figure 2.1 Conceptual scheme ...... 8 Figure 4.1 Map of Lima Metropolitana...... 17 Figure 4.2 Settlements in Comas ...... 18 Figure 4.3 Retreating glacier, Huaraz ...... 20 Figure 4.4 Glacial lake ...... 20 Figure 4.5 March #8M ...... 23 Figure 5.1 ‘Take care of your beaches – don’t be rubbish' ...... 29 Figure 5.2 Human chain ...... 30 Figure 5.3 Lyrics ...... 30 Figure 5.4 Juvenile diagnostic and rehabilitation centre ...... 30 Figure 5.5 Mural painting of MOCICC activists in Comas ...... 31 Figure 5.6 ‘May only your love leave its mark’, Valentine’s Day ...... 32 Figure 5.7 Planning reunion of MOCICC activists ...... 36 Figure 5.8 MOCICC banner at march #8M ...... 38 Figure 5.9 Youth activists (left) at demonstration Awajun ...... 39 Figure 7.1 Refined conceptual scheme ...... 57 Figure 7.2 Street art in Barranco ...... 59

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List of acronyms and abbreviations

COP/CoP Conference of the Parties

CSO Civil Society Organization

GLOF Glacial Lake Outburst Flood

JPCC Jóvenes Peruanos frente al Cambio Climático (Young Peruvians against Climate Change)

MINAM Ministerio del Ambiente (Ministry of Environment)

MOCICC Movimiento Ciudadano frente al Cambio Climático (Citizens’ Movement against Climate Change)

NGO Non-Governmental Organization

PUCP Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú (Pontifical Catholic University of Peru)

RUA Red Universitaria Ambiental (University Environmental Network)

SPDA Sociedad Peruana de Derecho Ambiental (Peruvian Society for Environmental Law)

UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change

UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund

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Chapter 1. Introduction

“We are fighting for our future, in many places on the planet and in many ways. We have only eleven years to save the planet, so say our scientists. The climate is changing faster around the world. Our country is one of the most affected by climate change. We are suffering from big heat waves, as well as torrential rains that are unfortunately causing losses of life and destruction in cities. However, Peru does not take concrete measures to mitigate and adapt to climate change – and that is very serious. That is why we all have to stand up today, to fight for our future and for the future of all. What do we want? Climate justice! When do we want it? Now!” (Youth activist, 20191)

1.1 The Peruvian climate challenge – transforming the burden into action Peru offers a multifaceted landscape of desert coastal areas, Amazonian rainforest and Andean mountains (Chevallier et al. 2011:182; Takahashi and Martinez 2017:2). Plentiful natural resources form the backbone of the country’s economy – a walk on the tightrope between curse and blessing, since this dependency together with fragile ecosystems contributes to Peru’s increased vulnerability to the adverse impacts of climate change (Takahashi and Martinez 2017:2). Even though not counting as a major emitter of greenhouse gases, the country suffers continuously from climate change-related phenomena such as droughts, increasing temperatures, rising sea levels, melting glaciers, and the effects of El Niño (NRDC 2014:1; Ruiz Muller 2017:69-70; Takahashi and Martinez 2017:2; Takahashi and Meisner 2013:437). Climate policy is a sensitive topic in Peru and has to be seen within the context of 50% of the country’s economy being based on the extractive industry (Patrick and Bharadwaj 2016:468). Then, “only the emergence of higher levels of public awareness, as manifested in citizens’ environmental initiatives and environmental social movements, can change this state of affairs in the medium to long term” (Santelices Spikin and Rojas Hernández 2016:8). This provides citizens and particularly youth who are increasingly aware of the irreversible effects of climate change with the opportunity to play a vital role in addressing this complex problem (ibid.). The Peruvian government outlines its vision on the country’s future development in the ‘Visión del Perú al 2050‘ (CEPLAN 2019:1). One of the goals regarding the ‘sustainable management of nature and measures against climate change’ entails scaling up civil society’s participation in environmental decision-making. Furthermore, the report refers to the contribution that citizens could make in collaborating with the state, the private sector, and academia in order to reduce climate change-related disaster risk vulnerability (ibid.:3). Up to now, several civil society organizations (CSOs) and initiatives at the grassroots level have been taking action towards addressing climate change. However, “their ability to influence policy decision making or to mobilize the public or private sectors has been limited” (Takahashi and Martinez 2017:6). Young people represent those whose adulthood will coincide most strongly with the political timeframe of 2020 to 2050. Hence, youth are said to hold the best position for and a large stake in developing durable responses to the increasing challenges of climate change within this time period (Corner et al. 2015:523; O’Brien et al. 2018:2). Nevertheless, their voices are often silenced in the present discourse on climate change, rendering both them and future generations particularly vulnerable to the policy choices being made by those currently

1 From a speech by a young climate activist of the organization Canto Vivo, resounding in the streets of Lima during the global climate march of the Fridays for Future movement on 15 March 2019 (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s22G7P-hNWQ). 1 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

in power (Gibbons 2014:23-24; O’Brien et al. 2018:2). Young people in poor countries disproportionately face increasing climate-change risks, which negatively affect their health and sur- vival, and should, as noted in the ’Convention on the Rights of the Child’, have the right to actively engage in decision-making processes affecting them (Gibbons 2014:20-21, 23).

1.2 Relevance and research objectives As Peru is extremely vulnerable to climate change, the country’s youth is suspected to suffer the most. Acknowledging that “young people arguably have the most to gain and the most to lose” (Corner et al. 2015:523), youth in Lima can – and already do – play a crucial role in actively tackling climate change. Considering their central stake in climate-change mitigation and adaptation, insights into what drives them to engage in organized climate action through CSOs and how their engagement may currently be constrained is pertinent. The findings of this study may serve to improve Peruvian society’s awareness of and resilience towards climate change by taking the often-neglected voices and fruitful suggestions of young citizens into account. Ultimately, the research aims to compile data on how these youth activists and their respective CSOs in Lima can enhance their engagement in order to positively affect the Peruvian climate-change agenda. As such, this research aims to empower young Limeños in their struggle against climate change, considering that adult perspectives have often highlighted the shortcomings of youth activism in Latin America (Coe et al. 2015:21). In addition to these social objectives, the study strives to provide orientation for policymakers on how to involve youth in the discussion of climate matters, and how to deal with their activism. In terms of the knowledge gap addressed, most research on climate-change action has thus far been done in the global North, and little is known about such actions in the global South. This is true for mitigation policies (Steg 2018:761), but particularly striking regarding the role of young people involved in climate activism. While several studies mainly look into cases in Australia, Europe, and North America (Buttigieg and Pace 2013; Corner et al. 2015; Feola and Nunes 2014; Foran et al. 2017; Gallay et al. 2016; Holmberg and Alvinius 2020; Kleres and Wettergren 2017; Ojala 2012; Stapleton 2019), investigations in other parts of the world are scarce (Chersich et al. 2019; Fisher 2016; Tanner 2010). However, the mere assumption of climate activism in the global South being similar to that in the global North could be misleading, as different climatic and social realities structure the lives of young people in the global South. No research has so far been undertaken on the role of youth in climate activism in Peru, revealing a gap in academic literature addressed in this thesis. Empirical findings can then serve to understand how young people in a country like Peru, in which climatic effects are so acute, face the global climate challenge. Furthermore, there are only a few studies engaging with the ways in which youth’s active participation could be reinforced (Corner et al. 2015:523). Therefore, this research contributes inductive findings on young people’s drivers and barriers to organized engagement in climate activism. This data can then guide further investigations on the topic in similar regions or act as a comparison to countries in the global North. It thereby broadens the academic knowledge base on youth climate activism, while helping to strengthen young people’s say in climate matters.

1.3 Research questions The main research question addressed in this study is: “How and why does youth in Lima, Peru, engage in organized climate activism through CSOs?” 2 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

This encompasses the following sub-questions (SQs): 1. How does climate activism in Lima look in terms of CSOs, their climate agenda, and focus on youth? 2. How is climate activism among youth shaped in terms of actions and strategies? 3. What drives and constrains young people to engage in climate activism through these organizations? 4. How do youth climate activists and other actors see young people’s role in combatting climate change now and in the near future?

1.4 Thesis setup After this introduction, Chapter 2 provides the theoretical framework for this study, drawing on civic engagement and youth climate activism. Chapter 3 explains the qualitative, semi- grounded methodology upon which this research is based, and reflects on ethics, quality, and limitations. Chapter 4 situates the research context in Lima and examines the climatic challenges striking Peru and respective governmental reactions, before providing insights into youth engagement and activism in the country. Chapter 5 – the first of two empirical chapters – presents the eight CSOs covered in this study, and further hones in on actions and strategies used by affiliated youth activists. Chapter 6 analyses young Limeños’ drivers of and constraints to engaging in organized climate activism. Moreover, it highlights youth’s self-perceived role as ‘activists’ vis-à-vis other actors in Lima and the global North, and the perceptions of political and civil-society actors of youth climate activism. Finally, Chapter 7 synthesizes the findings to answer the research questions; reflects on the theory used; and provides recommendations for future research, policy, and practice.

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Chapter 2. Theoretical framework

Two theoretical strands guided the fieldwork: civic engagement (Section 2.1) and youth activism on climate change (2.2). A conceptual scheme visualizes the assumed connections between concepts and dimensions (2.3), after which the chapter concludes with a short synthesis (2.4). Additional concepts were derived from inductive coding (see 3.5). I add these data-driven concepts to a refined conceptual scheme in the theoretical reflection in the final chapter (7.2).

2.1 Civic engagement This section presents civic engagement in its collective form (2.1.1); as environmental civic engagement (2.1.2); and in terms of youth agency (2.1.3).

2.1.1 Collective civic engagement Civic engagement encompasses various aspects, dimensions and phenomena (Adler and Gog- gin 2005:240; Checkoway and Aldana 2013:1894). The term has been defined in such diverse ways as ‘collective action’, ‘community service’, ‘political involvement’, or ‘social change’ (Adler and Goggin 2005:238-239). Ekman and Amnå (2012) distinguish between collectively organized or performed actions and individual forms (p. 289). Within collective forms, a further distinction can be made between community activities (e.g. joint cleaning or welfare activities) and political action (e.g. taking part in a political party, campaigning, protesting) (Adler and Goggin 2005:240, drawing from Crowley n.d.). Although I acknowledge the individual component, it is further neglected in this research for reasons of feasibility. Thus, I use Checkoway’s and Aldana’s (2013) definition, who frame civic engagement as “a process in which people take collective action to address issues of public concern” (p. 1894). In the following, the terms ‘civic engagement’ and ‘engagement’ are used interchangeably. Engaged citizens, then, are understood as those being “aware of their rights and responsibilities in society and actively participat[ing] in shaping the system norms, resources, regulations and operations that comprise the foundation of their respective society” (Riemer et al. 2014:554). More specifically, this study focuses on political action or activism (2.2).

2.1.2 Civic engagement for environmental action Civil society has often engaged in pro-environmental actions, particularly through participation in appropriate organizations that motivate such behaviour (Buttigieg and Pace 2013:17). In their attempt to actively impact on policymakers and the public to implement pro-environmental measures, involved citizens invest time and energy in shaping alternative responses to environmental problems (ibid.:17, 41). With climate change being the biggest challenge that people are facing in this century, citizens have become increasingly active in combatting its manifold problems (Fisher 2016:229; Santelices Spikin and Rojas Hernández 2016:4). Through CSOs they stress local consequences as well as the disproportionate risks for vulnerable populations, thereby attempting to counter the state’s non-action. It is widely acknowledged that the better their organization and the more efficient their mobilization, the greater the leverage of these CSOs (Mittag 2012:999, 1001). Thus, it is vital to study how people can be more effectively encouraged to actively engage in climate-change actions (Steg 2018:761). This research does so by assessing drivers of and constraints to youth civic engagement for climate activism (Chapter 6).

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2.1.3 Youth agency in civic engagement Since civic participation has historically mainly targeted youth (Adler and Goggin 2005:237), it seems particularly instructive to analyse young people’s activities in this regard. In theories on youth engagement, specific attention has been paid to the meaning of ‘agency’, a term which has generally been described as “space for manoeuvre” (Lopes Cardozo 2015:6). Notably, this ‘space’ leaves room for varying interpretations, as to who has space, when, and how much. The agency of youth regarding civic engagement has often been neglected. Feelings of powerlessness, exclusion from decision-making processes, not being taken seriously, and serving as a token at events are common concerns (Checkoway and Aldana 2013:1897; Corner et al. 2015:527; Earl et al. 2017:8; Narksompong and Limjirakan 2015:173; O’Brien et al. 2018:3). Yet, several authors argue that youth should be recognized as competent citizens with political agency here and now, admitted to participate in meaningful decisions, and involved in various forms of activism (Checkoway and Aldana 2013:1897; Gallay et al. 2016:130; O’Brien et al. 2018:4). Waiting until youth turn into adults before they can take action is a lost opportunity to incorporate their skills already now (Narksompong and Limjirakan 2015:175). Taking these theoretical considerations into account, this research considers young people (those between 15 and 29 years, see 3.2) as active agents who engage in civic spheres in order to address climate issues and bring about meaningful change. This is reflected in the analysis of how youth themselves and other actors perceive the role of young Limeños in climate activism (Chapter 6).

2.2 Youth activism on climate change Young people’s engagement in designing sustainable solutions to mitigate climate change has been recognized as vital (Johnson et al. 2013:29). In order to achieve their goals, youth often engage in a specific form of (collective) civic engagement called political action or political activism. This is defined here as an “orientation to engage in various collective, social-political, problem-solving behaviors spanning a range from low-risk, passive, and institutionalized acts to high-risk, active, and unconventional behaviors” (Corning and Myers 2002:704). As youth will have to endure the future effects of climate change, they must actively engage in finding solutions (Narksompong and Limjirakan 2015:172-173). Youth climate activists can then be described “as people contextually considered youth who intentionally engage in actions connected to the political and collective aims of addressing the problems of contemporary anthropogenic climate change” (Fisher 2016:231). In this research, Lima offers an example of a city where young people engage as climate activists. To assess their engagement, this section first presents the frameworks used to design this study (2.2.1), and further outlines the role of climate justice in such engagement (2.2.2).

2.2.1 Frameworks for measuring youth climate activism Civil society’s and youth’s contribution to “combating climate change should be assessed critically, rather than assumed” (Mittag 2012:998). This demands scrutinizing the complex relations of how and why Liman youth engage in climate action. First, looking at organizational structures (leadership, organization type) and strategies (socialization, influence, power, and partnership; Table 2.1) deepens the understanding of how young Limeños engage in CSOs to address climate change (Ho et al. 2015:55; Riemer et al. 2014:560). Therefore, I use input from the frameworks on ‘youth-led social change’ (Ho et al. 2015) and ‘youth-based environmental engagement programmes’ (Riemer et al. 2014). More- over, investigating how CSOs engage youth adds to the comprehension of youth climate

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activism. For this purpose, I follow Elliott’s and Earl’s (2018) distinction between targeting youth as audience and targeting youth as active participants in protests (p. 5).

Table 2.1 Strategies of youth-led social change Strategies Definition Socialization Awareness-raising, making others aware of or care about an issue Influence Indirectly influencing others (decision-makers, organizations, populations, individuals) to address an issue and take action Power Directly taking action on the issue by being/becoming the decision-maker Partnership Directly taking action on the issue by cooperating with others (decision- makers, organizations, populations, individuals) Source: The author, drawing from Ho et al. (2015:55).

To further grasp the how of youth’s engagement in climate activism, I additionally adhere to the framework developed by O’Brien and others (2018) on analysing forms of activism in terms of dutiful, disruptive, and dangerous dissent (Table 2.2). These types are not mutually exclusive, but rather “capture the different ways that youth activism engages with political power and is likely to contribute to desired changes in the status quo” (p. 4). So far, this framework is the only of its kind on youth climate activism. Although focusing predominantly on young people in high-emission countries (ibid.:1), it can also help understand the practices being conducted by those living and engaging in climate activism in lower emission societies. Testing this theoretical framework that is based on ideas from the global North in the context of Lima can offer valuable insights into the performance of youth climate activism in other parts of the world.

Table 2.2 Forms of youth activism on climate change Form Definition Actions Dutiful dissent Expressing climate concerns via existing in- Membership in environ- stitutional arrangements (political parties, mental/political CSOs, non-governmental organizations – NGOs) prioritizing climate re- Strengthening and challenging prevailing sponses through poli- practices to advance alternative climate- cies/practices change responses from within and throughout the system Disruptive dissent Challenging underlying power relations and Marches/rallies, boy- authorities perpetuating them cotts, petition cam- Critiquing the system that drives climate paigns, interrupting in- change ternational climate meetings Dangerous dissent Challenging established rulers in the longer Advocating for climate run by opposing business-as-usual arrange- justice/degrowth ideas, ments and promoting alternative ways of non-commercial art structuring economic and social relations practices in public places Source: The author, drawing from O’Brien et al. (2018:4-7).

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Table 2.2 shows that certain forms of activism result in specific actions. In addition, research identifies a broad set of activities including, among other things, manifest activities such as demonstrations, protests, strikes, walkouts, sit-ins, and die-ins; the design and implementation of climate-related projects and campaigns such as clean-ups; advocacy, consultation, and lobbying; and information, education, and capacity building (Arnold et al. 2009:29; Checkoway and Aldana 2013:1895; Ekman and Amnå 2012:292; Elliott and Earl 2018:5; Fisher 2019:430; Narksompong and Limjirakan 2015:178; Tanner 2010:347). For reasons of feasibility, I categorize these actions according to the scheme of O’Brien et al. (2018) in the operationalization table (Appendix 1). This framework provided deductive guidance, but is not reflective “of how youth see or judge their own action” (ibid.:4). Hence, this study additionally inductively gathered information of how young Limeños categorize their actions against climate change. I further reflect on the implications of combining a deductive (concept-driven) and inductive (data- driven) approach in Section 7.2. Second, investigating the drivers of initiating and sustaining young people’s engagement for climate action is crucial for grasping the why of their climate activism (Riemer et al. 2014:558). Previous research identified several drivers – not differentiated by their initiating or sustaining effect – to engage in environmental or climate action, such as the impact of parents, friends, teachers, role models, and media; positive youth or childhood experiences outdoors to bond with nature; the observation of negative incidents in nature such as pollution or environmental damage; education; the encouragement of agency; the belief to make a difference; and time shared in youth groups or get-togethers (Arnold et al. 2009:29-30, 33; Buttigieg and Pace 2013:23-27, 30-32; Ojala 2012:633, 637; Riemer et al. 2014:562-563). On an emotional scale, a combination of fear and hope can motivate engagement for climate action. Whereas fear of climate change may be rather abstract in the global North, experiencing its disastrous effects as an already manifest threat drives Southern activists (Kleres and Wettergren 2017:508, 516). Then, “hope is not only a pleasant feeling, but can also work as a motivational force” (Ojala 2012:625). Factors that particularly sustain organized engagement include personal satisfaction, commitment to help, collective work, positive relationships (e.g. friendships), recognition, enjoyment, learning opportunities, personal development, early successes, and the perceived relevance of the cause fighting for (Buttigieg and Pace 2013:37-40; Pancer and Pratt 1999:47; Riemer et al. 2014:558, 567-568). However, it is also essential to address constraints that hinder pro-climate engagement in order to generate insights into possible weaknesses of youth civic engagement for climate action and ways in which it could be strengthened. In this regard, research suggests that a lack of bonding experiences with nature might hamper young people’s development of environmental responsibility. Moreover, engaging in climate action may be challenging if one already needs to cope with other life pressures – work and family – or when perceiving that one’s actions lack success (Buttigieg and Pace 2013:29, 36). Working in an unpleasant environment or on disagreeable tasks may form another constraint (Pancer and Pratt 1999:47). Finally, looking at how young Limeños perceive their role in climate activism also helps understand why they engage in certain actions. External perceptions of politicians and citizens may further shape this role. While there is no framework yet to measure the role of youth in climate activism, this research aims to contribute to this.

2.2.2 Climate justice Within climate activism, a particular idea has repeatedly influenced global movements. In the streets of Lima, young activists have voiced it as “¡Justicia climática ahora!” (‘Climate justice

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now!’). A closer look at the concept that “puts a human face on the impacts of climate change” (Stapleton 2019:734) reveals the emergence of two different strands: intragenerational and intergenerational climate justice. The former addresses inequities of climate-change impacts at local and global level, underlining the increased vulnerability of certain populations and developing countries respec- tively, and stressing their minor contribution to greenhouse-gas emissions (Narksompong and Limjirakan 2015:171-172; Tokar 2015:69). By contrast, intergenerational justice refers to the disproportionate threat climate change poses on youth and future generations compared to today’s adults who will only experience an extenuated version of these hazardous effects (Chersich et al. 2019:615; O’Brien et al. 2018:7). Since present actions and decisions thus predominantly affect youth, their activism is becoming increasingly important (Gallay et al. 2016:113-114, 129). Acknowledging that youth activists “stand in a particular relationship to the issue of intergenerational justice which lies at the heart of the climate crisis” (Foran et al. 2017:361), this research investigates how climate justice informs both sustaining drivers and the role of Liman youth activists in combatting climate change.

2.3 Conceptual scheme Figure 2.1 brings the different theoretical strands and concepts together as an initial guidance to the collection of field data.

Figure 2.12 Conceptual schemea

a Numbers refer to the sub-questions (see 1.3).

2 Figures and tables without explicit source are created by the author. 8 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

2.4 Conclusions This chapter presented the theoretical framework of this study. It discussed youth climate activism as a specific form of civic engagement, and visualized the assumed links between the concepts derived from the literature in a conceptual scheme. The next chapter provides the methodological setup of this study.

9 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Chapter 3. Methodology

This study is a single case study (Bryman 2012:66) of CSOs and their youth affiliates in Lima. Due to the absence of prior investigations on the topic, it is exploratory in nature and employs a qualitative research design (ibid.:41). Firstly, the operationalization of the study’s main concept is outlined (3.1), after which the chapter explains the unit of analysis (3.2), units of observation and sampling procedures (3.3). Followed by detailed accounts of data collection methods (3.4) and data analysis (3.5), it reflects on research ethics (3.6) and quality and limitations of this study (3.7). It concludes with a brief synthesis (3.8).

3.1 Operationalization The major concept informing this research is youth climate activism. It was operationalized prior to fieldwork, and its dimensions, variables and indicators (see Appendix 1) are largely based on literature reviewed in Chapter 2. It thereby enables an understanding of linkages as presented in the conceptual scheme (2.3), and informed the interview guides for CSO representatives and youth activists (Appendix 2). During fieldwork and analysis, some of the variables and indicators were adjusted to better reflect the aspects that CSOs and activists deemed relevant (see 3.5 and discussion of its implications in 7.2).

3.2 Unit of analysis The unit of analysis comprises organized climate activism by young Limeños participating in CSOs. The latter are defined as “all non-market and non-state organisations outside of the family in which people organise themselves to pursue shared interests in the public domain” (OECD 2011:10). In accordance with Peruvian youth policy, this study defines ‘youth’ and ‘young people’ as those in the age range between 15 and 29 years. They constitute 27.5% of the country’s population, with 84.3% living in urban areas (SENAJU 2012:15).

3.3 Units of observation and sampling The units of observation emanate from the following CSOs: Canto Vivo, Clima de Cambios, Conservamos por Naturaleza, Jóvenes Peruanos frente al Cambio Climático (JPCC), Movi- miento Ciudadano frente al Cambio Climático (MOCICC), Red Universitaria Ambiental de la Universidad Agraria La Molina (RUA) and TierrActiva (5.1). Although not a CSO proper, I furthermore included the local group of the worldwide movement Fridays for Future – Viernes por el Futuro Lima (Viernes) – for its highly organized nature and importance for the climate- activism scene in Lima. While including these eight groups was based on an initial purposeful selection guided by online research (3.4), activists repeatedly corroborated their importance for my research topic. In a second step, interviews with one representative or member of the organizations3 led me to focus on four out of the eight groups for more in-depth research: Canto Vivo, JPCC, MOCICC and Viernes. I selected these CSOs based on a good spread of organization type, leadership structure and employed actions and strategies. Next, I chose to collaborate with four Limeños of each of the groups where I conducted only interviews (JPCC and Viernes) and five each where I additionally did participant observation (Canto Vivo and MOCICC). Participants ranged between 16 and 29 years and thus complied with my definition of youth (3.2). Three of the nine initial CSO respondents also fell within this age range while actively participating in the groups they represented. This renders their answers relevant for both an overview of the

3 In the case of Canto Vivo, I conducted two interviews. 10 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

CSOs and activist perspectives. With only one exception, all interview respondents lived in Lima during the time of my research. The female/male ratio of the young interviewees was 12/9. Regarding the selection of young interview participants, ‘snowball sampling’ via net- works in the climate-activism scene accounted for feasibly collecting field data (Bryman 2012:424). Generally, initial CSO respondents guided scheduling a first interview with a group participant. This had a catalysing effect, as further recommendations and joining events helped me to connect with more activists. When selecting them for participation in this research, I gave preference to those with high engagement in the organization and availability.

3.4 Data collection methods I employed a diverse set of qualitative methods to achieve an “in-depth understanding [of] the behaviour and process within individuals or groups” (Landiyanto 2018:6). First, I made a comprehensive compilation of CSOs engaging youth for climate action in Lima, based on exploratory web analysis of these CSOs’ climate agendas and focus on youth (SQ1). To enrich this data, one semi-structured interview per adult-led organization was conducted with a responsible working together with youth or with a central stakeholder in a youth- based CSO (SQ1). Combining these two methods ensured a profound understanding of different agendas and levels of youth involvement and allowed selecting the four focus CSOs (3.3). Second, semi-structured interviews were held with young activists. This revealed rich data on actions and strategies employed in their climate activism (SQ2); drivers of and constraints to engagement (SQ3); and their role in tackling climate change (SQ4). Besides these topics, staying flexible to adjust the direction of the interview according to other emerging themes was crucial (Bryman 2012:470). As the interview process progressed, I added some questions on topics that had proved relevant in initial interviews, such as the importance of Lima for climate activism. All 27 conducted interviews were audio-recorded and later transcribed; for interview guides see Appendix 2. In one occasion I used Skype to record an interview with an activist who had recently moved out of Lima. Appendix 3 lists all interviewees by their respective CSOs. Regarding my personal background as being ‘young’ (3.2) and passionate about climate action, participant observation was markedly accessible and insightful. By participating in various activities related to climate change during my fieldwork in Lima, I gained hands-on experience on why youth engage in climate activism (SQ3, SQ4) and how their activism is shaped in terms of actions and strategies (SQ2). Adhering to an Oxfam (2019) project on youth activism in Peru where “co-creation was combined with a horizontal structure and a flexible approach” (p. 3), I stayed open for suggestions from the young people with whom I engaged on what to observe or where to participate. This enabled my participant observation in the following 15 events: four planning reunions, three meetings for creating banners and posters, one environmental sensibilization workshop and tree planting, one beach clean-up and environmental sensibilization campaign, one demonstration, one protest march, one mural painting, one conference, one lecture and one market with workshops. However, while participant observation generally asks for the researcher’s long-term engagement in the social context (Bryman 2012:432), time constraints in the field prevented me from conducting it on a full-scale level. Rather, I engaged in a modified version of ‘microethnography’ (Wolcott 1990). By zooming in on particular settings depicting youth climate activism in Lima, I accommodated to the encoun- tered limits of time and scope (p. 64). When possible, I used a notebook during events. In all cases, observations were written afterwards.

11 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Finally, methods from applied visual anthropology were employed (Pink 2004:5). Pho- tographs and video sequences offered powerful frames to analyse youth activism in terms of actions and motivations (SQ2, SQ3), and were further helpful to record a demonstration where it was difficult to keep track of what was happening, thus serving as “an aide-mémoire in the course of fieldwork” (Bryman 2012:457).

3.5 Data analysis Following the exploratory design of this research, preliminary data analysis was conducted while still in the field: emerging themes during initial interviews led to inform following interviews (3.4). Upon return from the field, all interviews were transcribed, after which a combination of deductive and inductive coding guided the analysis. Since conceptual tools for decoding how young people ‘do’ activism are largely designed in Europe or North America (Coe et al. 2015:4), pursuing a semi-grounded approach to engage with young people’s own understandings of their activism was essential. To that end, the concept-driven operationalization of youth climate activism in the global North (3.1) revealed categories that formed the basis for the subsequent data-driven analysis. While a prior conceptual understanding thus provided the analytical framework, open coding was applied to inductively generate and explore concepts and insights that young Limeños themselves had mentioned (Bryman 2012:569-570; Corbin and Strauss 1990:12). This data-driven approach enabled the emergence of new indicators, especially regarding drivers and constraints of youth activists. Finally, analysing observational notes and visuals from events helped enrich these findings by adding a contextual understanding to the verbatim transcripts and retrieved categories. The final coding frame is attached in Appen- dix 4. Using ATLAS.ti as a tool for both transcribing and coding was central to this analysis.

3.6 Ethical considerations In the process of designing and conducting this research, close attention was paid to ensure that the following ethical principles were met.

3.6.1 Voluntary participation All interview respondents participated voluntarily, following my messages or their friends’ recommendations. Two minors participated in the study out of their own motivation, though I had also met their mothers before or during the interviews. It has repeatedly been argued that children lack competence to decide on their participation in research, thus leaving consent to their parents (Coyne 2010:235). Adults then often “view children from a deﬁcit perspective rather than recognising children’s strengths” (ibid.:230). Since this research follows the understanding of young people from 15 upwards as active agents, I adhere to Coyne’s (2010) view of respect- ing their capacities and rights to express accord or disaccord themselves (p. 235). In general, considering the often-experienced notion of not being listened to properly in Peru (6.5), all interviewees were eager to share their stories and experiences with me and often thanked me for researching this particular topic.

3.6.2 Informed consent After initial agreement to participate in the interview, I further explained the aims of the research after which respondents gave informed consent. When conducting observations while simultaneously participating in activities, not all of those I was observing might have been aware of my intentions. If new people joined the activity, I did not always clearly explain my research status as it might have been interruptive of the activity or shifted the focus too much

12 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

towards me. Hence, I handled sensitive information gathered from observations confidentially by anonymizing data used from those activists I had not also interviewed.

3.6.3 Safety in participation Ensuring the safety of my participants and myself was crucial during interviews or events. Due to high crime levels in Lima, I trusted my respondents in choosing a safe place for an interview, thus simultaneously keeping their financial and time investment low. Only in one occasion my respondent and I were in acute danger of being robbed and had to change locations to continue the interview. Moving around in Lima always required caution, and due to issues of safety I never took a taxi when on my own. Exclusively relying on the chaotic bus system was more time-intensive, but my preferred option. When engaging in activities such as demonstrations or marches, prior consultations with locals informed my decision to participate. Finally, I made sure not to use pictures that may compromise climate activists’ safety. Pictures published in this thesis were edited to show no recognizable faces, and together with data retrieved from interviews and observations stored password protected on a laptop, two USB sticks and in a cloud. These measures served to counter the possible loss of data due to theft or robbery.

3.6.4 Confidentiality Although youth activists did not consider that their participation in my study could harm them, I decided to use pseudonyms to avoid possible future implications for interviewees that they may currently overlook. I further assured them of the confidentiality of the audio recordings, shared written transcripts and drafts, and thus opened a space for doubts or feedback. Never- theless, treating the names of those participating in the project confidentially was not always easy to handle well. The climate-activism scene in Lima is small in the sense that almost everyone knows each other. Many respondents mentioned their friends’ names in interviews or recommended them as further contacts. I joined in, telling new respondents to whom I had already talked when asked, which then fostered trust and confidence. Hence, while snowball sampling perhaps made me disclose names too easily on the one hand, it helped in establishing trust, on the other.

3.6.5 Trust Further trust was gained in interviews where I encouraged youth activists to ask me questions as well, so as to not only gather information, but also state my personal motivation for this research and elaborate on the topic in relation to my home country. The thereby created horizontal structure made it easier for activists to share their views and was an enriching experience for both sides, leading to friendships with some activists. I thereby aimed to meaningfully give back to community members (Diver and Higgins 2014:5). Furthermore, my voluntary participation in many activities not only provided deeper insights into the topic and supported the organizations (ibid.:6), but also increased my standing as both researcher and friend. However, my status as the latter may complicate open expressions of criticism in this thesis. Finally, my immense carbon footprint due to flying to my research location4 encouraged me to gather valuable data such as to ‘offset’ my carbon footprint by disseminating my findings and therefore spreading young Limeños’ voices. However, as indigenous activist Lilla Watson once put it, “If you have come here to help me, you are wasting your time … But if you have come because your liberation is tied up with mine, then let us work together” (Watson 2007:47).

4 According to the calculator of myclimate, my round trip to Lima emitted around 3.7 tons of carbon dioxide (https://co2.myclimate.org/de/flight_calculators/new). 13 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Correspondingly, recognizing climate change as a global challenge that, despite our differences, unites me with Liman activists and CSOs, and reflecting on my own position was crucial for approaching participants and establishing trust.

3.7 Reflection on the quality and limitations of the research In order to demonstrate the quality of this exclusively qualitative research, I adhere to the criteria of trustworthiness (3.7.1) and authenticity (3.7.2) (Guba and Lincoln 1994 and Lincoln and Guba 1985 in Bryman 2012:390-393).

3.7.1 Trustworthiness Trustworthiness entails credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability. By making use of these quality principles, I follow Guba and Lincoln in acknowledging the occurrence of several accounts of social reality (ibid.:390). Considering the multiplicity of social realities and perceptions of climate activism as revealed in this thesis, trustworthiness serves as the best fit to ensure the quality of the research.

Credibility For credibly demonstrating young Limeños’ engagement with climate activism, establishing mutual trust was crucial to enter the local context, learn about their activism and understand their social realities. Following up on trustworthy relations established in the field, I shared written transcripts and drafts with the interviewees (3.6.4). Respondent validation then enabled the incorporation of their feedback and corroborated that my findings and interpretations correspond to their views (ibid.:391; Diver and Higgins 2014:6). Moreover, it helped clarify any language misunderstandings that might have occurred. Furthermore, I made use of triangulation by relying on different data sources (Bryman 2012:392). Firstly, an extensive web analysis of all chosen CSOs informed the subsequent in- depth, semi-structured interviews (3.4). Then, participant observation in two of the focus CSOs not only served to enrich the data collected during interviews, but also ensured high correspond- ence between activists’ given statements and their performed motivations, actions and strategies. Analysing photos and videos collected during observations reinforced these findings. Fi- nally, participant observation through my active engagement with young Limeños made me experience the local social context closely. This further helped me to better understand linkages, which I then brought up in interviews for additional corroboration or contestation.

Transferability Regarding helping future researchers judge whether the described context also applies to their investigations, and whether findings could thus be transferred, I offer a detailed account of the local context (ibid.). The ‘thick description’ of youth climate activism in Lima and the social realities in which it is performed was achieved by combining interviews, observations, visuals and frequent journal writing (Geertz 1973:10). This rich account might be explicitly supportive if transferring findings from Lima to other Latin American capitals where similar climatic vulnerabilities and social realities are present. High levels of biodiversity, poverty and crime, the presence of extractive industries and centralized governance as in Peru are partly shared by other Latin American countries. Hence, youth climate activism might be investigated correspondingly by referring to some of the results of this study. However, the Liman findings may not hold if research is conducted within the same context in a couple of years from now, since climate activism is as rapidly changing as

14 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

the crisis which provoked it. Nevertheless, in this case it might be interesting to take the current research as a base for future comparisons and developments of the eight CSOs involved.

Dependability During the research process, I was transparent about my study and the methods employed towards the CSOs that participated in this study. An outline of the questions used in semi-structured interviews is attached (Appendix 2). Moreover, disclosing the number of interviews conducted in a transparency document served to lay open my collected data to the University of Amsterdam (Appendix 3). The local context held two major challenges which made me change some of the methods during fieldwork. Firstly, not having considered the huge amount of time it takes to move around Lima, scheduling interviews between respondents’ duties at work, university or home displayed a major challenge. Initially planned focus groups were thus skipped, since it was too difficult to find a common place and time suiting all respondents. Instead, I opted for joining more events for observation than originally intended. Secondly, the outbreak of COVID-19 in Peru in March 2020 as part of a global pan- demic forced me to return to my home country more than a week earlier than expected. Conse- quently, I had to cancel a couple of interviews, while two reunions, a beach campaign and a four-day-long climate-activism school in which I had planned to participate were cancelled by the CSOs themselves. This was unfortunate, but regarding the amount of data I had previously collected not obstructive for the actual writing of this thesis. However, due to these two difficulties, I did not manage to organize informal gatherings with focus CSOs and activists to share findings and jointly reflect on the research process towards the end of my fieldwork (Diver and Higgins 2014:6). Hence, I aim to put extra effort into communicating findings through sending out summaries and publishing an online article, which both CSOs and activists can use for spreading their voices.

Confirmability “[W]hile recognizing that complete objectivity is impossible in social research” (Bryman 2012:392), I ensured confirmability of my findings by making myself aware of how my own subjectivity might have altered my findings. Regarding my role as a researcher, I am first of all aware of the importance I personally attribute to climate change. Along with Stapleton (2019) who finds that “we have not a moment to waste” (p. 748), I am convinced that climate change is happening and that there is an urgent need to address its roots and consequences. My previous science-based knowledge on climate change, however, sometimes led to a bias, and I had to be careful not to assume its paramount relevance for everyone. While it was indeed an important issue for interviewees, they helped me to see climate change as one problem among many others in a country where poverty and inequality still prevail on comparatively high levels. This lively exchange with respondents then ensured that findings were not swayed by my own opinions and values (Bryman 2012:392-393). Second, while I was initially not affiliated with any of the CSOs, I chose four out of the eight organizations as focus CSOs and further actively participated in two of those. The findings taken from this participation have then to be put into the context of the comparatively larger amount of time spent in those groups and friendships established during the research.

3.7.2 Authenticity Regarding the wider political impact of this research, authenticity is addressed to ensure its quality (ibid.:393). Out of its five criteria, only fairness, ontological authenticity and educative

15 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

authenticity are applicable to this study. Regarding catalytic and tactical authenticity (ibid.), it is too early to make any assumptions.

Fairness By selecting CSOs with different agendas and strategies as a focus for my research, I accounted for the inclusion of several viewpoints within the given context. However, my own subjectivity (3.7.1) led me to solely interview people highly engaged in climate activism (3.3), not taking into account critics, which might have increased fairness in this research.

Ontological authenticity Ontological authenticity was achieved by offering young activists a space to share their stories with me as an outsider to their context. This may have helped them to further reflect on their personal experiences as climate activists and on how they perceive their own role in addressing climate change.

Educative authenticity Finally, by including multiple organizations and actors involved in youth climate activism, I aimed to enhance mutual understanding and depict possibilities for increased future cooperation between the groups. By disseminating findings and recommendations to all involved CSOs, educative authenticity can be ensured. However, close attention has to be paid to not invoke a neo-colonialist picture of me sending recommendations to a context other than my own.

3.8 Conclusions This chapter presented the methodological setup of this single case study that is based on a qualitative research design and semi-grounded analytical approach. Ethical principles have been applied and quality criteria regarding trustworthiness and authenticity addressed. The next chapter provides the general context of climate change and youth activism in Peru.

16 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Chapter 4. Context to climate change and youth activism in Peru

To set the context of this research and offer background to the empirical findings on youth climate activism in Lima in subsequent chapters, this chapter gives an overview of the research location, its young residents and current challenges (4.1); of Peru’s climate-change vulnerability (4.2); and of young Peruvians’ contemporary engagement (4.3). These three parts are reflected upon in the concluding section (4.4).

4.1 Situating the research context: Lima Lima, the capital of the Peruvian Republic, region and province of Lima is situated at the West coast of the country, bordered by the Andean mountains to the east and the coastline at the west (Silva et al. 2017:2-3). Temperatures in this desert city range from a low of 14.6°C in August and September to the highest average temperature of 26.5°C in February (SENAMHI 2020; Siña et al. 2016:2). According to the ‘Liga Contra el Cáncer’, Peru holds the highest solar radiation in the world. In Lima, the maximum level on a scale from 1 to 14 has been reached, provoking severe health risks (Ortega 2020). Precipitation is extremely low and highest in July with 1.8 mm per month (SENAMHI 2020).

Figure 4.1 Map of Lima Metropolitanaa

a The black focus frame (left) and the red marked areas (right) indicate where in Lima I conducted research.

Source: The author, adapted from INEI (2014:9).

17 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Lima was established in 1535 as the capital to serve the Spanish invaders’ colonial extractive enterprise (Ioris 2016:129). It has experienced a drastic population growth in the last 80 years (INEI 2017a). With around 10 million inhabitants today, the city is home to nearly one third of the country’s population (Takahashi and Martinez 2017:13) and more than 40% of Peru’s urban population (UN 2016:7). The megacity is suspected to count over 12 million residents in its metropolitan area by 2030 and currently ranks 31st among the most populated cities worldwide (UN 2018:27; UN 2016:4). Lima Metropolitana’s population is spread over 50 districts that compose the five larger districts Lima Norte, Lima Centro, Lima Sur, Lima Este and Callao5 (Figure 4.1, see Appendix 5 for a more detailed account). In 2014, 34.2% of the country’s urban population lived in slums (UN-Habitat 2016:205). In Lima, informal settlements are squeezed in the hills surrounding the centre (Figure 4.2). Poverty6 affects 13.1% of the metropolitan population, though it decreased considerably from 25.1% in 2007 (INEI 2019:43). While official statistics rate water-service coverage within Lima’s metropolitan area at 93.4%7 (INEI 2014:60), this is doubted to be true in practice: “[T]here are still no universal, reliable public services, and for large sectors of the population, water problems remain a personal, corporeal and collective ordeal” (Ioris 2016:126).

Figure 4.2 Settlements in Comas8

The city’s transport system is largely reliant on buses, minivans, taxis and private cars, with only a few cycling paths. Hence, air pollution is constantly high, increasing in the traffic peak hours (Silva et al. 2017:16). Another pollution problem concerns solid waste, a recurrent theme in almost all of the interviews conducted. Per day, approximately 9,122 tons of solid waste are dumped in the streets to be collected at night (INEI 2017b), but further waste covers the city’s beaches and the streets of more peripheric districts. During my research in Lima, air and waste pollution were constant issues I saw myself confronted with, and the slow and chaotic transport system required a lot of patience. I thereby

5 The metropolitan area of Lima is often connected with its neighbour city Callao, which nowadays rather appears a district of Lima itself. Viewed separately, Lima counts 43 and Callao 7 districts (Appendix 5). In this thesis, ‘Lima’ encompasses the whole metropolitan area, including Callao. 6 According to the monetary approach to measure poverty, “people are considered poor when they live in house- holds whose per capita expenditure is insufficient to purchase a basic basket of food and non-food items (housing, clothing, education, health, transport, etc.)” (INEI 2019:39). 7 In 2018, 96.6% of Lima’s population were said to have “sustainable access to improved sources of water supply” (INEI 2018a), though this does not equal ‘water-service coverage’. 8 Photos are made by the author unless specified otherwise. 18 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

came to understand the daily struggles young Limeños face when commuting between work, university, home and activist events. Additionally, the fear of falling victim to a crime is an everyday companion in Lima: 90.3% of those above 15 feel insecure (INEI 2018b:173), and almost half of young Limeños have personally experienced an act of crime.9 They thus constitute the most vulnerable age group, with women being slightly more affected than men (INEI 2014:77). At the national level, Lima Metropolitana comprises the largest number of youth (INEI 2015). Currently, about 2.7 million young people live in the capital; nearly a third of the country’s young population (SENAJU & UNFPA 2018:20). Among them, a tenth is considered poor in comparison to the national average of 18.6% for their age group (ibid.:29). Of the young Limeños 32.4% to 41.6%10 are currently working (Urrutia and Cuenca 2018:20), mostly in the service sector (52%), commerce (25%), manufacture (15.4%) and construction (7.5%) (INEI 2015). However, informal employment of Peruvian youth generally transcends its formal counterpart in percentages (SENAJU & UNFPA 2018:53). Looking at education in the capital, 32.5% of 17- to 24-year-olds attend higher education, thus exceeding the national average by five percentage points (ibid.:38). For many young Limeños, it is common to work while com- pleting a degree at university. Finally, around one fifth of youth in Lima did not work nor study in 2013 (INEI 2014:27). The choice to geographically focus this research on the capital is not to neglect climate activism outside of Lima, but because it is the locus of economic and political power (Takahashi and Martinez 2017:13) and home to a large part of the country’s population, thus bringing many young people close to the central arena of decision-making on climate change. Investigation online prior to fieldwork revealed that indeed many young Limeños take climate action through several CSOs. In combination with Peru’s extraordinary vulnerability to climate change, to be addressed in the next section, these factors favoured the choice of Lima as a research location.

4.2 Climate change in Peru This section gives background on what young Limeños are addressing when engaging in climate activism. This includes Peru’s vulnerability to climatic variations (4.2.1) and the government’s response to the issue (4.2.2).

4.2.1 Peru’s vulnerability to climate change In terms of climate change, Peru counts as one of the most vulnerable countries in the world (Avilez et al. 2016: 147; Paerregaard 2020:114), and scores ‘high’ on a climate-change vulnerability index (CAF 2014:811). This results from its vast variety of geographical factors as well as natural and climatic regions, where climatic variations – changes in temperature and precipitation patterns – are expressed differently. Possibly, Peru’s poorest population will be affected the most (CEPLAN 2011:245; Chazarin et al. 2014:98). However, climate change in Peru is not just a distant future scenario – the country already suffers its consequences today (CEPLAN 2011:262). In line with the common division into three main geographic regions – the Andean Mountains (Sierra), the Amazonian Rainforest (Selva) and the Pacific Coast (Costa) (Chevallier

9 More recent data from 2017 shows that 33% of young urban Peruvians experienced a criminal act within the last twelve months (INEI 2018b:162). However, there are no specifications on Lima in particular. 10 The numbers vary according to the city districts in which young Limeños reside. 11 The scale developed by the Development Bank of Latin America for the Latin American and Caribbean region measures four risk categories, ranging from ‘low’, ‘medium’ and ‘high’ to ‘extreme’. 19 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

et al. 2011:182) – the following outlines the most significant climatic effects of climate change in Peru.

Sierra Peru hosts 71% of the world’s tropical glaciers (Rabatel et al. 2013:82). Monitoring shifts in glacier-mass balance indicates that glaciers have retreated significantly within the last two decades (Figure 4.3), which has been accelerated by El Niño events (ibid.:88). By now, more than half of the country’s glaciers have vanished (Ruiz Muller 2017:70).

Figure 4.3 Retreating glacier, Huaraz Figure 4.4 Glacial Lake

The ongoing glacial recession holds lasting consequences for local livelihoods. Shrinking glaciers that usually feed mountain catchments impose a severe risk of water shortage for regions highly dependent on these supplies (Rabatel et al. 2013:97). Furthermore, the growing number of glacial lakes in the region increases the risk of Glacial Lake Outburst Floods (GLOFs12; Figure 4.4). Moreover, Peruvians are likely to suffer from increased intensities of droughts and frosts in high-altitude zones as well as landslides due to climate change (Ruiz Muller 2017:70).

Selva The Amazon rainforest covers about two thirds of the country (Takahashi and Martinez 2017:2) and with 13% it holds the second most important share of Amazonia in South America (Chazarin et al. 2014:98). It is sparsely populated, and most people self-identify as indigenous (USAID 2012:17). Generally, less attention has been paid to climate change-related threats in the Selva (ibid.:53), and more discussion evolves around deforestation as massively contributing to emissions (CEPLAN 2011:246). Nevertheless, locals’ vulnerability to climatic alterations has also been recognized (Chazarin et al. 2014:102): among other things, climate change increases the risk of forest fire hazards (CEPLAN 2011:227).

12 Meaning that “glacial lakes could burst their banks at any time, the resulting flood waters […] would lay waste to everything in their path” (Chevallier et al. 2011:184). 20 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Costa Peru’s coast, where the majority of its population lives, will be particularly affected by lower availability of fresh water (CEPLAN 2011:19, 261), which partly originates from the Andean glaciers during the dry season (Chevallier et al. 2011:182). Water scarcity is not only expected to affect drinking water supply, agricultural irrigation and hydropower generation in the mountains, but also along the coast (CEPLAN 2011:263). This is particularly crucial for Lima: mountain water flows fed by vanishing Andean glaciers supply the capital with water, and a large share of its energy comes from hydropower plants (Chevallier et al. 2011:180; Ioris 2016:126). Coastal populations will further be affected as Peru ranks as the tenth most vulnerable country to climate-change impacts regarding its national fishing economy (Allison et al. 2009:180).

4.2.2 The government’s response Notwithstanding the country’s pronounced vulnerability, climate change is a recent topic in Peru and only started to be analysed seriously at the beginning of the 21st century (Ruiz Muller 2017: 68). The national centre for strategic planning CEPLAN (2011) now recognizes its severe impact, generating increasing social and economic costs. Furthermore, it sees the industrialized nations as responsible for climate change (p. 227) – presumably due to their higher emissions. Regarding the development of solutions on the national scale, the government has roughly outlined its objectives until 2021, with both climate-change adaptation and mitigation considered important. While mitigation is explained to be crucial in terms of its development potential, Peru’s comparatively minor contribution to global emissions serves to rather shift the focus to adaptation measures (ibid.:246). This is illustrated in a mapping of climate projects: adaptation in the Sierra and Costa, where most Peruvians live, contrasts mitigation in the Selva (Chazarin et al. 2014:101-102). However, several authors contest this vision, stating that mitigation outpaces adaptation in the Peruvian climate-change agenda. Avilez and others (2016) revealed that the country’s main policy refers to reducing national emissions by 30% for which it receives international support, whereas adaptation policies are still pending (p. 145). Similarly, Takahashi and Meis- ner (2013) discovered a predominant focus of national newspaper communication on mitigation, with less attention given to adaptation (p. 438). Hence, there are clear inconsistencies regarding the government’s strategy to tackle climate change. Although certain measures are being taken, “[t]here is no major debate about the reality of climate change, the scientific evidence, or the need for political action and technological and policy innovations” (Takahashi and Mar- tinez 2017:7). This is exemplified in Peruvian media: it mainly covers key policy events and generalized effects such as floods, while concrete national solutions, the situation of the most vulnerable, and alternative views from indigenous groups are hardly reported (ibid.:8-9). Hence, the country’s vulnerability is not just a ‘natural’ occurrence as outlined in the previous section, but rather results from poor planning combined with a lack of foresight (Ruiz Muller 2017:69). Nevertheless, there is a bright spot in Peruvian climate policy: the currently developed law on climate change (‘Ley Marco sobre Cambio Climático’), the regulation of which was approved on 31 December 2019 (El Peruano 2019). The law covers both mitigation and adaptation measures and aims to reduce the country’s climate vulnerability while meeting its international commitments towards the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Furthermore, it stresses the importance of gender equality and demonstrates an intergenerational focus (Plataforma de Atención a la Ciudadanía, n.d.). Internationally, the Peruvian government engages in negotiations with both the UNFCCC and single countries. Furthermore, it has signed several bilateral agreements with

21 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

international development institutions to address climate change (Takahashi and Martinez 2017:2). The hosting of the Conference of the Parties (CoP-20) in Lima in 2014 depicted the most marked presence of Peru on the global climate stage. During this event, the foundations of the Paris Agreement were laid, and Peru has been recognized as one of its main promoters (Ruiz Muller 2017:75). Moreover, COP-20 fostered the consolidation of the Peruvian climate agenda (ibid.:74), and is considered the point of departure of a growing interest in climate change within the country in general (ibid.:68).

4.3 Youth engagement in Peru In order to understand how young Peruvians engage in climate activism, it is crucial to set the context of their contemporary political engagement (4.3.1). This is followed by briefly portray- ing the history of activism in Peru and some contemporary forms of local youth activism (4.3.2).

4.3.1 Political engagement among young middle-class Limeños Regarding contemporary political engagement of Peruvian youth, research among young middle-class Limeños reveals a general alienation from traditional political parties, which, however, does not equal political disinterest (Winter 2019:82):

“[Informants] were neither apolitical nor antipolitical – quite to the contrary: many of [them] were repelled by specific characteristics of existing political parties, ide- ologies, and culture, not by politics as such. They felt that their generation had moved away from the values and political culture of existing parties. In essence, they were looking for something different.” (ibid.)

Those young Limeños held strong values and many ideas for realizing change, rejecting corruption, political opportunism and vertical structures within political parties (ibid.:82-83). Moreover, they embraced “egalitarian principles of horizontality, diversity, and equality” (ibid.:83), put emphasis on collective decision-making and exuded a strong spirit of post-ideo- logical pragmatism (ibid.:83-85). Although the 73 Limeños interviewed by Winter (2019:78) cannot reflect the political engagement of all young residents in Lima, her findings are helpful to set the context of this study on youth climate activism, as they capture the view of the capital’s young middle class. This group’s profile, defined as young professionals and university students (ibid.), resembles that of my interviewees.

4.3.2 Youth activism in Peru Looking at youth activism in Peru first requires a brief contextualization of activism. Still today, many Peruvians perceive the term negatively, because of Peru’s history of internal conflict. Starting in 1980, two terrorist groups exercised their power to pursue their aim of overthrowing the Peruvian government, killing tens of thousands of people within the following two decades. One of the groups, called the ‘Shining Path’ (Sendero Luminoso), is known for its violent at- tacks, brutal killings and fearsome recruitment of new followers (Barrientos Hernandez and Church 2003:124, 126). As mentioned by young Liman participants in this research, the term activism therefore often holds a dark notion in Peru (6.5.1). Looking at previous research on youth activism in Peru quickly reveals the scarcity of collected data. In addition to Winter (2019), Coe and others investigated how Peruvian youth take political action regarding gender justice (Coe 2015) and sexual health (Coe et al. 2015), and looked into gender hierarchies within youth’s sexual-health activism (Coe et al. 2013).

22 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Their studies reveal a youth feminist movement in Peru, which became visible in the protest march themed #8M ‘Trabajadoras sí, explotadas y violentadas no’ (‘Workers yes, exploited and abused no’) in the context of International Women’s Day on 8 March 2020 in Lima. Alt- hough several feminist collectives and civil-society members (Redacción Perú21 2020) of all ages participated, there was a clear majority of young Limeños present in the march (personal observation, Figure 4.5).

Figure 4.5 March #8M

Limited research on youth activism in Peru does not mean that young people do not engage that much politically. Interviews revealed a variety of groups pursuing a particular stance or battle in Lima. These include a collective working towards improved livelihoods, or a group of students fighting for free and safe quality education under the name Secundaria Combativa. The latter resembles an activist movement of Peruvian working children defending their right to work (Taft 2019), in a strong intergenerational focus. Other forms of youth activism involve protest movements against presidential candidacies, and ‘micro-activism’ or ‘ad hoc activism’; sporadically expressing political opinion through marches, social-media campaigns or day-today actions (Winter 2019:74-76, 85-86).

4.4 Conclusions This chapter provided the context for the subsequent empirical findings, showing that Peru is particularly vulnerable to climate change and political actions have so far been limited. The research location Lima hosts several environmental problems, and young Limeños face many struggles. Nevertheless, and mostly unseen by the global North, they take political action against a variety of issues. The next chapter dives into their organized climate activism, starting with a presentation of CSOs and their respective strategies and actions.

23 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Chapter 5. CSOs: agendas, actions and strategies

This chapter addresses sub-question 1: “How does climate activism in Lima look in terms of CSOs, their climate agenda, and focus on youth?” and 2: “How is climate activism among youth shaped in terms of actions and strategies?”. First, it analyses the youth and climate agenda of the eight CSOs chosen for this study (5.1), and then presents the strategies and actions used by Liman youth in the four focus CSOs (5.2). The chapter closes with concluding remarks on these strategies (5.3). It is based on web-search and interviews with both adult respondents and activists affiliated with these CSOs.

5.1 CSOs and their youth and climate agenda This section characterises the selected CSOs in alphabetical order by organization type, climate agenda, and youth audience and participation. Table 5.1 presents a selection of the findings further outlined below.

Table 5.1 The eight CSOs and their youth agenda CSO Youth agenda Name Type Audience Participation Canto Vivo Civil association, registered * * Clima de Cambios University initiative, registered * * Conservamos Platform, registered ** * JPCC Youth collective, non-registered ** * MOCICC NGO, registered ** * RUA University organization, registered * * TierrActiva Youth platform, non-registered * * Viernes Movement, non-registered ** *

* Youth as primary audience/participants ** Youth as audience/participants among other actors

5.1.1 Canto Vivo13 Canto Vivo (‘Living Song’) is a civil association officially registered since 2018. Its foundation in Lima dates back to 12 January 1994, when a group of ten professionals and popular artists decided to collaboratively develop environmental education for children and youth. As the association considers the youth as the most accessible for pro-environmental behaviour, members see it essential to provide them with knowledge and pro-life ethical values. This focus is reflected in their activities, for which they often collaborate with schools and education centres in environmental-awareness workshops. There, the group articulates climate change in a scientific manner. Moreover, Canto Vivo organizes educational campaigns in support of the environment. In the Sierra and Selva, members lead reforestation projects as part of the climate-change mitigation agenda, while focusing on beach campaigns in Lima. In the capital, the core group consists of a family that steers the local activities and connects with other groups to launch joint campaigns. Canto Vivo has seen a generational change since its foundation, and today, the majority and the most active participants are youth. While the association is open for all ages, participants are generally aged 14 to 25. During my fieldwork, a group of girls from a school in the East of Lima integrated into Canto Vivo, but there are also volunteers that only support sporadically. On a national scale, Canto Vivo

13 https://cantovivo.pe/. 24 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

currently counts around 40 members. Nevertheless, it suffers from a crisis to further grow in size – the self-funded group is unable to finance additional responsibilities.

5.1.2 Clima de Cambios14 Since 2008, Clima de Cambios (‘Climate of Changes’) is the official communication initiative on environmental issues of the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru (PUCP). Through its activities, it “seeks to form responsible citizens for the conservation of the environment through information, awareness and environmental education” (Melissa15). While the initiative’s primary audience consists of PUCP students, it is also directed towards university staff and the broader civil society. The group considers climate change as an inevitably occurring phenomenon that, human-made, must be fought by the same. Hence, participating students take action by engaging in several climate-related activities. Every Thursday between 12 a.m. and 3 p.m. when classes are temporarily suspended, they organize small games and contests for their fellow students, such as on waste separation. Longer campaigns cover, among other things, paper recycling, water usage, or the conservation of flora and fauna on campus. Moreover, Clima de Cambios organizes conferences and participates in discussion spaces in collaboration with the Ministry of Environment (MINAM). Allying with a variety of other initiatives on campus and beyond, such as Conservamos por Naturaleza (5.1.3), is key to the successful implementation of its activities. Since 2014, Clima de Cambios includes a volunteering programme for enrolled students that is facilitated by a coordinator and a trainee. Applications to become one of the 15 volunteers open each semester, while the supply of volunteers always exceeds this limited number of spaces. Selected students preferably engage in the initiative for more than one semester, and range between 17 and 24 years.

5.1.3 Conservamos por Naturaleza16 Conservamos por Naturaleza (‘We Conserve for/by Nature’; hereafter Conservamos) is a platform operating under the umbrella of the Peruvian Society for Environmental Law (SPDA). Founded eight years ago, it recognizes the need to facilitate the participation of those citizens and companies that are not necessarily conservation specialists, including youth. Although Conservamos treats climate change as an all-encompassing key priority, it aims to give more weight to the loss of ecological zones and its resulting effects on humans. Campaigns are then, among other things, centred on reforestation (Reforestamos por Natura- leza) and beach clean-ups (HAZla por tu Playa). Presenting achievable goals is thereby deemed crucial, and collective campaigns are thought as role models for nation- and worldwide repli- cation. Furthermore, Conservamos organizes a series of events with a conservationist focus, such as festivals, movie screenings, and group trips to connect with nature. While participation in the campaigns generally varies by age, the main support group of the twelve-person office unit consists of young volunteers aged 15 to 30 years. A core team of about 20 trained volunteers currently serves as the backbone for representing Conservamos at events, while the initiative seeks to extend training opportunities for an annually changing group of volunteers. The demand to participate in activities is high, but bureaucratic hurdles and a lack of capacity-building opportunities so far complicate the integration of a large group of

14 https://www.pucp.edu.pe/climadecambios/. 15 Interview, 5 February 2020. Names used are pseudonyms to ensure anonymity of the respondents (see 3.6.4). 16 https://www.conservamospornaturaleza.org/. 25 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

volunteers. Nevertheless, the campaigns count many supporters, such as HAZla por tu Playa (‘Do it for your beach’), which annually gathers about 5,000 to 6,000 people all over the country for beach cleaning.

5.1.4 Jóvenes Peruanos frente al Cambio Climático17 Jóvenes Peruanos frente al Cambio Climático (JPCC; ‘Young Peruvians against Climate Change’) is a youth collective and non-profit organization that seeks formalization at the level of an NGO. The group emerged in January 2016, following the founders’ perceived lack of a youth organization that exclusively deals with climate change. JPCC advocates for youth participation by integrating young people in spaces to coop- eratively address climate change. These spaces include, among other things, the Municipality of Lima or MINAM where the youth collective was actively involved in promoting the climate- change law. Activities are organized among the two main lines of local and national advocacy, and accompanied by a team that oversees the group’s internal management. Currently, the collective undergoes a major restructuring to redistribute responsibilities, and therefore retreated from a couple of spaces in which it was formerly involved. Nevertheless, horizontal structures, democratic principles and reunions remain central. The 48 participants are aged 22 to 33, and cover various academic backgrounds such as journalism, law, engineering, politics, or biology. JPCC members can enter the collective until 30. At that age, they need to decide whether to support the group as an advisor without vote, or leave. This regulation allows to maintain the youth spirit within the collective. Recently, a new, younger group of 22 participants joined, and older members provided them both orientation and empowerment to take on a more protagonist role. While the collective receives many requests for new members, it first wants to sort out the internal planning.

5.1.5 Movimiento Ciudadano frente al Cambio Climático18 The ‘Citizens’ Movement against Climate Change’ (MOCICC) is a registered umbrella organization formed in 2009, which unites a network of 40 organizations from the Costa, Sierra and Selva. It thereby constitutes a space of encounter between those who aim at creating alternatives to climate change and the underlying capitalist system. In this sense, it is important to “think […] about things from the root, not from radicality, from understanding the system” (Gabriel19). MOCICC recognizes climate change as threatening life on earth and directly affecting Peruvians, particularly the most vulnerable populations. The organization thereby takes the profound understandings of locals already suffering from climatic alterations into account. More- over, it considers connecting and articulating on a local, national, and international level vital: engaging in urban agriculture projects in Lima, working on a national energy-transition law, and participating in the COPs are some of MOCICC’s tasks. At present, there is also a strong focus on the training of activists. The activist network in Lima is directed by a permanent office team of 15 people and is organized in four groups: communication, training, legal issues, and mobilization and campaigns. At regular intervals there are meetings in which new potential activists can join. Partic- ipation has increased exponentially, and the network currently counts around 200 individuals with a core group of 50 participants. While generally people of all ages engage, most activists are aged 18 to 32.

17 https://jpccperu.com/. 18 https://www.mocicc.org/. 19 Interview, 23 January 2020. 26 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

5.1.6 Red Universitaria Ambiental20 The ‘University Environmental Network’ (RUA) is a national organization in which students all over Peru engage to develop solutions on environmental issues. Facing diverging local realities, each of the 37 RUAs sets a distinct focus. Founded in 2006, the RUA at the Agrarian University La Molina in Lima (from now on RUA) decided to collectively address climate change, and sensitize the university community with a particular focus on young students in 2019. While many RUA members initially struggled with grasping the extent of climate change beyond anomalous natural phenomena, they quickly recognized its wider economic and political implications. A specially designed one-year programme supported this process and helped participating students develop both technical and activist capacities. In addition, RUA runs a volunteering programme, organizes explorative trips to nature, and holds discussions with experts on different topics. Recently, RUA members broke with the organization’s focus on the campus by making public announcements, participating in protest marches (marchas), and engaging with CSOs pursuing the same struggle. The group consists of around 50 members aged 16 to 25, with 30 students considered active. They organize themselves in areas such as communication, events, or research, in which 14 democratically elected students have the lead. At the beginning of each academic year, they hold open calls for new student members. Professors are only consulted for specific topics or invited as guest speakers.

5.1.7 TierrActiva21 TierrActiva Perú (‘ActivEarth Peru’) is a youth platform without a legal status that operates in four different regions throughout the country. Inspired by TierrActiva in Bolivia, four young Peruvians replicated the initiative (hereafter: TierrActiva) in 2014. Since then, the group has launched several activities with a focus on understandable climate-change communication and environmental education, driven by and directed towards young people. Members consider climate change rather in social than scientific terms. Among other things, they pursue an environmental justice perspective, integrate indigenous worldviews and deem it essential to understand local-cultural perceptions of climatic alterations. Acknowledg- ing the diversity of regional problems, they address urban issues in Lima by promoting cycling or participating in urban agriculture. Moreover, TierrActiva engages in political spaces to assist in the implementation of the climate-change law, and was actively involved in consultation spaces of the COP-20. The support of marches and demonstrations (plantones) is also part of their agenda. Currently, TierrActiva tries to decentralize activities and priorities from Lima to other Peruvian regions. The group counts about 50 active members all over Peru. Notwithstanding that some members were co-founders, there are no specific positions, and horizontality and solidarity are central to the initiative. This is visible from an internal rotation system that aims to foster the equal integration of the younger, more active TierrActiva generation, which is accompanied by earlier members. Participants are between 19 and 42 years old, with an average age of 25 to 27.

20 https://www.facebook.com/RuaUnalmPeru/. 21 https://world.350.org/tierractivaperu/. 27 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

5.1.8 Viernes por el Futuro22 Viernes por el Futuro Perú came to life in February 2019 as part of the global Fridays for Future movement. Following the initiative of two young RUA members, it was adopted in Lima to organize the global climate march on 15 March 2019. In order to approach their own people, the group (from now on ‘Viernes’) opted for the Spanish name. From Lima, the movement spread to 15 cities all over the country, striving to reach young people, as well as their parents and the entire civil society. The movement considers climate change as “one of the ultimate symptoms of a terminal stage disease”, which has generated further symptoms that should not just be attacked – rather, the entire “disease has to be cured” (Martín23). Activists thereby consider it crucial to not isolate climate issues from other topics such as the workers’ struggle, and to include social, political and economic aspects. Furthermore, they prefer speaking of a climate crisis and aim to declare Peru in climate emergency. While Viernes is open for everyone to join, it intends to be well organized internally to enable smooth communication. Therefore, participants articulate through four committees: communications, interventions, training, and articulation. Nevertheless, they recognize the need to improve organizational issues, also on the national level. Within Viernes, 43 young Limeños between 16 and 28 years, most of them university students, participate actively. According to Martín, about 100 more have signalled interest, but could not join so far for personal reasons.24

5.2 Strategies and actions to address climate change This section zooms in on the four focus CSOs (3.3) and presents the strategies and actions of youth activists engaging in them. In the two adult-led CSOs MOCICC and Canto Vivo, I selected only those strategies that were mentioned by youth activists involved in these organizations. Actions then emanate from the presented strategies. Table 5.2 summarizes the findings that are further elaborated below. In addition to presenting inductive findings, the sections briefly address alignment with the frameworks on strategies and actions outlined in Section 2.2.1. Further conceptual implications are then discussed in Section 7.2, where Table 7.3 provides a detailed account of all strategies and actions.

Table 5.2 Strategies to address climate change by the four focus CSOs Strategies CSOs Canto Vivo Viernes MOCICC JPCC Awareness raising * * * ** Interventions & mo- ** * * ** bilizations Political advocacy - ** - * Training of activists - * * * Connecting & soli- ** * * ** darizing - No priority * Primary activity ** Secondary activity

22 https://www.facebook.com/fridaysforfutureperu/. 23 Interview, 24 February 2020. 24 Interview, 24 February 2020. 28 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

5.2.1 Awareness raising Liman youth activists consider it essential to raise climate awareness, and this translates into a variety of collective actions on the CSO level. These can either be dutiful – in line with established institutional structures – or disruptive – against the system, whereas the corresponding strategy conforms to ‘socialization’ (2.2.1).

Canto Vivo Raising public awareness is by far the major strategy of Canto Vivo activists. In this regard, all interviewees mentioned the CSO’s beach campaigns as seminal. Paulina is involved in organizing these events, and explained that it requires more than picking up the waste left by holi- daymakers – it is about:

“making people aware, not only going for a moment to clean up and then it it’s over, and then you come back […] and it’s dirty again, but going a little more to the root of the problem and making people aware […] that they don’t have to do that, they don’t have to throw waste away, because the beach is not a waste dump”.25 Figure 5.1 ‘Take care of your beaches – don’t be rubbish’

In this respect, the campaign at the Agua Dulce beach in Chorrillos on 16 February 2020 im- plied a precisely timed process. First, activists approached beach visitors in pairs with self-made posters and invited them to participate in a communal human chain. Then, they marched along the beach, singing and raising further awareness (Figures 5.1-5.3). Only towards the end, some waste was picked up, though this was clearly not the activity’s focus (personal observation). Moreover, Canto Vivo conducts weekly environmental-awareness workshops with youth of juvenile diagnostic and rehabilitation centres26 (Figure 5.4). These workshops involve presentations and discussions on environmental topics, and at times joint tree plantings in the barren courtyard to dutifully raise awareness.

25 Interview, 29 January 2020. 26 Juvenile diagnostic and rehabilitation centres take in minors who have offended the law, thus corresponding to juvenile detention centres. The term ‘rehabilitation’ refers to promoting these young people’s social reintegration. However, Canto Vivo members criticize a lack of respective governmental programmes, hence offering their environmental-awareness workshops and psychological support to those youth. 29 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Figure 5.2 Human chain Figure 5.3 Lyrics27 From the governments We demand An environmental reform But now, now, now

And from the Peruvians On the beach That they stop littering it.

Take care of your beaches Don’t be rubbish Wake up now, please But now, now, now

My ecosystem It is also yours Let’s live with dignity.

Figure 5.4 Juvenile diagnostic and rehabilitation centre

JPCC In comparison with the other three groups, this youth collective has the weakest focus on raising public awareness. Nevertheless, two members mentioned a recent JPCC campaign during the elections. Mapping out which candidates had proposals relating to climate change, activists were then able to dutifully inform the citizens. Furthermore, Tania considers it crucial to raise the visibility of climatic change, inform and thus empower the society, and proposed using the collective’s accumulated expertise to render technical information more understandable.28

MOCICC Raising public awareness on climate change is an important strategy of MOCICC activists. It includes joint tree plantings or going to a public place with banners and posters. Furthermore,

27 These lyrics accompanied the melody of the song ‘Bella Ciao’. Source: CuidaTusPlayas (https://www.facebook.com/CuidaTusPlayasOficial/). 28 Interview, 4 March 2020. 30 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

MOCICC participates in markets throughout the city, where activists organize workshops on solar panels to inform visitors. However, activists mentioned painting murals on environmental topics most frequently. These events not only involve jointly creating a mural, but are sometimes accompanied by workshops, tree plantings, live music, and the preparation of vegan food, as Josefina explained about her favourite activity in Comas (Figure 4.2).29 Here, I joined MOCICC activists for another mural creation as part of the festival ‘We [females] are in the street’.30 Combining both feminist and environmental messages, it now says ‘We women demand clean energy now!’ (Figure 5.5). When passers-by stopped, activists explained their objective, and a little girl walk- ing past with her mother even helped paint. Thus, murals go beyond raising awareness by ena- bling activists to get in direct contact with citizens while still in the creative process.

Figure 5.5 Mural painting of MOCICC activists in Comas

Viernes Viernes activists also attach great importance to raising public awareness on the climate crisis. Hence, they aim to generate popular discourses that “stop talking about and to those who understand” (Martín31) – citizens should not consider the movement as distant to them, but rather identify with it. Therefore, the group’s activities are directed towards waking up, informing, empowering, and thereby encouraging Liman citizens to act. In this way, Viernes aims to get through to the authorities. Along these lines, the group reaches out to people in the streets. Carolina mentioned a spontaneous activity at a red traffic light, disruptively demanding environmental justice and action on the climate crisis with megaphones. She enjoyed communicating these issues directly to passers-by, and proudly stated, “They weren’t like, ‘I turn around’ or […] anything. They were receiving the message”.32

29 Interview, 19 February 2020. 30 https://www.facebook.com/events/173108867465024/. 31 Interview, 24 February 2020. 32 Interview, 6 March 2020. 31 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Furthermore, Viernes considers environmental education provided by the Peruvian government as deficient. Hence, other activities include delivering university lectures on agroecology and food sovereignty, and raising awareness via social media (Figure 5.6).

Figure 5.6 ‘May only your love leave its mark’, Valen- tine’s Day

“Upload a photo with a message of commitment to action on the climate crisis. Use the hashtags:

#MyPromiseForTheFuture #IActForOurFuture #OnlyMyLoveLeavesAMark

Source: https://www.facebook.com/fridaysforfutureperu/.

5.2.2 Interventions and mobilizations Youth activists mentioned interventions and mobilizations the most when talking about exerting pressure on the state outside formal spaces.33 I define interventions as the general process of non-violently, but emphatically interfering with political actors, whereas mobilizations take this idea one step further and additionally count a large number of people pressurizing. Since the emphasis is on taking direct action, this strategy resembles that of ‘power’. Resulting activities are then to disruptively challenge the underlying system driving climate change and the authorities upholding it (2.2.1).

Canto Vivo Although their main strategy is to raise public awareness, Canto Vivo activists also engage in mobilizations. Among other things, they joined demonstrations against the forest fires in the Amazon Region and Australia directed towards Peruvian politicians – because these “are responsibilities that they have to fulfil, and we are present there […] to push for that to be done” (Paulina34). Furthermore, some activists support the global Fridays for Future movement by demonstrating with their banners in specific places, and participated in the marches organized by Viernes. However, members Paulina and Tomás think that even more pressure needs to be exerted on the governments.35 This is supported by one of the adult co-founders of the CSO

33 Generally, interventions and mobilizations also aim to inform the public. However, since they are eventually directed towards reaching the authorities, they are outlined here and not in Section 5.2.1. 34 Interview, 29 January 2020. 35 Interview, 29 January 2020; Interview, 1 March 2020. 32 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

who considers it crucial that youth take the streets and protest for drastic measures against climate change.36

JPCC In JPCC, opinions are divided about participation in mobilizations. While four activists mentioned the presence of the collective in marches, Tania explained that this strategy is mainly used by the younger members who joined recently. By contrast, only few of the actual founders participate.37 When asked whether critical activities are generally possible despite cooperation with the state, Pablo clarified that they do not pursue a radical position and may join, but not organize a mobilization.38 Whereas JPCC then supports this kind of activism, it generally seeks to act via political advocacy within the state (5.2.3).

MOCICC MOCICC activists are strongly involved in intervening and mobilizing, and participate in marches and demonstrations. Ana believes that “The most we can do is act, push, annoy the state” in order to remind the authorities of their tasks and achieve state-level changes.39 Thus, she sees it as her responsibility to take action, which is fortified by Julio – “We do not have to expect anything from governments, they are not going to do it, so it is us, the ordinary citizens, who have to decide and go out and take action. We have to take the streets; we have to stop”.40 Nevertheless, youth activists agreed that raising demands and marching for the climate are not sufficient on their own for transformational change. In this regard, Josefina criticizes Greta Thunberg, saying that it is not enough to just raise one’s voice, but that this needs to be accompanied by tangible projects.41 MOCICC activists had planned to join the march on the Day of the Earth launched by Viernes in April. For this purpose, they wanted to form a batucada group – a group consisting of people playing the drums that often accompanies marches.

Viernes Similar to MOCICC, all interviewed Viernes activists strongly support intervening and mobilizing people, and co-founder Luisa even described marches and demonstrations as the group’s essence.42 Gathering 600 people for the first march in Lima, Viernes managed to mobilize around 1,500 only half a year later in the second march, including many children and youth. By mobilizing a large population, Viernes wants to put pressure on the rulers, force them to listen and demand that they take action on the climate matter. Activist Cristian believes this strategy to be crucial, saying that in Peru, “The only young people who are listened to are those who annoy, those who fuck around”. Viernes further organizes demonstrations, and mobilized about 2,000 people on the issue of the Amazon. During these events, the group puts great importance to the participants’ security and is generally reserved towards the police forces present. Luisa confirmed this, not- ing “It does not take violence to make it clear that we want something, we want to change something”. Looking ahead, she hopes to intervene even more with the movement. The planned march on 24 April 2020 was cancelled due to COVID-19.

36 Interview, 25 February 2020. 37 Interview, 4 March 2020. 38 Interview, 25 February 2020. 39 Interview, 29 February 2020. 40 Interview, 8 March 2020. 41 Interview, 19 February 2020. 42 Interview, 5 March 2020. 33 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

5.2.3 Political advocacy Using this strategy, youth activists address climate change through formal channels. This includes collaborating with municipalities, ministries, and the government to have their voices heard. Political advocacy as practised by young Limeños then corresponds to the strategy of ‘influence’, and leads to dutiful actions along existing institutional arrangements (2.2.1). Since Canto Vivo does not engage in political advocacy and training of activists43 (5.2.4), it is not mentioned in this or the following sub-section.

JPCC Political advocacy is JPCC’s major strategy and exerted on different levels. On the international stage, JPCC members have frequently attended the COPs, and further articulate with international organizations to create training opportunities on political advocacy. Nationally, JPCC scored a great success when entering public-policy making and participating in the climate-change law, where it managed to incorporate an intergenerational approach. However, its efforts were hardly visible to the outside world – “It’s been a job almost in the shadows” (Pablo44). Additionally, the youth collective was involved in advocacy work with MINAM to place a youth representative in the national climate-change commission. When interacting with ministries to push their agenda and youth participation forward, members consider it crucial that those not only listen, but also deliberate their opinions. On the local level, JPCC has started advocacy work only recently. In 2019, they launched a training programme for new climate leaders called Suyay, Quechua for hope, that sought to have an impact on the municipal level. In the final stage of the programme, participants presented their proposals on climate change, sustainability, and the environment to the Municipality of Lima. With the entering of new members through Suyay, JPCC established the local advocacy group, where members engage in searching and reactivating state spaces to have their voices heard – “hacking [the system] from the inside” (Tania45). Recently, a JPCC member has entered the reopened Metropolitan Youth Council, and the collective now aims to insert climate change-related issues into the agenda. While members feel that more spaces have opened and youth participation in those spaces has increased, they recognize that this is a result of a lot of work and a constant struggle. Sofía said, “It is ant work, doing, influencing. And we are seeing results. Not so fast, but results”.46 The latter point was repeated by many fellows, saying that advocacy activities are often not effective, bureaucratic, tedious, long-lasting and slow, which is problematic when decisions need to be taken quickly. Despite this complex process, JPCC activists deem it crucial to be present in those spaces.

MOCICC In MOCICC, political advocacy is not considered a current strategy of youth activists. While the CSO itself connects with congressional members to present its proposal on an energy-transition law, this is not reflected by young Limeños’ activities. Ana, an activist engaged in several CSOs, said that in comparison to the advocacy work done by JPCC, participating in MOCICC rather focuses on campaigns and mobilizations.47 Nevertheless, one MOCICC activist

43 While some Canto Vivo activists considered internal meetings as relevant for sharing and gaining knowledge, this does not correspond to activist training via specific projects or structures as outlined in 5.2.4. 44 Interview, 25 February 2020. 45 Interview, 4 March 2020. 46 Interview, 22 February 2020. 47 Interview, 29 February 2020. 34 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

expressed his interest in learning about advocacy and mentioned the importance of having strategic allies within the congress.48 Isabel believes this should then go hand in hand with raising their voices, as otherwise people might not care.49

Viernes Political advocacy counts as a secondary strategy among Viernes activists, for instance when developing and promoting political documents like the Declaration of Climate Emergency or the Escazú Agreement. In this vein, they also tried to connect with congressional candidates during elections, mapping out their commitment to climate change and thereby attempting to get demands across. Miguel, participating in both Viernes and MOCICC, noted that “Although the popular mobilization helps a lot to make the problem visible and to demonstrate the urgency that this has; if we do not have […] political representatives, well, it is very difficult to get to move laws”.50 While Martín recognizes advocacy as one of Viernes’ strategies, he finds that an exclusive concentration on the issue demobilizes people as it only talks about the powerful, but does not exert pressure on them – “Because in the end, the ruler will listen to you if it suits him”.51 In summary and similar to MOCICC, Luisa thinks that interventions and political advocacy should go hand in hand.52

5.2.4 Training of activists Activist training is the only strategy directed towards youth activists themselves. By dutifully developing their own skills and enhancing their expertise, this strategy then favours the successful implementation of all other strategies to address climate change.

JPCC Several JPCC members stressed the importance of being well-informed when taking action. Emilio finds, “It is important not only to be an activist, but to be an activist with a solid knowledge of the issue”.53 Likewise, Carmen pointed out that “We believe that an informed young person is always going to be much better than a young person who just goes to the protest and puts up the sign and says ‘No to the hydropower plant, no to the thermoelectric plant’”.54 Having specific knowledge then helps to speak the same language as state officials or specialists, thus allowing to defend one’s position best. JPCC also focuses on expanding capacities via an internal post. Here, the secretary of capacity building oversees the horizontalization of knowledge between the different experts in the collective and those who have recently entered. Particularly striking in terms of activist formation was the Suyay project (5.2.3), mentioned by all JPCC respondents and two MOCICC activists who had participated. During this training, JPCC members served as mentors to support, empower, train, and pass on their knowledge to participants, and further invited specialists in law, political science, and public management to equip the youth with advocacy skills. Eventually, the 50 participants managed to “face […] the monster of bureaucracy” (Tania55) and designed their own projects.

48 Interview, 12 March 2020. 49 Interview, 13 February 2020. 50 Interview, 12 March 2020. 51 Interview, 24 February 2020. 52 Interview, 5 March 2020. 53 Interview, 21 February 2020. 54 Interview, 4 February 2020. 55 Interview, 4 March 2020. 35 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

MOCICC In MOCICC, activists especially enjoy the opportunities to expand their knowledge. In this regard, all interviewees mentioned having participated in one of the formative activist schools organized by the CSO. In these trainings, workshops on climate-change reporting, march organization, banner creation, and renewable energies prepare new activists to later participate in the organization’s events. For Isabel, this first drew her attention to MOCICC – “In my life I had never heard of a school where you’re trained to be an activist”.56 The school planned for the end of March 2020 was cancelled due to the COVID-19 outbreak. Other formative events include national activist encounters or trainings in collaboration with other organizations such as 350.org, and internal reunions to plan, exchange and learn from each other (Figure 5.7). Furthermore, the CSO invites youth activists to support the team on trips to other provinces and to visit international climate forums such as in Ecuador or Brazil.

Figure 5.7 Planning reunion of MOCICC activists

Viernes Similar to MOCICC members, Viernes activists also consider it essential to broaden their knowledge. Especially in the early stage of this relatively young movement, it was crucial to generate debate and to count with the first-hand support of more experienced participants who disseminated knowledge on the climate crisis and the situation in Peru. Capacitating members internally to obtain a critical mindset is now coordinated by Viernes’ training commission in which Cristian also engages. He explained that Peruvian universities often lack critical thinking, and students joining the movement thus need to be accompanied to start questioning and reflect on the messages they aim to convey.57 In addition, Viernes launched a four-day national activist school in July 2019, where people from different regions came together in Lima to holistically address the climate crisis. For Viernes member Teresa, this has been their most important space so far, since young people joining from other provinces were able to replicate the movement in their areas.58

56 Interview, 13 February 2020. 57 Interview, 6 March 2020. 58 Interview, 28 February 2020. 36 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

5.2.5 Connecting and solidarizing This strategy consists of two partly overlapping sub-strategies: connecting with other CSOs in Lima and beyond to strengthen the impact, and solidarizing with those Peruvians who are particularly vulnerable or whose voices often go unheard because of their distance to the capital. Given the cooperative aspect that this strategy embodies, it aligns with ‘partnership’ as presented in Section 2.2.1. Resulting actions can be both dutiful and disruptive.

Canto Vivo While the other three CSOs partly collaborate, Canto Vivo is not part of this process. Although activists try to support all environment-related mobilizations in Lima, and once joined other CSOs for a beach clean-up organized by MINAM, they rather prefer setting up their own connections. For instance, in their beach campaigns they linked up with a university initiative and a recently integrated student association. These groups had previously run similar campaigns on their own, but allied with Canto Vivo to gain the backing of a registered organization for legal issues, thus increasing the overall volunteer force.

JPCC While JPCC has a strong, thoroughly-developed network of allies at the governmental level, its connection with other CSOs to address climate change seems to be comparatively weaker. Sofía would like to see a much stronger CSO coalition and increased collaboration in the capital. Therefore, she believes it is an unavoidable prerequisite that every group first self-organizes and takes a stand in the movement – “But when we are a little bit more mature, […] with more clarity, we can have a bigger block”.59 Pablo finds that the organizations are still quite isolated from each other. While there are meeting spaces, this does not necessarily imply constant co- ordination – “and I don’t know why we see it as a necessity”. Rather, he hopes that JPCC will soon form alliances with youth and other organizations in the provinces.60 Formerly, the youth collective collaborated dutifully with groups such as MOCICC, RUA and UNICEF (United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund) in dialogue spaces created by MINAM, and frequently interacted with the environmental youth organization Centro Urbes that is part of JPCC. Furthermore, there are strong aspirations within the collective to forge links with similar groups on the continent to form a Latin American youth network on climate change through which members hope to strengthen their actions.

MOCICC Since the essence of MOCICC is to create a national movement, the organization puts great importance to building linkages with other CSOs. Furthermore, it connects youth activists, and held a reunion in 2019 were also members of Viernes and JPCC were invited to exchange their viewpoints. Ana approves of these connections – “I think that’s also important in the area of activism, building ties. Not only to see you as a stranger with whom you are going to shout, to march, but the issue of bonding with each other. I think that also strengthens the issue of activism and the organizations that we are together”.61 Generally, JPCC, MOCICC and Viernes activists have repeatedly mentioned that the Liman climate movement consists of a small circle where everyone knows everyone, and many activists simultaneously participate in several collectives. While Ana said she enjoys this unity and learns from all those different spaces where

59 Interview, 22 February 2020. 60 Interview, 25 February 2020. 61 Interview, 29 February 2020. 37 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

she is active, she also criticized that it is always the same people in the same places with the same struggles. According to her, this limits the space for exchange considerably. 62 MOCICC activists also solidarize with other movements marching in the capital, and advocate for uniting different struggles in one single force. However, Isabel thinks that there is still a lack in treating all struggles collectively, although “It’s the same system that’s killing you”.63 To stress this point, she was one of the MOCICC members disruptively solidarizing as eco-feminists with the women’s march (4.3.2), holding up a banner saying ‘The earth and the women are being killed’ (Figure 5.8).

Figure 5.8 MOCICC banner at march #8M

Source: Isabel.

Furthermore, activists consider it crucial to use their privileged position in the capital to show solidarity with those who suffer significantly more from the effects of climate change in remote areas. Then, it is not like, “’because it doesn’t affect me, I don’t do anything’, no, ‘I have to fight for the other’, it’s solidarity that moves us” (Julio64). As shown in a recent demonstration in solidarity with indigenous Awajun people, their action in the capital is vital to visualize other Peruvians’ issues. While only a small group of Awajun had made it to the capital due to the elevated costs of travelling, they were supported by activists to have their otherwise silenced voices heard. Viernes members also joined the activity, following up on creating a huge banner in the MOCICC office (Figure 5.9, middle). In this respect, Viernes member Teresa recognizes the importance of acting in Lima: “Unfortunately, for a problem to be important, it also has to pass through Lima. So, if it is in a region of the Selva and not in Lima, well, it doesn’t exist”.65 The group is strategically allied with MOCICC, and approves of this connection because of more available resources to mobilize.

62 Interview, 29 February 2020. 63 Interview, 13 February 2020. 64 Interview, 8 March 2020. 65 Interview, 28 February 2020. 38 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Figure 5.9 Youth activists (left) at demonstration Awajun

Viernes As visible from the previous sections, all focus CSOs of this study participated in Viernes’ marches. Whereas the ecological field had been much more separated before, this considerably improved due to a climate-activism network recently created in Lima. In view of organizing the second march on 20 September 2019, Viernes launched the open assembly for the climate (from now on ‘assembly’). Several organizations joined in developing the Declaration of Climate Emergency, which was then released in the collective march. The network unites around 15 Liman CSOs such as JPCC, MOCICC, RUA, TierrActiva and Viernes, with an extensive WhatsApp group providing the communicative framework. About half of the young respondents in this study are involved in the assembly, and activists mentioned the great support this offers for organizing events and mobilizations. The assembly meets depending on the forthcoming actions, but one member finds that it was significantly more active and constant in the past year. Eventually, Viernes activists hope to replicate the assembly in different provinces, so as to create a national assembly on climate emergency. Since he feels that climate change has generated the oppression of the poor and native people, for Martín the movement is about solidarizing and reconnecting with those.66 Being empathetic to the most vulnerable populations and other social struggles was also an important issue for two other Viernes activists. This sentiment is further reflected in the group’s history. From its beginning, the movement has considered it crucial to ally with other organizations who see social or justice issues beyond climate change, thereby growing and reaching out to more people. Along this line, Viernes activists support the student initiative Secundaria Combativa (4.3.2) by joining their disruptive demonstrations. Nevertheless, while Viernes would like to support several marches, Carolina reflected that there are sometimes too many to be covered with their small group.67 When looking at the national level, the group aims to improve its connections with the independent Viernes por el Futuro groups in the provinces, and works towards a national gathering. Ultimately, activists seek setting up a Latin American encounter.

5.3 Conclusions This chapter discussed the various CSOs in which Liman youth activists engage, and revealed a wide spectrum of actions and strategies to address climate change. In all focus CSOs, activists use a combination of five major strategies to varying degrees (Table 5.1). These are directed

66 Interview, 24 February 2020. 67 Interview, 6 March 2020. 39 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

towards the society, the state, other organizations and their own training; largely correspond to the strategies of youth-led social change; and result in dutiful or disruptive actions (2.2.1). The next chapter points out youth’s drivers, constraints, and their role when engaging in organized climate activism.

40 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Chapter 6. Youth engagement in climate activism: drivers, constraints and roles

This chapter addresses the questions of what drives and constrains young people to engage in climate activism through the CSOs analysed in the previous chapter, and how youth climate activists and other actors see young people’s role in combatting climate change now and in the near future. This entails a section on whether and how respondents see themselves as activist (6.1); on drivers (6.2) and constraints (6.3) to youth engagement; on youth climate activists’ self-perceived role in combatting climate change (6.4); and on how other civil-society members and policy actors perceive youth climate activism (6.5). The research questions are answered in the concluding section (6.6.).

6.1 Who is an ‘activist’ Of 19 young respondents68, 15 referred to themselves as activists, two had their doubts, and two objected the label. Among those identifying as activists, perceptions of the term were diverse. Youth referred to organizing themselves, taking action, searching solutions, fighting for a bigger cause, getting through to both citizens and authorities, developing critical thinking, or giving a voice to animals and nature. Of the four young interviewees not using the term, two JPCC members believe that activists mainly pressure through mobilizing and tend to be courageous, daring, but also spo- radic in their activities. These two members see their role as being part of civil society. For instance, Pablo considers himself

“a citizen who is simply acting as a citizen is supposed to act, right? If there is something that bothers [or] annoys you, and you have the right and the space to claim it from your authorities, that's what all citizens should do, right? I see it more as […] partly responsibility and partly something natural, right? As residents of Lima”.69 Recognizing this diversity of viewpoints on the term activist, I nevertheless decided to follow the majority’s preference. Therefore, I refer to all young Limeños of this study as activists.

6.2 Drivers of engagement There are multiple reasons why youth start or continue to engage in climate activism. Often, several factors work together, and some drivers can simultaneously fuel and foster engagement. This section analyses both initiating (6.2.1) and sustaining (6.2.2) drivers to youth climate activism in Lima.

6.2.1 Initiating drivers Drivers to initiate interest in climate change and drivers to initially take action often went along in interviews with young activists, hence are discussed in tandem below. I thereby distinguish environmental, social, and external drivers.

68 Two young respondents were not asked because I referred to them as CSO representatives, in which case the second interview set-up as presented in Appendix 2 applied. 69 Interview, 25 February 2020. 41 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Environmental drivers Environmental drivers are seminal to spark young Limeños’ interest. Eight activists referred to connections with nature that they had experienced. Most of them grew up in either the Selva or Sierra, such as Isabel. She belongs to an indigenous ethnic group and believes, “The preserva- tion of the environment is fundamental for us”.70 Moreover, respondents mentioned that travelling to nature as a child, visiting family in the mountains, and participating in an environmental volunteering programme inspired their desire to act. Negative environmental experiences can also generate interest in climate action. Almost half of respondents mentioned having experienced smog, a lack of green space, and waste pollution in districts, on beaches, or inside rivers in Lima. Additionally, two activists considered pollution through mining or deforestation in their Peruvian home regions as crucial. Furthermore, almost all activists stated feeling affected by climate change. Near to half mentioned increased solar radiation and heat in Lima, while issues of natural disasters and rising food prices were also raised. Effects perceived in other regions include glacial recession, water shortage, coastal erosion, changing seasons, and the increased spread of diseases. While these are shocking developments, Emilio finds they should “try to use that emotion as an impulse to continue working on climate activism”.71 In addition to experiences with and concerns for nature, seven female activists alluded to feeling sorry for life that cannot express itself. In this context, they showed particular empathy for animals that are suffering due to climate change.

Social drivers Social drivers can fuel initial interest in engaging in climate activism. In this regard, three young Limeños referred to their family that exemplified positive environmental behaviour or was involved in activism itself. Paulina stated, “Always from a very young age, I was with that ‘ecologist chip’, let’s say, and always my parents instilled good habits, always being on good terms with Pachamama, Mother Earth”.72 Furthermore, activists considered friends as initiating drivers. Particularly all young Canto Vivo members stated that they were motivated to participate through personal contacts – either within the CSO itself, or within their initiative with which they later joined Canto Vivo. Finally, more than 50% of youth activists indicated that they became interested or involved in other social struggles before joining climate activism. This was particularly strong among MOCICC and Viernes respondents. For Teresa, whose former attention was focused on LGBT and feminist issues, the climate crisis eventually caught her interest to engage in activism. According to her, all social struggles need to unite and address this crisis first in order to continue to matter.73

External drivers Formal education was a crucial external driver for five activists to get involved in climate action. Raising climate issues in either the school curriculum or extracurricular school and university activities was directly influential. Additionally, university education indirectly increased six activists’ climatic or environmental interest through a specific study focus, research, or participation in a university group.

70 Interview, 13 February 2020. 71 Interview, 21 February 2020. 72 Interview, 29 January 2020. With ‘ecologist chip’, Paulina makes a reference to pro-environmental values that her parents ‘implanted’ in her like an electronic chip. 73 Interview, 28 February 2020. 42 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Moreover, two MOCICC activists stated that their career made them doubt the path they had taken and turn towards climate activism. Both of them felt sad and lost in their mining- related work or study context, and looked for a space with which they could better identify. Generally, adult member Gabriel observes that many activists are people who are searching for themselves and how to contribute to society.74 For half of the activists, media sparked an initial interest in climate change and becoming active. Young Limeños frequently referred to videos or information in social-media channels, or to the positive impact of influencers such as Leonardo DiCaprio. For three activists, media influence on their environmental awareness dates back to their early childhood. One interviewee even remembered having cried because of fearing water shortage that was an- nounced on the radio.75 While frustrations because of climate inaction in Peruvian politics did not serve as a single initiating driver, in five cases it had a complimentary effect on the interest stimulated by one of the previous factors. Although not always explicitly mentioned in interviews, respondents gave implicit notions that this level of frustration might be higher.

6.2.2 Sustaining drivers Sustaining drivers relate to what makes young Limeños continue with their climate-change engagement. Below, I discuss personal, social, and CSO drivers.

Personal drivers All activists showed a strong belief in making a difference through climate action. Many interviewees do not primarily act out of self-interest, but for the sake of society. Then, the satisfaction from serving this bigger goal further pushes activists to continue. Isabel finds being an activist “moves you from hope, from self-love, from love for others [and] seeking well-being for all, not from selfishness”.76 Thus, hope also stimulates staying active. Hope in this sense does not necessarily relate to putting an end to the crisis – of those asked, only one fifth were exclusively positive about the prospect of achieving stopping or reverting climate change; most activists mentioned miti- gating and adapting to its effects as the only options. Nevertheless, or rather, therefore, they continue their engagement. Carolina stated, “I never lose hope. I always try to look at the bright side. As much as there is a tragedy – if I can do something about it, […] I will do it until I die”.77 Moreover, an intergenerational justice perspective drives Limeños’ climate activism: about two thirds of young interviewees referred to either their own or future generations suffering disproportionately from climatic alterations. Isabel reinforced this, claiming that “It’s affecting my future, it’s stealing my future. And not just my future, but also that of those who may come hereafter”.78 Furthermore, two activists are anxious about the future of their younger family members, and one young mother worries, “What life is my son going to have when he’ll be 50? That [thought] kills me”.79 Similarly, this perspective makes three activists not want to have children. Personal drivers to stay engaged furthermore involve learning processes. Gaining knowledge is thereby at the forefront – almost all activists stated that their knowledge had

74 Interview, 23 January 2020. 75 Interview, 28 February 2020. 76 Interview, 13 February 2020. 77 Interview, 6 March 2020. 78 Interview, 13 February 2020. 79 Interview, 4 March 2020. 43 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

increased considerably during their organized engagement. Predominantly, this relates to gaining theoretical insights and practical skills, mastering previously unknown tasks, learning from peer activists, and receiving specific information on Peru. Josefina admitted, MOCICC “has opened my eyes towards everything that is currently happening in the country”.80 Likewise, organized climate action fosters personal development. Three quarters of youth activists mentioned, among other things, a change in personal perspectives, greater patience with people who do not listen to their voices, or increased self-confidence and self-as- surance. Teresa learned that “It helps a lot with […] your own self-esteem”.81 When thinking of a mobilization, Luisa remembered that “Sometimes […] I am screaming, and later I see myself in the pictures and say ‘Wow, this is me’, […] because I'm quiet”.82 Thus, both girls perceive engaging in climate activism as positive for their personal development.

Social drivers Social factors can also be drivers to continued engagement. For nine young Limeños, their family’s support was crucial in this regard. Nevertheless, seven activists stated that while their families respect their choice to engage, they do not offer them a strong backing. Out of these two groups, three female activists mentioned their parents’ security concerns when participating in activism. Carolina explained that her mother worries: “Sometimes she doesn’t want to let me go, but in the end, she acknowledges the importance and that it matters to me”.83 Furthermore, eight activists claimed to count on their friends’ support when engaging in climate activism, and many stated that they tried to convince peers to participate. For five young people, their friends’ approval was combined with negative opinions from others, such as “You’re wasting your time, you’re just going to scream […] to people who may not even listen to you” (Josefina84). These findings reveal that activists in this study are committed to climate action, although some friends or family members do not approve. In such cases, the friendships developed within a CSO seemed to have a stronger influence on continued engagement – almost all respondents mentioned the importance of social bonds within their groups. Most activists thereby referred to a sense of community, meeting like-minded people with diverse backgrounds, and mutual trust, respect, support and inspiration. Strongly related, collective action is a major driver for young Limeños’ climate action, both in an initial and sustaining sense. More than half of the activists explained that engaging with a group supports them emotionally and helps them to achieve greater things than if on their own – “The sum of several wills of the activists is going to lead us to a major change” (Julio85).

CSO drivers Positive notions towards their respective CSOs can further strengthen young people’s engagement. Thirteen activists in both youth- and adult-led CSOs emphasized that they can contribute their own ideas. Among other things, this involves incorporating their personal interests and having their ideas listened to. MOCICC activists often made the latter point in connection with

80 Interview, 19 February 2020. 81 Interview, 28 February 2020. 82 Interview, 5 March 2020. 83 Interview, 6 March 2020. 84 Interview, 19 February 2020. 85 Interview, 8 March 2020. 44 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

enjoying the absence of hierarchies in their organization – “Everyone can propose, everyone can speak, and […] everyone can participate” (Miguel86). Similarly, one third of activists stated the importance of having their CSO as backing their own projects. This was mainly the case in the two adult-led organizations, where youth appreciated support in the form of provided views, material, and spaces to gather experience. Also, the majority of Canto Vivo and MOCICC activists expressed appreciation for their CSOs, admiring the organizations’ way of thinking and their achievements, and feeling proud to be part of it. Finally, young Limeños often listed their CSOs’ activities as enjoyable. While only seven of them explicitly mentioned that they enjoyed getting active, this positive sentiment was overall tacitly present when listening to their enthusiastically told stories.

6.3 Constraints to engagement In contrast to the drivers, young Limeños also face a series of external (6.3.1) and internal (6.3.2) constraints to engaging in organized climate activism.

6.3.1 External constraints Several external factors constrain participation in climate activism. First, one’s location may restrict such engagement. More than half of Viernes’ members stated the difficulty of having meetings because participants live all over Lima. MOCICC activists Isabel and Miguel confirmed that the distance is often demotivating and renders gatherings complicated.87 Second, safety concerns might withhold young Limeños from engaging. Some parents fear for their children’s safety when they take action (6.2.2). Yet, even moving around in Lima can be dangerous. Canto Vivo’s co-founder Héctor emphasized that this particularly applies to minors, who then join meetings and activities accompanied by their mothers.88 Third, restrictions by the police can constrain youth engagement. Paulina’s demonstration in alliance with the global Fridays for Future movement was dissolved by the police89, and Teresa mentioned tear gas and two girls being taken to the police station during a Viernes demonstration.90 Fourth, politics can act as a constraint. According to Cristian, especially Peruvians over 30 distrust politics, which in turn demotivates young people looking up to them to take political action.91 Others explained that there are no trustworthy political spaces in which youth can participate – the few that exist “are sometimes just for show”92. Moreover, Héctor finds corruption among politicians a bad example for the youth.93 Fifth, young Limeños struggle to engage in climate activism because of institutional hurdles at their schools. Three activists mentioned missing classes on Fridays to strike for the climate as an unsurmountable barrier – “If you miss school one day, […] they mark you as absent and you’re missing classes, and then you lose your grade and you lose the year” (Cris- tian94).

86 Interview, 12 March 2020. 87 Interview, 13 February 2020; Interview, 12 March 2020. 88 Interview, 25 February 2020. 89 Interview, 29 January 2020. 90 Interview, 28 February 2020. 91 Interview, 6 March 2020. 92 Interview, 20 February 2020. 93 Interview, 25 February 2020. 94 Interview, 6 March 2020. 45 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Last, but not least, two thirds of youth activists pointed towards a lack of information, particularly insufficient environmental education and a sketchy transmittance of climate change-related topics in the national media. This directly constrains engaging in climate activism. In Paulina’s words – “If you don’t know something, you can’t love or defend it”.95

6.3.2 Internal constraints Internal factors impeding young Limeños’ engagement concern, first, a lack of interest among their peers. This was mentioned by half of the activists and includes pursuing other hobbies, laziness, or reluctance, as many young people “think that perhaps the mobilizations are not going to change anything, because fighting like this in the streets is a waste of time” (Luisa96). Second, one’s family may not always approve of engaging in climate activism (6.2.2). Six young respondents considered this as a possible constraint, while four activists had personally experienced discouragement at home. Often, this included parents’ questioning of whether the CSO pays them to participate, or making appeals to rather dedicate their time to work or studies. Third, the interviewed young Limeños mentioned having other priorities as a constraint to take climate action. Almost all of them identified difficulties to engage related to time or financial concerns – either following personal experiences, or when looking at their peers. In this respect, young people are busy studying, working, and/or helping at home, or have to sustain their families and own children. Activist Julio wondered:

“How do I demand from that youth who has a sick mother, from that youth who has a family, who has a child, from that youth who wants to continue studying and therefore works 12, 13, 15 hours, who is exploited or who has already reached the weekend? How do I tell him ‘Hey, come, support me’? I don’t have the nerve to do it.”97 Often, a series of responsibilities and concerns about health, education, food, violence, or de- cent work shift young Limeños’ priorities away from climate change. Pablo reflected, “I don’t know how much you can ask a young person to, ‘Care about the climate’, when he or she doesn’t have a job, when it’s easier to sell drugs than to march for the environment, or when it’s easier to rob someone [...] than to attend workshops”.98 Overall, young respondents showed to be understanding of their peers’ priorities that keep them from engaging. A quarter even recognized themselves as being comparatively privileged to a certain degree because they can participate in activities. Sofía realized that “While we are dealing with climate change, there are people who don’t have any food; there are people who have to work; there are people who want to be in a march, but if you go to a march you stop working and you don’t have food”.99 Along with three other activists, she therefore recognizes her own responsibility to transform her privilege into action, also on behalf of those who cannot engage. Putting the obstacle of being bound to other priorities in perspective, five activists found that organizing one’s time well is key to engaging in climate activism.

95 Interview, 29 January 2020. 96 Interview, 5 March 2020. 97 Interview, 8 March 2020. 98 Interview, 25 February 2020. 99 Interview, 22 February 2020. 46 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

6.4 The self-perceived role of young Limeños Having presented the drivers of and constraints to engagement, this section outlines how young Limeños assess their role in combatting climate change now and in the near future. Going from the micro to the macro level, this involves how they see their role among other actors (6.4.1); how they consider their role in the capital (6.4.2); and how they perceive their role in comparison to climate activism of the global North (6.4.3).

6.4.1 Taking action along shared responsibilities Regarding responsibilities of who should take action on climate change, most youth activists agree on a conjunction of governments and civil society. While they see the former as primary responsible, they often perceive the state’s non-action as a reason for exerting civil-society pressure. Some also believe that companies, researchers, and the media are in charge. Nevertheless, all young activists additionally put great importance to their own role in the climate crisis, recognize their agency (2.1.3), and consider it crucial to take action themselves. First, this involves being coherent with one’s actions, sensitizing one’s social or profes- sional environment, and thus spreading the message to mobilize the society. Second, activists recognize their own role with an emphasis to being the young and active part of the population. For Rebeca, it is essential that youth take action now, saying that “We must change the world. Why should we young people, as agents of change, not do so from now on? We must not say ‘Oh, no, I’ll do it tomorrow’, right? We must take this opportunity now and make it our own so that it can change”.100 Young Limeños thus perceive it is vital to act – not only since they will strongly feel the effects of climate change, but also because of solidarizing with future generations (6.2.2). Felipe stated:

“I believe that our role as youth now is to fight for a present and ensure a future for the next generations. We must be strong today when things are already looking worse than in previous years or decades. And most likely in the next 20 years, or 30 years, things will be worse. So, we must fight for all of that, right, for what nature provides, for the present of all of us and for the future of the generations to come.”101 Third, several youth activists see their role to address climate change as being essential in comparison to that of adults, whom they perceive as often being stuck in their usual mindset. Luisa finds that adults think they already know everything, whereas youth are willing to learn, make mistakes, and fix them again.102 However, since adults are currently in power of decision-making processes, Tomás sees it as the youth’s task to change their mindset.103 In addition to rigid thinking, Miguel recognizes that most adults are trapped in bureaucratic and institutionalized demands. According to him, this explains why youth are the only ones raising their voices on the climate issue.104 Tania hopes that young people who are active now will soon occupy strategic positions and spread their pro-environmental attitude, thereby driving change more effi- ciently than older people.105 In this respect, three activists also stressed the importance of youth

100 Interview, 19 February 2020. 101 Interview, 20 February 2020. 102 Interview, 5 March 2020. 103 Interview, 1 March 2020. 104 Interview, 12 March 2020. 105 Interview, 4 March 2020. 47 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

participating in politics. However, Luisa finds “It’s also not our job to do all the work the government should do”.106 One third of activists expressed optimism about future youth climate action in the capital. Among other things, they identified young Limeños’ increased worry about and awareness of their vulnerability; more CSOs working on the issue; and within those a strong rise in youth participation recently. Imagining future youth engaging in climate activism, Pablo believes that they will be more head-on, incisive and decisive than Liman youth today – “In a way I see in Greta the figure of what young people are going to be in the future”.107 Overall, young Limeños recognize their present and future role of engaging in climate action as one among many others in politics, economy, media, science and civil society – “Ar- riving at a real solution to climate change requires a consensus of all” (Felipe108).

6.4.2 Seeing the importance of Lima for climate action Considering their location in the capital is central to understanding how young Limeños see their role in climate activism. Respondents repeatedly pointed to Lima being the unchallenged centre of economic and political power, decision-making processes, and media presence. This proximity to politicians and media sources helps young people have their voices heard on climate matters – “We are in the centre where we can exert more political pressure [and] media pressure” (Julio109). Furthermore, the centralized capital acts as an important base from where to show solidarity with provinces that are more affected, but less noticed (5.2.5). Ana explained, “If things don’t happen in Lima, they don’t move in Lima; the state doesn’t care, the mass media doesn’t care”.110 Thus, many activists strategically use their privileged position in the capital and the resulting extraordinary agency to give weight to struggles that go beyond Lima. Besides this, activists emphasized Lima’s big population and the opportunities that this concentration of people involves. Tomás recognizes the possibility of mobilizing masses111, whereas Rebeca and Miguel think of migrants who can transfer the activism of the capital to their places of origin.112 For two activists originating from the provinces, arriving in the capital was crucial to connect with climate activism. If Isabel had stayed in the Selva, she might not have heard of MOCICC’s activist school113, and Sofía saw the climate movement for the first time when she came to Lima – “In the province it is very slow, the information arrives very slowly”.114 Not- withstanding the advantage that the capital then depicts for these two activists to engage in climate activism, both considered it crucial to replicate activities in the provinces. Other young Limeños often repeated this statement, regretting Lima’s centrality and reiterating the importance of acting not only in Lima but also in other provinces. Then, while young people recognize both their opportunities and responsibilities to take action on climate matters in the capital, they also criticize their country’s structure and opt for decentralization.

106 Interview, 5 March 2020. 107 Interview, 25 February 2020. 108 Interview, 20 February 2020. 109 Interview, 8 March 2020. 110 Interview, 29 February 2020. 111 Interview, 1 March 2020. 112 Interview, 19 February 2020; Interview, 12 March 2020. 113 Interview, 13 February 2020. 114 Interview, 22 February 2020. 48 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

6.4.3 Making climate activism ‘their own’ Young Limeños further define their role in tackling climate change in comparison with climate activism in the global North. Overall, activists showed admiration for the massive mobilizations, mainly in Europe, and some expressed regret about not having achieved bigger mobilizations in Peru. However, they also pointed to the importance of distinguishing between the distinct realities of their country and those in the global North.115 First, they identified discrepancies regarding access to health, water, education, and information, in all of which they see Europe at the forefront. By contrast, in Peru, Julio still sees “movements fighting for basic services. So, I don’t think that this is so common in Europe because they already have, let us say, certain needs covered”.116 For this reason, Martín per- ceives massive mobilizations such as in Germany as being a result of the country having achieved these needs, which allows people to focus on climate issues, whereas Peruvians still struggle.117 In addition, Liman activists considered inequality, poverty, corruption, and a negative perception of climate activism in their country as obstacles that may be lower in the global North. Second, some respondents stressed Peru’s multi-geographical and multi-cultural char- acter in comparison to countries in the global North. Divided in Sierra, Selva, and Costa, social realities differ considerably on a national scale. Felipe pondered, “Perhaps a protest like that of Greta in her country, in Sweden, [...] can be easier for everyone to understand because [...] almost everyone lives in the same reality. However, in Peru, this is not the case”.118 This then requires unique focuses when engaging in climate activism, and approaching the country’s distinctiveness. Along this line, Viernes intends to develop its discourses also in the two indigenous languages Quechua and Aymara.119 Third, activists recognized the high vulnerability of their country to climate change, which Pablo sees in stark contrast to Peru’s low emissions.120 Then, the Northern discourse in which young people demand drastic measures from their authorities against the further use of fossil fuels121 does not seem to be fully applicable to the Peruvian reality. Instead, Pablo suggests that the focus should rather be on adaptation than mitigation.122 Taking these factors together reveals that the social realities and climatic vulnerabilities of Liman youth differ from those of young citizens engaging in climate activism in the global North. Therefore, interviewees repeatedly referred to not simply replicating the Northern model of climate activism, and stressed the significance of making it their own. Martín finds, “It is admirable what they are doing, but not to copy […], because here we have another reality”.123 Canto Vivo co-founder Héctor agrees, and suggests to take the North’s activism as a reference, but not to transfer it mechanically. Rather, it needs to be adapted in a creative way to shape their own activism in Peru.124 Similarly, Luisa recognizes the need for applying “large and grounded actions to our country, not copy and paste”. 125

115 Activists generally compared the Latin American or South American region with Europe and only in one case with the United States. Furthermore, they often zoomed in on contrasting Peru and Germany, the home countries of the respondents and me. Therefore, I refer to Europe, the United States, and Germany as the global North. 116 Interview, 8 March 2020. 117 Interview, 24 February 2020. 118 Interview, 20 February 2020. 119 Interview, 24 February 2020. 120 Interview, 25 February 2020. 121 Interview, 25 February 2020. 122 Interview, 25 February 2020. 123 Interview, 24 February 2020. 124 Interview, 25 February 2020. 125 Interview, 5 March 2020. 49 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Notwithstanding these discrepancies with countries in the global North, young Limeños do not aim to disconnect from the global climate-activism arena. Teresa for example recognizes the significance of activism in Germany, as it might put an end to extractivism in Peru. “So, it’s giving a hand to the whole world”, she explained.126 Furthermore, Emilio hopes for more connections with other groups from abroad. “Because in the end we are world citizens”, he said. “Borders are only political, and the impacts will hit us, and probably the offspring that we may or may not have”.127 In summary, while young Limeños recognize their distinct social realities and pursue a grounded way of climate activism, they do not reject global Northern movements and consider them as supportive.

6.5 External perceptions of youth climate activism in Lima The perception of youth activism among other actors plays a decisive role in understanding young activists’ self-perception. This section therefore evaluates both the societal (6.5.1) and political (6.5.2) perceptions of youth climate activism in Lima as experienced by youth activists.

6.5.1 Societal perceptions The societal perception looks at how civil society reacts to young Limeños’ activities. Three adult respondents regarded societal perception overall as positive. However, most young respondents experienced mixed reactions to their climate activism. According to them, some people show interest, ask curiously, applaud, or join during interventions and mobilizations. This positive perception was visible in the second global march in Lima, where the number of participants increased drastically compared to the first march.128 By contrast, other citizens take suggestions personally, get annoyed, and shout as they feel their lifestyles are endangered by the youth’s demands. Miguel argues that “People are very scared of change – not climate change, but change in their lives”.129 Moreover, citizens often use offensive expressions when seeing youth intervening, which is due to historical events that still trigger negative perceptions of activism (4.3.2). More than a third of respondents mentioned that Peruvians associate them with terrorists, communists, ‘being red’, leftists, criminals, lazy people, or those who are anti- development. Furthermore, youth activists mentioned citizens who show neither support nor objec- tions to their activities – they simply ignore them or watch silently. According to young Limeños, many of them do not grasp the reason for their engagement, consider it a waste of time, or think it is a current trend and typical for their generation. In addition, they sometimes hold the prejudice that young people are ignorant because of their age, thereby neglecting the youth’s agency. Nevertheless, these varying reactions do not lead activists to reject their mis- sion – Isabel feels “that these motivate you even more”.130

6.5.2 Political perceptions Looking at how political institutions and individuals affiliated with those react to young Limeños’ activities helps to put the role of youth engaging in climate activism in context.

126 Interview, 28 February 2020. 127 Interview, 21 February 2020. 128 Interview, 29 February 2020. 129 Interview, 12 March 2020. 130 Interview, 13 February 2020. 50 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

In this regard, most respondents have a negative impression. They predominantly mentioned being seen as volunteers, ignorant children, emotional, or mainly suitable for appearing in photos and on websites. “Sometimes the government, both local and national, sees young people as, it will sound ugly, cheap labour. I mean, they see us as volunteers for their activities and their communication campaigns. [...] They don’t see us as citizens who can propose ideas, who have needs”, Pablo explained.131 Therefore, young Limeños often feel that they are not taken seriously – “If they took us seriously, they’d really take drastic action on climate [matters]” (Elena132). Tomás added that the reason why they keep demonstrating in the streets is exactly because they are not listened to.133 In one of those occasions, Felipe experienced the minister of MINAM accusing the protesting youth of contributing to climate change in the country through their consumption of chicken.134 Then, there are clear discrepancies between the concerns that young Limeños raise and political perceptions. Nevertheless, eight respondents referred to a recent change in how they are perceived. This statement was particularly common among JPCC members, all of whom pointed out positive developments in addition to the negative points above. Among other things, they noticed more formal spaces for youth participation opening up, and a slow turn from merely inviting young people to taking their opinions as decision-makers into account. However, some activists still feel a lack of politicians truly understanding their problems, and that engaging in political spaces not always shows results. In general, Pablo believes that the relation between activists and politicians “is a love-hate relationship. Sometimes they listen to [the youth], sometimes they don’t listen to them”.135 Overall, mixed societal and political perceptions of youth climate activism prevail in Lima. However, activists often feel that external actors largely misjudge their agency on climate matters.

6.6 Conclusions This chapter first reviewed the reasons behind young Limeños’ commitment to climate activism, showing a multitude of intertwining factors that drive and constrain their engagement. Second, it revealed that activists see their role to combat climate change as distinct in relation to other actors, their position in the capital, and global Northern movements. Yet, they recognize that collaboration and solidarity are both crucial. Third, while external perceptions generally vary, they tend to neglect young Limeños’ agency. The next chapter brings the findings together and reflects on their implications.

131 Interview, 25 February 2020. 132 Interview, 17 February 2020. 133 Interview, 1 March 2020. 134 Interview, 20 February 2020. 135 Interview, 25 February 2020. 51 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Chapter 7. Conclusions

This chapter synthesizes the findings to answer the research question (7.1); reflects on the con- ceptualizations framing this study (7.2); and provides recommendations for policy and practice (7.3) and future research (7.4). It closes with a final remark of a youth activist (7.5).

7.1 Synthesis of findings The findings per sub-question synthesized below collectively answer the question: “How and why does youth in Lima, Peru, engage in organized climate activism through CSOs?”.

7.1.1 SQ1 – How does climate activism in Lima look in terms of CSOs, their climate agenda, and focus on youth? Eight CSOs with diverse organization types and leadership structures, ranging from student initiatives to NGOs and either adult-based or youth-based, pursue a strong focus on youth. Most participants are young Limeños, and messages are often directed at youth. Regarding the CSOs’ climate agendas, there is a general, albeit not exclusive, trend towards recognizing the climatic challenge as being of scientific and human origin, and entailing other social, political, and economic issues. Five organizations – Canto Vivo, Conservamos, MOCICC, TierrActiva and Viernes – acknowledge local understandings of the provinces or take action in them. These CSOs thereby aim to counteract the country’s centralization and to solidarize with vulnerable populations in the Sierra, Selva, and Costa.

7.1.2 SQ2 – How is climate activism among youth shaped in terms of actions and strategies? Youth activists in the four focus CSOs use a combination of five strategies to different extents: raising public awareness on climate change; using interventions and mobilizations to non-violently pressure the state outside formal channels; exercising political advocacy in ministries and municipalities; connecting with other CSOs and solidarizing with the vulnerable parts of the population; and training their own skills and those of peer activists to effectively implement the preceding strategies. Starting from these five strategies youth activists perform a variety of activities (see 7.2). Regarding the interplay of these strategies, MOCICC and Viernes use the majority to an equally high degree; advocating politically is secondary for Viernes and a non-priority for MOCICC activists. By contrast, Canto Vivo and JPCC pursue a limited number of primary strategies. While Canto Vivo predominantly engages in awareness raising, JPCC considers a combination of political advocacy and training of activists as its focus. For both CSOs, the remaining strategies are either secondary or non-priority. Overall, youth activists of the organizations employ at least three, but mostly four to five strategies to direct their voices towards the state, society, other CSOs, and themselves. This suggests that one strategy on its own may not be sufficient to push the Peruvian climate-change agenda forward – only holistically approaching diverse actors through multiple strategies can yield fruitful results.

7.1.3 SQ3 – What drives and constrains young people to engage in climate activism through these organizations? Shifting from young Limeños’ collective action through CSOs to their personal reasons to engage in organized climate activism, several drivers of and constraints to such engagement emerged (Table 7.1). This should not be seen as a rigid, one-way classification: what are barriers

52 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

for some young Limeños, such as a lack of information, can be a driving force for others, as many activists want to counteract the knowledge deficit and raise public awareness. Similarly, the constraint of having other priorities for some can act as driver for youth activists to show empathy, acknowledge their responsibility, and take solidary action against climate change.

Table 7.1 Drivers of and constraints to engagement in youth climate activism Driver Initiating Environmental Social External Bonding experiences in Family Formal education nature Friends Feeling lost in career Negative environmental Social interest Media experiences Frustrations due to cli- Feeling climatic effects mate-policy inaction Empathy for animals Sustaining Personal Social CSO Make a difference Family Own contributions Hope Friends CSO as backing Intergenerational justice Group environment Positive view of CSO Gaining knowledge Collective action Enjoyment Personal development Constraint External Internal Location Lack of interest Safety Family Police Other priorities Distrust in politics Institutional barriers at schools Lack of information

7.1.4 SQ4 – How do youth climate activists and other actors see young people’s role in combatting climate change now and in the near future? Analysing how young Limeños consider their own role in addressing climate change reveals, first, that most see themselves as activists. Only a few prefer other designations such as being responsible citizens. Second, youth activists perceive it vital to take action along with other actors of civil society, economy, media, research and policymaking. Having a young in terms of a willing-to-learn mindset, they recognize their agency and responsibility to act now for their own future and that of following generations. Looking ahead, youth activists anticipate an even stronger climate movement in Lima, both in terms of numbers and activist mindsets. Third, their location in the capital is both an opportunity and responsibility to become active on climate matters: proximity to decision-makers and a large population facilitate disseminating their message, whereas the country’s centralization requires their solidarity-based visualization of silenced, provincial struggles. Fourth, although admiring climate activism in the global North, young Limeños advocate for grounded activities that reflect Peru’s different social realities and climate vulnerabilities. Moreover, mixed perceptions of civil-society members and policymakers shape activists’ role in combatting climate change. In this context, young Limeños welcome positive societal reactions – asking, supporting, joining – while also taking energy from neutral and adverse responses to continue their engagement. At policy level, actors often neglect young people’s

53 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

agency and do not take their climate demands seriously. Then, negative reactions tend to out- weigh the recent trend towards more formal spaces for youth to engage in climate issues.

7.2 Theoretical reflection These findings suggest that youth climate activism in Lima follows a broad range of strategies, actions, drivers, constraints and perceptions that are closely tied to local social realities and climatic vulnerabilities. Despite this distinctiveness, there are also cross-cutting issues to youth climate activism as understood in theories coined in the global North. This section critically reflects on the frameworks shaping this study and refines the conceptual scheme. In doing so, it draws on theory presented in Chapter 2. First, categorizing strategies is key to understanding youth climate activism in Lima. As outlined in Section 5.2, four of the five major strategies employed by young Limeños match those proposed by Ho et al. (2015) on youth-led social change. Although the conceptualization of these authors served as a framework for this research, the close convergence is surprising, since the coding of strategies followed an open approach. This suggests that the framework of Ho et al. may also be insightful when applied in future research on youth climate activism. However, research in Lima additionally revealed a fifth, CSO-internal strategy that frames the training of youth activists. Going back and forth between these data-driven findings and the literature, a similar strategy named ‘developing young activists individually’ emerges in Coe and others’ study of youth activism on sexual health in Peru and Ecuador (2015:18). This rein- forces the assumption that ‘training’ plays an important role in Peruvian youth activism, whereas it is absent in Ho and others’ study of Canadian youth (2015:54). I suppose that this difference partly results from a higher level of accessible information in Canada, whereas ac- cessing information often presents a difficulty in Peru (6.3.1), demanding CSO-internal training. Taking both deductive and inductive findings into account, Table 7.2 suggests an expansion of the framework, highlighting the newly proposed strategy.

Table 7.2 Suggested expansion of strategies in youth climate activism Literature Socialization Influence Power Partnership This study Awareness Political ad- Interventions Connecting Training of raising vocacy & mobiliza- & solidariz- activists tions ing Source: The author, drawing from Ho et al. (2015:55).

Furthermore, the framework on dutiful, disruptive and dangerous dissent by O’Brien et al. (2018) provided an initial understanding of youth climate activists’ actions. Respective activities of young Limeños then followed open coding, and disclosed that a categorization works best in adherence to the five major strategies as in Section 5.2. Nevertheless, as shortly touched upon in that same section, the framework of O’Brien et al. can yield additional insights into the channels through which youth conduct their actions. Table 7.3 gives an overview of identified activities sorted by strategies and forms of dissent. It reveals that most actions are dutiful (N=17), some are disruptive (N=7), few are both (N=2), and none are dangerous. Yet, the absence of the latter category need not to be an indicator of the lack of long-term challenging ideas brought forward in Lima: some Viernes activists advocate for agroecology and food sovereignty (5.2.1). However, their dangerous dissent is rather an attitude accompanying other actions – dutifully delivering university lectures – than a distinct category. Thus, dangerous dissent as an own category becomes redundant. Another flaw of this framework is that it is

54 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

designed exclusively to challenge political power. Since youth climate activism in Lima is also directed towards other stakeholders, I recommend expanding the scope to consider dutiful and disruptive actions as being performed via formal and informal means in general. Overall, looking at youth climate activism in terms of dutiful and disruptive dissent is insightful, but not necessary per se to structure activities; these can also be categorized along their respective strategies (Table 7.3).

Table 7.3 Dutiful and disruptive actions resulting from the five strategies Strategies Actions Dutiful Disruptive Awareness raising Beach campaigns Beach campaigns (Socialization) Mural paintings Mural paintings Election campaigns Communication in the streets Workshops at youth centres & Social-media activations markets University lectures Tree plantings Interventions & mo- Marches bilizations Demonstrations (Power) Political advocacy Attendance at COPs (Influence) Public-policy making Revitalisation of formal spaces for youth participation Promotion of political documents Alliances with deputies

Training of activists Activist schools & workshops (Training) Trainings with other CSOs Internal reunions Formative trips Internal capacity building through peers Connecting & soli- Reunions with other CSOs & Joint campaigns & mobilizations darizing (inter-)national branches Marches of other movements (Partnership) Alliances with non-climate Demonstrations to solidarize groups with Peruvians outside Lima Ministerial dialogue spaces Source: The author, drawing from Ho et al. (2015:55) and O’Brien et al. (2018:2).

Looking at drivers to engagement, there are many overlaps between theory and this research. Common factors involve, among other things, gaining knowledge, experiences in nature, and the support of family and friends. The broad convergence, however, also reflects how theory informed the interview questions (Appendix 2). Beyond, climate justice is not as central to driving young Limeños’ engagement as expected. Whereas an intergenerational justice perspective is present, its intragenerational counterpart seems less important. Within constraints, there are only few similarities such as a lack of time due to other life pressures. I did not identify CSO-internal barriers – unpleasant working environment,

55 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

disagreeable tasks – which may be due to solely asking those young Limeños who enjoy engaging. Safety concerns, distrust in political spaces, a lack of information, and priorities of food, health or violence are more constraining in Lima, and reveal a mismatch with global Northern theory and social realities. Thus, I advocate for conducting (semi-)grounded research on drivers and constraints that considers local social realities. In Lima, local social realities are all-encompassing for youth climate activism: constraining for some young people to act (e.g. lack of knowledge, other priorities), and shaping the activism of those engaging in terms of acting in solidarity, taking account of other social struggles, and recognizing one’s distinctiveness towards other global movements. Altogether, the frameworks discussed above are useful to guide research on youth climate activism, also in countries where these theories did not originate. Nevertheless, it is crucial to add data-driven insights from other parts of the world to acknowledge local social realities and to counter the dominance of ‘Western’ concepts. Adding to this, Section 2.2.1 disclosed a shortcoming of conceptually measuring youth activists’ role. Drawing on this study, I suggest investigating how young people classify their activism in relation to other actors, their location, and global movements, and analysing the external perceptions of citizens and policymakers. Finally, the implications of a combined deductive and inductive approach led me to adapt the conceptual scheme introduced in Section 2.3 as follows (Figure 7.1).

7.3 Recommendations for policy and practice Where to take these findings to? Activist Isabel put it in a nutshell: “You can learn a little from us, we can learn a little from you”.136 Therefore, I offer the following recommendations to strengthen youth climate activism in Lima. First, living too far away from the centre to participate in a Liman CSO should not im- pede engagement in climate activism. Hence, organizations need to find ways to reach young people in remote city districts, and manners to rotate meeting points to facilitate participation. Regarding the constraint of having to meet other obligations, groups should further develop methods to engage young Limeños with time and financial restrictions in their activities. Second, although the assembly improves communications between the CSOs dealing with the climate issue, this loose coalition could be further consolidated. The massive WhatsApp group quickly becomes cluttered when exchanging information, and it may be worth considering using a joint website instead. Regarding Canto Vivo, the only focus CSO not participating so far, joining the assembly could help to mobilize activist forces for its activities without having to outgrow its resources. Third, policymakers should take young Limeños’ demands seriously and adopt more drastic measures to adapt, mitigate, and include youth in decision-making processes. This research reveals that young people’s claims are well-grounded in science and their experiences as Peruvian citizens already suffering from climate change. Thus, their agency must be acknowledged and more formal spaces established to engage on an equal footing with those currently in power. In addition, non-formal activities such as mobilizations should gain more support through targeted listening and subsequent joint dialogues. Finally, analysing barriers to engagement showed a lack of information to be seriously constraining. Thus, the government should strengthen climate-change education in media and schools. In this context, collaborations between responsible ministries and activists could lead to youth-oriented, understandable climate-change education from a young age onwards.

136 Interview, 13 February 2020. 56 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Figure 7.1 Refined conceptual scheme

57 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

7.4 Suggestions for further research While the results of this study answer the research question, they also raise new issues that could be addressed in future research. First, considering young Limeños’ frustrations with current climate-policy inaction, it is paramount to investigate if and how they transform informal activism into more formal political actions to strategically tackle climate change. Moreover, future research could combine looking into developments of the eight CSOs (3.7.1) with how young Limeños use social media to push the Peruvian climate agenda forward. During fieldwork, I recognized a strong trend towards communicating internally, launching activities, and gaining new members via these channels (Appendix 4). The outbreak of COVID- 19 further led several groups to launch online activities. This emphasizes the growing importance of social media in Liman youth climate activism, and opens space for scrutinizing its effectiveness. Besides, research could explore youth climate activism in other Peruvian provinces and Latin American countries. How do the vulnerability to climatic alterations and local social realities shape drivers, constraints, actions, strategies, and perspectives of those young activists? Additionally, future researchers could look more closely into cases of youth climate activism in the global North by taking findings of this study into account. To what extent are those groups sensitized towards non-climatic local issues, and do they connect with other local social struggles for joint actions? Finally, more research needs to be conducted in Peru itself. During interviews, four respondents identified a lack of investigation on climate issues in the country, and considered both students and professionals as being in charge of increasing local research.

7.5 Concluding remark I want to give the final word in this thesis to youth activists:

“Perhaps, wherever this is read, if some young person reads it, he or she will know that, even though sometimes one goes through many, many internal problems or problems that a young person has, he or she will remember that each of these problems can be overcome, if one always supports the people he or she loves […]. And that this same principle applies to the great goals as a society, right, that all the struggles, all the transformation will only happen if one works in a group, in a community.” (Felipe137; Figure 7.2)

137 Interview, 20 February 2020. 58 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

Figure 7.2 Street art in Barranco

59 Youth Climate Activism in Lima, Peru Marie-Theres Dyckhoff

References Adler, R. P., & Goggin, J. (2005). What do we mean by “civic engagement”? Journal of Trans- formative Education, 3(3), 236–253. Allison, E. H., Perry, A. L., Badjeck, M.-C., Adger, W. N., Brown, K., Conway, D., Halls, A. S., Pilling, G. M., Reynolds, J. D., Andrew, N. L. & Dulvy, N. K. (2009). Vulnerability of national economies to the impacts of climate change on fisheries. Fish and Fisheries, 10(2), 173-196. Arnold, H. E., Cohen, F. G. & Warner, A. (2009). Youth and environmental action: Perspec- tives of young environmental leaders on their formative influences. The Journal of En- vironmental Education, 40(3), 27-36. Avilez, J. L., Bazalar, J., Azañedo, D., Miranda, J. J. (2016). Perú, cambio climático y enfer- medades no trasmisibles: ¿Dónde estamos y a dónde vamos? Revista Peruana de Medi- cina Experimental y Salud Pública, 33(1), 143-148. Barrientos Hernandez, D. H., Church, A. L. (2003). Terrorism in Peru. Prehospital and disaster Medicine, 18(2), 123-126. Bryman, A. (2012). Social Research Methods (4th edition). New York: Oxford University Press. Buttigieg, K. & Pace, P. (2013). Positive youth action towards climate action. Journal of Teacher Education for Sustainability, 15(1), 15-47. CAF (Corporación Andina de Fomento – Banco de Desarrollo de América Latina). (2014). Vulnerability index to climate change in the Latin American and Caribbean region. Ca- racas: CAF. Retrieved from https://scioteca.caf.com/handle/123456789/509 Accessed: 21 April 2020. CEPLAN (Centro Nacional de Planeamiento Estratégico). (2019). Visión del Perú al 2050. Lima: CEPLAN. Retrieved from https://www.ceplan.gob.pe/visionperu2050/ Ac- cessed: 17 December 2019. CEPLAN (Centro Nacional de Planeamiento Estratégico). (2011). Plan Bicentenario: El Perú hacia el 2021. Lima: CEPLAN. Retrieved from https://www.ceplan.gob.pe/sin- aplan/plan-bicentenario-2/ Accessed: 19 December 2019. Chazarin, F., Locatelli, B. & Garay-Rodríguez, M. (2014). Mitigación en la selva, adaptación en la sierra y la costa: ¿Oportunidades perdidas de sinergias frente al cambio climático en Perú? Ambiente y Desarrollo, 18(35), 95-107. Checkoway, B. & Aldana, A. (2013). Four forms of youth civic engagement for diverse democracy. Children and Youth Services Review, 35(11), 1894-1899. Chersich, M. F., Scorgie, F., Wright, C. Y., Mullick, S., Mathee, A., Hess, J., Richter, M. & Rees, H. (2019). Climate change and adolescents in South Africa: The role of youth activism and the health sector in safeguarding adolescents’ health and education. South African Medical Journal = Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Geneeskunde, 109(9), 615-619. Chevallier, P., Pouyaud, B., Suarez, W. & Condom, T. (2011). Climate change threats to environment in the tropical Andes: Glaciers and water resources. Regional Environmental Change, 11(Supplement 1), 179-187. Coe, A.-B. (2015). “I am not just a feminist eight hours a day”: Youth gender justice activism in Ecuador and Peru. Gender & Society, 29(6), 888-913. Coe, A.-B., Goicolea, I., Hurtig, A.-K. & Sebastian, M. S. (2015). Understanding how young people do activism: Youth strategies on sexual health in Ecuador and Peru. Youth & Society, 47(1), 3-28.

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Coe, A.-B., Goicolea, I. & Öhman, A. (2013). How gender hierarchies matter in youth activism: Young people’s mobilizing around sexual health in Ecuador and Peru. Journal of Youth Studies, 16(6), 695-711. Corbin, J. & Strauss, A. (1990). Grounded theory research: Procedures, canons, and evaluative criteria. Qualitative Sociology, 13(1), 3-21. Corner, A., Roberts, O., Chiari, S., Völler, S., Mayrhuber, E. S., Mandl, S. & Monson, K. (2015). How do young people engage with climate change? The role of knowledge, values, message framing, and trusted communicators. Climate Change, 6(5), 523-534. Corning, A. F. & Myers, D. J. (2002). Individual orientation toward engagement in social action. Political Psychology, 23(4), 703-729. Coyne, I. (2010). Research with children and young people: The issue of parental (proxy) consent. Children & Society, 24(3), 227-237. Diver, S. W. & Higgins, M. N. (2014). Giving back through collaborative research: Towards a practice of dynamic reciprocity. Journal of Research Practice, 10(2), 1-13. Earl, J., Maher, T. V. & Elliott, T. (2017). Youth, activism, and social movements. Sociology Compass, 11(4), 1-14. Ekman, J. & Amnå, E. (2012). Political participation and civic engagement: Towards a new typology. Human Affairs, 22(3), 283-300. Elliott, T. & Earl, J. (2018). Organizing the next generation: Youth engagement with activism inside and outside of organizations. Social Media + Society, 4(1), 1-14. El Peruano. (2019, 31 December). Decreto Supremo N° 013-2019-MINAM [Supreme decree]. Retrieved from https://sinia.minam.gob.pe/normas/decreto-supremo-que-aprueba-re- glamento-ley-no-30754-ley-marco-cambio Accessed: 23 April 2020. Feola, G. & Nunes, R. (2014). Success and failure of grassroots innovations for addressing climate change: The case of the Transition Movement. Global Environmental Change, 24, 232-250. Fisher, D. R. (2019). The broader importance of #FridaysForFuture. Nature Climate Change, 9(6), 430-431. Fisher, S. R. (2016). Life trajectories of youth committing to climate activism. Environmental Education Research, 22(2), 229-247. Foran, J., Gray, S. & Grosse, C. (2017). “Not yet the end of the world”: Political cultures of opposition and creation in the global youth climate justice movement. Interface, 9(2), 353-379. Gallay, E., Lupinacci, J., Sarmiento, C. S., Flanagan, C. A. & Lowenstein, E. (2016). Youth environmental stewardship and activism for the environmental commons. In J. Conner & S. M. Rosen (Eds.), Contemporary youth activism: Advancing social justice in the United States (pp. 113-132). Santa Barbara: Praeger. Geertz, C. (1973). The interpretation of cultures: Selected essays. New York: Basic Books. Gibbons, E. D. (2014). Climate change, children’s rights, and the pursuit of intergenerational climate justice. Health and Human Rights, 16(1), 19-31. Guba, E. G., and Lincoln, Y. S. (1994). Competing Paradigms in Qualitative Research. In N. K. Denzin and Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of Qualitative Research (pp. 105-117). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Ho, E., Clarke, A. & Dougherty, I. (2015). Youth-led social change: Topics, engagement types, organizational types, strategies, and impacts. Futures, 67, 52-62. Holmberg, A. & Alvinius, A. (2020). Children’s protest in relation to the climate emergency: A qualitative study on a new form of resistance promoting political and social change. Childhood, 27(1), 1-15.

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INEI (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática). (2019). Evolución de la pobreza mone- taria 2007-2018: Informe técnico. Lima: INEI. Retrieved from https://www.inei.gob.pe/media/MenuRecursivo/publicaciones_digi- tales/Est/Lib1646/libro.pdf Accessed 21 April 2020. INEI (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática). (2018a). Estadísticas: Medio ambiente: E. Hábitat Humano [Excel spreadsheet]. Retrieved from https://www.inei.gob.pe/estadisticas/indice-tematico/medio-ambiente/ Accessed: 26 April 2020. INEI (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática). (2018b). Perú: Anuario estadístico de la criminalidad y seguridad ciudadana 2011-2017: Visión departamental, provincial y distrital. Lima: INEI. Retrieved from https://www.inei.gob.pe/media/MenuRecur- sivo/publicaciones_digitales/Est/Lib1534/libro.pdf Accessed: 21 April 2020. INEI (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática). (2017a). Estadísticas: Población y vivienda [Excel spreadsheet]. Retrieved from https://www.inei.gob.pe/estadisticas/indice- tematico/poblacion-y-vivienda/ Accessed: 25 April 2020. INEI (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática). (2017b). Índice temático: C. Residuos [Excel spreadsheet]. Retrieved from http://m.inei.gob.pe/estadisticas/indice-tematico/c- residuos-10291/ Accessed: 21 April 2020. INEI (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática). (2015). El 27% de la población peruana son jóvenes [Press release]. Lima: INEI. Retrieved from http://m.inei.gob.pe/prensa/no- ticias/el-27-de-la-poblacion-peruana-son-jovenes-8547/ Accessed: 21 April 2020. INEI (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática). (2014). Una mirada a Lima metropolitana. Lima: INEI. Retrieved from https://www.inei.gob.pe/media/MenuRecursivo/pub- licaciones_digitales/Est/Lib1168/libro.pdf Accessed: 21 April 2020. Ioris, A. A. R. (2016). Water scarcity and the exclusionary city: The struggle for water justice in Lima, Peru. Water International, 41(1), 125-139. Johnson, L. R., Johnson-Pynn, J. S., Lugumya, D. L., Kityo, R. & Drescher, C. F. (2013). Cul- tivating youth’s capacity to address climate change in Uganda. International Perspec- tives in Psychology: Research, Practice, Consultation, 2(1), 29-44. Kleres, J. & Wettergren, Å. (2017). Fear, hope, anger, and guilt in climate activism. Social Movement Studies, 16(5), 507-519. Landiyanto, E. A. (2018). Research in development studies: Philosophy, methods and rigor. MPRA (Munich Personal RePEc Archive), 84726, 1-13. Retrieved from https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/84726/ Accessed 7 January 2020. Lincoln, Y. S. & Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic Inquiry. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Lopes Cardozo, M. T. A. (2015). Bolivian teachers’ agency: Soldiers of liberation or guards of coloniality and continuation? Education Policy Analysis Archives, 23(4), 1-24. Mittag, J. (2012). Perspectives on civic engagement in national strategies to combat climate change. Democratization, 19(5), 994-1013. Narksompong, J. & Limjirakan, S. (2015). Youth participation in climate change for sustainable engagement. Review of European, Comparative & International Environmental Law, 24(2), 171-181. NRDC (Natural Resources Defense Council). (2014). Acting now on climate: How is Peru addressing climate change and moving toward a low-carbon future? (NRDC Issue Brief). Retrieved from https://www.nrdc.org/ sites/default/files/addressing-climate-change-in- peru-IB.pdf Accessed: 17 December 2019. O’Brien, K., Selboe, E. & Hayward, B. M. (2018). Exploring youth activism on climate change: Dutiful, disruptive, and dangerous dissent. Ecology and Society, 23(3), 1-13.

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OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development). (2011). How DAC members work with civil society organizations: An overview 2011. Paris: OECD. Retrieved from https://www.oecd.org/dac/peer-reviews/Fi- nal_How_DAC_members_work_with_CSOs%20ENGLISH.pdf Accessed: 6 January 2020. Ojala, M. (2012). Hope and climate change: The importance of hope for environmental engagement among young people. Environmental Education Research, 18(5), 625-642. Ortega, A. (2020, 28 February). Perú ocupa el primer lugar de radiación solar más alto en el mundo, según la Liga contra el cáncer. La República. Retrieved from https://larepub- lica.pe/sociedad/2020/02/26/liga-contra-el-cancer-peru-ocupa-el-primer-lugar-de-radi- acion-solar-mas-alto-en-el-mundo-cancer-en-la-piel/ Accessed: 21 April 2020. Oxfam. (2019). Strengthening youth activism to tackle inequality: Supporting and co-creating strategies with the new generation of youth activists in Peru. Retrieved from https://oxfamilibrary.openrepository.com/handle/10546/620705 Accessed: 6 January 2020. Paerregaard, K. (2020). Communicating the inevitable: Climate awareness, climate discord, and climate research in Peru’s highland communities. Environmental Communication, 14(1), 112-125. Pancer, S. M. & Pratt, M. W. (1999). Social and family determinants of community service involvement in Canadian youth. In M. Yates & J. Youniss (Eds.), Roots of civic identity: International perspectives on community service and activism in youth (pp. 32–55). New York: Cambridge University Press. Patrick, R. & Bharadwaj, L. (2016). Mining and campesino engagement: An opportunity for integrated water resources management in Ancash, Peru. Water International, 41(3), 468-482. Plataforma de Atención a la Ciudadanía. (n.d.). ABC de la Ley Marco sobre Cambio Climático. Retrieved from www.minam.gob.pe/cambio-climatico-peru/pagina-ejemplo/ Accessed: 23 April 2020. Pink, S. (2004). Guest editor’s introduction: Applied visual anthropology social intervention, visual methodologies and anthropology theory. Visual Anthropology Review, 20(1), 3- 16. Rabatel, A., Francou, B., Soruco, A., Gomez, J., Cáceres, B., Ceballos, J. L., Basantes, R., Vuille, M., Sicart, J.-E., Huggel, C., Scheel, M., Lejeune, Y., Arnaud, Y., Collet, M., Condom, T., Consoli, G., Favier, V., Jomelli, V., Galarraga, R., Ginot, P., Maisincho, L., Mendoza, J., Ménégoz, M., Ramirez, E., Ribstein, P., Suarez, W., Villacis, M. & Wagnon, P. (2013). Current state of glaciers in the tropical Andes: A multi-century perspective on glacier evolution and climate change. The Cryosphere, 7(1), 81-102. Redacción Perú21. (2020, 8 March). Así fue la marcha por el Día Internacional de la Mujer en Lima [FOTOS]. Perú21. Retrieved from https://peru21.pe/lima/dia-internacional-de-la- mujer-asi-se-desarrolla-en-lima-la-marcha-fotos-noticia/?foto=25 Accessed: 23 April 2020. Riemer, M., Lynes, J. & Hickman, G. (2014). A model for developing and assessing youth- based environmental engagement programmes. Environmental Education Research, 20(4), 552-574. Ruiz Muller, M. (2017). Cambio climático y las perspectivas del Acuerdo de París para el Perú. Agenda Internacional, 24(35), 67-79.

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Santelices Spikin, A. & Rojas Hernández, J. (2016). Climate change in Latin America: Inequal- ity, conflict, and social movements of adaptation. Latin American Perspectives, 43(4), 4-11. SENAJU (Secretaría Nacional de la Juventud) & UNFPA (Fondo de Población de las Naciones Unidas). (2018). Informe nacional de las juventudes en el Perú 2016-2017. Lima: SENAJU & UNFPA. Retrieved from https://juventud.gob.pe/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/INFORME-NACIONAL-DE-LAS-JUVENTUDES-2016-2017.pdf Ac- cessed: 21 April 2020. SENAJU (Secretaría Nacional de la Juventud). (2012). Documento Base del Plan Estratégico Nacional de Juventudes 2012-2021. Lima: SENAJU. Retrieved from https://www.youthpolicy.org/national/Peru_National_Youth_Strategy_2012_2021.pdf Accessed: 12 January 2020. SENAMHI (Servicio Nacional de Meteorología e Hidrología del Perú). (2020). Tiempo/Pro- nóstico del tiempo: Promedio de temperatura normal para LIMA OESTE (Lima). Re- trieved from https://www.senamhi.gob.pe/main.php?p=pronostico- detalle&dp=lima&localidad=0001 Accessed: 21 April 2020. Silva, J., Rojas, J., Norabuena, M., Molina, C., Toro, R. & Leiva-Guzmán, M. (2017). Particu- late matter levels in a South American megacity: The metropolitan area of Lima-Callao, Peru. Environmental Monitoring and Assessment, 189(12), 1-18. Siña, M., Wood, R. C., Saldarriaga, E., Lawler, J., Zunt, J., Garcia, P. & Cárcamo, C. (2016). Understanding perceptions of climate change, priorities, and decision-making among municipalities in Lima, Peru to better inform adaptation and mitigation planning. PLoS ONE, 11(1), 1-13. Stapleton, S. R. (2019). A case for climate justice education: American youth connecting to intragenerational climate injustice in Bangladesh. Environmental Education Research, 25(5), 732-750. Steg, L. (2018). Limiting climate change requires research on climate action. Nature Climate Change, 8(9), 759-761. Taft, J. K. (2019). The kids are in charge: Activism and power in Peru’s movement of working children. New York: New York University Press. Takahashi, B. & Martinez, A. (2017). Climate Change communication in Peru. Oxford Re- search Encyclopedia of Climate Science, 1-22. Retrieved from https://oxfordre.com/cli- matescience/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228620.001.0001/acrefore- 9780190228620-e-574 Accessed 8 June 2020. Takahashi, B. & Meisner, M. (2013). Climate change in Peruvian newspapers: The role of for- eign voices in a context of vulnerability. Public Understanding of Science, 22(4), 427- 442. Tanner, T. (2010). Shifting the narrative: Child-led responses to climate change and disasters in El Salvador and the Philippines. Children & Society, 24(4), 339-351. Tokar, B. (2015). Democracy, localism, and the future of the climate movement. World Futures, 71(3-4), 65-75. UN (United Nations). (2018). The world’s cities in 2018 (Data booklet). Retrieved from https://www.un.org/en/events/citiesday/assets/pdf/the_worlds_cit- ies_in_2018_data_booklet.pdf Accessed: 20 April 2020. UN (United Nations). (2016). The world’s cities in 2016 (Data booklet). Retrieved from https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/publications/pdf/urbanization/the_worlds_cities_in_2016_data_booklet.pdf Accessed: 21 April 2020.

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UN-Habitat (United Nations Human Settlements Programme). (2016). World cities report 2016: Urbanization and development: Emerging futures. Kenya: UN-Habitat. Retrieved from http://wcr.unhabitat.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/WCR-2016-Full-Report.pdf Accessed: 20 April 2020. Urrutia, C. E. & Cuenca, R. (2018). Las desigualdades laborales que enfrentan los jóvenes en Lima Metropolitana (Documento de Trabajo, 252. Estudios sobre Desarrollo, 28). Lima: IEP (Instituto de Estudios Peruanos). Retrieved from https://reposito- rio.iep.org.pe/bitstream/IEP/1146/1/Carlos-Urrutia_Ricardo-Cuenca_Desigualdades- laborales-enfrentan-jovenes-Lima-Metropolitana.pdf Accessed: 21 April 2020. USAID (United States Agency for International Development). (2012). Follow the water: Emerging issues of climate change and conflict in Peru (CMM Discussion Paper No. 5). Washington, DC: USAID. Retrieved from https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNAEC328.pdf Accessed: 22 April 2020. Watson, J. (2007). Lilla Watson. Queensland Review, 14(1), 47-47. Winter, F. (2019). Doing politics differently: Middle-class youth and politics in contemporary Lima. Latin American Perspectives, 46(5), 73-89. Wolcott, H. F. (1990). Making a study “more ethnographic”. Journal of Contemporary Ethnog- raphy, 19(1), 44-72.

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Appendices

Appendix 1: Operationalization table Concept Dimension Variable Indicatorb

Youth CSOa structure Organization What organization type does the CSO repre- climate type sent? activism e.g. non-profit, advisory body, university initiative, platform, etc. Leadership How does the leadership structure in the CSO look? e.g. adult-led, youth-led but adult-based, en- tirely youth-based, etc. Youth focus How do CSOs direct their activities towards youth as audience? How do CSOs focus on youth participation in their activities? Drivers Initiating What are initial drivers of engagement in cli- drivers mate activism? e.g. parents, friends, teachers, role-models, media, education, outdoor experiences, environmental damage or pollution, etc. What is the role of climate justice? Sustaining What are drivers sustaining climate activism? drivers e.g. belief to make a difference, time shared in groups, satisfaction, recognition, commitment, enjoyment, collective work, friendships, learning opportunities, personal development, early successes, perceived relevance, fear and hope, etc. Constraints Personal What are personal constraints to engage in climate activism? e.g. time, no seen impact or relevance, lack of bonding experiences with nature, etc. CSO What are group constraints to engage in climate activism? e.g. unpleasant environment, disagreeable tasks, conflicts over leadership, conflicts over chosen actions or strategies, etc. National/ What are national/international constraints to international engage in climate activism? e.g. framing of youth agency or activism, space allowed, etc. Strategy Socialization What strategy is used to socialize/mobilize/ make aware? Influence What strategy is employed to influence others to take action? Power What strategy is used to directly address the problem (climate change, established power elites)?

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Partnership What strategy is employed to have an impact through cooperation and creating alliances? Action Dutiful What actions are conducted via existing insti- dissent tutional arrangements? e.g. project design and implementation, campaigning, advocacy, consultation, lobbying, information and education, capacity building, etc. Disruptive What actions are implemented to challenge au- dissent thorities and underlying power relations? e.g. marches/rallies, boycotts, petition campaigns, interrupting international climate meetings, demonstrations, protests, strikes, walkouts, sit-ins, die-ins, etc. Dangerous What actions are employed to challenge estab- dissent lished rulers in the longer run? e.g. climate justice, degrowth, non-commercial art practices in public places, etc. Role of youth Self-perception How do young Limeños see their own role when engaging in climate activism? What does being an activist mean to them? External per- How does civil society perceive youth climate ception activism in Lima? How do political actors perceive youth climate activism in Lima? Source: The author, based on Arnold et al. (2009:29-30, 33); Buttigieg and Pace (2013:23-27, 29-32, 36-40); Checkoway and Aldana (2013:1895); Ekman and Amnå (2012:292); Elliott and Earl (2018:5); Fisher (2019:430); Ho et al. (2015:55, 60); Kleres and Wettergren (2017:508, 516); Narksompong and Limjirakan (2015:178); O’Brien et al. (2018:2, 5-7); Ojala (2012:625, 633, 637); Pancer and Pratt (1999:47); Riemer et al. (2014:558, 560, 562-564, 567-568); and Tanner (2010:347). a The different font colours refer to whether the information originates from the author or from literature. b In this operationalization table, questions and suggested answers replace indicators. While concepts, dimensions, and variables deductively informed this research, only fieldwork can provide the missing indicators.

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Appendix 2: Interview guides

INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR CSO REPRESENTATIVESa

Introduction

A bit about myself Research Interview process

Topic Open questions Possible in-depth questions

Settling in • Could you please tell me about how your interest in climate change first began? The organization • Since when are you part of the organization? • What is your role within the or- • Do you have lots of contact ganization? with youth activists? • When was the organization founded? • How is the organization struc- • Which organization type? tured? • Paid positions? Volunteers? • How many members? Age? • Who is leading? Age? • Are you connected with other • If yes, which are they, how are organizations? you connected (information exchange, joint actions, …) and how do you communicate? Climate agenda • How do you frame climate • Scientific/indigenous, environ- change within the organiza- mental, social, political, prob- tion? lem/solvable? • Do you feel all members of this organization have the same understanding of climate change? • Do you think climate change can be stopped or reversed? • On which levels do you address • On the community, local, na- climate change within the or- tional and/or global level? ganization? Strategies • What are your organizations’ • Do you want to raise aware- strategies to address climate ness, influence others to take change? action or directly address the problem? Or through cooperation with other organizations? Actions • Which actions do you use or • Are they based on one single promote to address climate kind of activity or diverse activ- change? ities?

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• Policy counselling, campaigning, demonstrating, …? • Do youth participate in some activities and others not? • Are there mainly long-term or short-term projects? • Which action did you personally like the most, and why? Impact • On which levels do you have an • On the community, local, na- impact? tional and/or global level? • Which environmental impact do your climate actions have? • What are you most proud of with respect to the impact your organization is having? Focus on youth • Which audience to you aim to • Whom do you aim to target with address? your actions? • Who participates in your activ- • How old are participants gen- ities? erally? • Is it always the same people or are there fluctuations? • How are young people involved in motivating others to engage? • How are young people involved in developing specific content for their age group? • Whom do you aim to recruit? • Do you specifically call for youth to engage in your organization and actions? External perceptions • What is your opinion, how is • Do citizens generally support climate activism perceived in or criticize it? Lima? • How do parents of youth engaging in climate activism perceive it? • Are youth being taken seriously within climate activism? Constraints • What do you think restrains • Personally – time, relevance? young people from engaging • Do climate-change knowledge more in climate activism? and education play a role? • What about formal spaces for youth to address climate change, should there be more? Strengthening • What are the factors that facili- • (Drivers) tate youth engagement for climate action? • How do you think youth en- • Who has to take action to gagement for climate action strengthen it? could be strengthened?

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• What is your organization do- • Any specific strategy? ing in this regard? • Has it been successful?

Conclusion

Wrapping up • Do you have any questions? • Is there anything you would like to add? • Is there anything you would like to ask me? Personal information Thanking Source: The author. a Interview guides for both CSO representatives and youth activists were translated into Spanish for the interviews.

INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR YOUTH ACTIVISTS

Introduction

A bit about myself Research Interview process

Topic Open questions Possible in-depth questions

Settling in/ • Could you please tell me about climate change how your interest in climate change first began? • What does climate change • Do you experience it person- mean to you? ally? • What does it mean in relation to your family, nationally, glob- ally? • Do you think climate change can be stopped or reversed? • How would you describe cli- • What does being an activist mate activism? mean to you? • Do you think that activism has the power to tackle climate change? • Who do you think should act to • Who is responsible? tackle climate change? • Who needs to make a change? • Who needs to change? Initiating factors • How comes that you take ac- • Was there a particular point in tion to address climate change? your life where you realized you wanted to become active? • Can you relate any specific experiences (from childhood)?

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• Did you spend a lot of time in nature when you were young? • Which role did friends or family play? • Do you think education played a role in getting you interested? Engagement in or- • Why do you engage in this par- ganization ticular organization? • Since when do you engage in the organization? • How much time do you invest • How many times a week or in engaging here? month do you come/meet? • How much time do you spend on preparing things at home? • Is it more structured around certain projects or equally spread over time? • Do you wish it would be more or less time? • What is your role within the or- • Is there space for you to con- ganization? tribute your own ideas? • Who is in charge of everything? Sustaining factors • What role does your engage- • How do your parents perceive ment in the organization play in your engagement? your everyday life? • What do your friends think? • What do you like most about • What do friendships within the engaging in this organization? organization mean to you? • Do you feel you have learned a lot through engaging here? • Have you gained any new (social, technical, …) skills? • Do you think engaging in climate activism through the organization changed you personally? • Do you feel you can make a difference through your engagement? Actions • Which activities do you employ • Policy counselling, campaign- to address climate change? ing, demonstrating, …? • Are you taking part in all activities, or is there anything you do not want to/cannot do? • What are you most proud of • Which one did you like most, with respect to past actions? and why? Most fun, most impact? • Is there anything you would • Is there any activity you would like to change? like to do more or less often?

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Strategies • How would you describe the • Do you want to raise aware- strategy/strategies of your or- ness, influence others to take ganization to address climate action or directly address the change? problem? Or through cooperation with other organizations?

Constraints • What do you think restrains • What about formal spaces for other young people from en- youth to address climate gaging more in climate activ- change, should there be more? ism? • Have you already convinced some of your friends to become active as well? • Is there anything you find difficult sometimes or would like to change within your organization? Role of youth • What is your opinion, how is • Do citizens who see your ac- climate activism perceived in tions generally support or crit- Lima? icize it? Can you recall any specific experiences? • How do you think are young • Do you feel you/they are being people in Lima perceived with taken seriously by those cur- regard to climate action? rently in power? • Why is it important to do climate activism in Lima? • How do you see the role of youth in the future?

Conclusion

Wrapping up • Do you have any questions? • Is there anything you would like to add? • Is there anything you would like to ask me? Personal information Thanking Source: The author.

NOTES AFTER THE INTERVIEW (with CSO representatives and youth activists)

Setting • Where did the interview take place? • Was it busy or quiet, were there many or few other people? Interview • How did it generally go? • Was the interviewee talkative, cooperative, nervous, …? • Was there anything surprising about the interviewee’s look, attitude or statements? • Did the interview open up any new avenues of interest? • Was there a point where I felt uncomfortable? Source: The author, drawing from Bryman (2012:476).

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Appendix 3: List of respondents CSO No. of in- Pseudonymsa terviewees Canto Vivo 7 Daniel, Elena, Héctor, Paulina, Rebeca, Sara, Tomás Clima de Cambios 1 Melissa Conservamos 1 Andrés JPCC 5 Carmen, Emilio, Pablo, Sofía, Tania MOCICC 6 Ana, Gabriel, Isabel, Josefina, Julio, Miguel RUA 1 Felipe TierrActiva 1 Linda Viernes 5 Carolina, Cristian, Luisa, Martín, Teresa Source: The author a To ensure participants’ safety, this table does not indicate that several activists participate in more than one CSO. Furthermore, it contains limited information; the anonymized transparency document handed in to the University of Amsterdam entails additional information on respondents’ ages as well as date and location of the interviews.

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Appendix 4: Final coding frame Driver ini_education [21] CANTO VIVO Driver ini_effects on nature/animals [23] CV actions [18a] Driver ini_family [4] CV strategies (internal) [20] Driver ini_feeling lost [5] Driver ini_friends [8] CLIMA DE CAMBIOS Driver ini_media [19] CdC actions [10] Driver ini_politics [8] CdC strategies (internal) [16] Driver ini_polluted environment [26] Driver ini_social interest [27] CONSERVAMOS Driver sus_contribute own ideas [18] CpN actions [9] Driver sus_CSO as backing [10] CpN strategies (internal) [23] Driver sus_enjoyable [8] Driver sus_family [21] CONSTRAINTS TO ENGAGEMENT Driver sus_friends [21] Constraint_bureaucracy [2] Driver sus_group environment [67] Constraint_competitive movements [1] Driver sus_harmony with nature [4] Constraint_family [11] Driver sus_hope [22] Constraint_friends [1] Driver sus_intergenerational justice [23] Constraint_lack of green space [1] Driver sus_knowledge gain [45] Constraint_lack of information [32] Driver sus_make a difference [65] Constraint_lack of interest [13] Driver sus_personal development [37] Constraint_limited options [2] Driver sus_positive view of CSO [15] Constraint_location [8] Driver_collective action [24] Constraint_other priorities [50] Constraint_police [3] JPCC Constraint_politics [8] JPCC actions [18] Constraint_school [3] JPCC strategies (internal) [4] Constraint_security [5] MOCICC CSOs MOCICC actions [27] CSO aspiration [10] MOCICC strategies (internal) [34] CSO climate-change perceptions [15] CSO foundation [22] OTHER TOPICS CSO funding [24] (Climate) justice [5] CSO gaining members [32] Critique of climate movement [18] CSO interviewee’s role [28] Research on climate change [11] CSO participation in COPs [9] Society_climate-change perceptions [59] CSO social media [33] System critique [20] CSO structure [90] CSO type [14] PERU CSO youth audience [20] Peru_climate change [9] CSO youth participation [56] Peru_contemporary politics [26] Peru_environmental problems [7] DRIVERS TO ENGAGEMENT Peru_history [7] Driver ini_climate change-affected [39] Driver ini_connection with nature [12]

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RUA RUA actions [4] RUA strategies (internal) [7]

STRATEGIES Strategy_awareness raising [61] Strategy_connecting and solidarizing [107] Strategy_interventions and mobilizations [51] Strategy_political advocacy [68] Strategy_training of activists [48]

TIERRACTIVA TA actions [7] TA strategies (internal) [21]

VIERNES VpF actions [17] VpF strategies (internal) [12]

YOUTH ACTIVISTS YA ‘activist’ [34] YA climate-change perception [26] YA distinctiveness/other movements [37] YA engagement duration [20] YA engagement frequency [14] YA importance of Lima [27] YA perceived by policymakers [43] YA perceived by society members [49] YA responsibilities to act [59] YA role of youth (general) [39]

a Numbers in brackets refer to numbers of quotes per code in ATLAS.ti.

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Screenshot of coding groups (left) and code excerpt (right) in ATLAS.ti.

Source: The author.

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Appendix 5: Detailed map of Lima

Source: INEI (2014:9).