UNIT ‘Old corruption?’: parliament before 1 the Great Reform Act

What is this unit about? This unit introduces key ideas about historical evidence and interpretation. InL it you will: • find out about using sources as evidence; A • explore different historical interpretations; • assess how far the political system before 1832 deserved its reputationI for ‘Old Corruption’; EDEXCEL • examine the changing ideas and attitudes of Whigs and Tories Rover time. Key questions • How did the British political system function? E • What were the principal features of parliamentary elections before 1832? BY • Why do historians aim to go beyond judging the past in terms of present-day ideas and attitudes? T A Source A SKILLS BUILDER The sturdy trunks are M topped by a crown, a mace, and a bishop’s mitre together with E a duke’s coronet. The junction of these trunks is labelled L ‘res publica’, which ENDORSED is Latin for ‘public P affairs’ and which can also mean ‘republic’. 1 What do each of the sturdy trunks M 1.1 The Constitution of England represent? YETAn undated print from the 2 What do the scales A mid-1770s that represents the represent? institutions and values of the 3 What keeps the English political system. S scales in balance? NOT 1 Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform

A rotten system Definition Source B shows various politicians including Lord Grey, leader of the Whigs (on the left, carrying ‘Grey’s Family Chopper’) and Tory opponents of Rotten reform such as Sir (at the right-hand base of the tree) and the Rotten boroughs were Duke of Wellington (immediately to the right of Peel). The tree contains small towns that elected ‘Foul Nests’, labelled with the names of so-called ‘rotten boroughs’ such as Members of Parliament Dunwich which fell into the hands of profiteering -mongers. In the despite having declined in cartoon the borough-mongers cry ‘You take our lives when you do take the economic significance means whereby we live’. Many rotten boroughsL were scheduled to lose and population. their representation in Parliament under the Whigs’ reform proposals. In the background William IV stands on ‘Constitution Hill’ receiving thanks from figures representing England, Scotland,A and Ireland. I Source B EDEXCEL R E BY T A

M

1.2 The Reformers’ Attack A print produced in April 1831, E showing reformers chopping down a decayed tree, labelled L ‘Rotten Borough System’. ENDORSED UnderstandingP the British political system The symbolism in Sources A and B is easy to interpret in terms of the monarchy, the , and the House of Commons. Although Mthere are important differences between the overall message of Source A and that of SourceYET B, there is continuity in that they both show respect for the institution of monarchy. There was widespread pride in a political A system that seemed to have squared the circle between the competing influences of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. Britain, according to S some political commentators, was a stable ‘republic’ precisely because it had subjected its monarchy to limitations by Parliament, which in turn representedNOT both aristocratic and popular interests. 2 Parliament before the Great Reform Act

1111 Constitution 2 Source A refers to the ‘English’ constitution even though this included 3 Wales, Scotland and Ireland: this was because people in England generally 4 regarded Wales, Scotland, and Ireland as junior and inferior partners. It is 5 also important to point out that there was no formal English constitution, 6 in the sense that applies to the United States of America, which has a 7 specific constitutional document that establishes rights, responsibilities, 8 and powers. In contrast the constitution for the British Isles was an 9 accumulation of various legal documents and traditions – the most 1011 L famous being Magna Carta of 1215. The fact that there was no single 1 fountainhead of constitutional wisdom was judged to be a strength. The 2 constitution had developed naturally; its peculiarities and inconsistencies 3111 A 4 were valuable and unique. Commentators would sometimes describeI how 5 the constitution had grown naturally by comparing it to a tree. This 6 positive image of natural growth was contrasted negatively with the idea EDEXCEL 7 that a constitution could be invented by reason alone. No Rpolitical 8 philosopher would have designed such a quirky system. Yet it worked. 9 20111 Monarch E BY 1 In theory the monarch was the active head of state. The king, or queen, 2 chose the government and could dismiss ministers at will. The monarch 3 T also had the power to dissolve Parliament, bringing it to an end in order 4 5 to hold fresh elections. In practice the monarch’sA choice was limited by 6 the need for the Prime Minister to have the confidence of Parliament, 7 especially the House of Commons. By the early nineteenth century the 8 king played little role in day-to-day decisions, but could still prevent 9 ministers from bringing forward unwantedM policies on major issues. 30111 1 House of Lords 2 The influence of the crown was particularly noticeable in the House 3 E of Lords, which contained hereditary peers – dukes, marquises, earls, 4 viscounts, and – together with bishops and archbishops of the 5 L Church of England. The creation of peers, and their advancement 6 7 in the peerage was a personal decision of the monarch,ENDORSED who as head 8 of the Church of England alsoP appointed and promoted bishops and 9 archbishops. 40111 1 House of Commons M 2 The House of Commons was also subject to influence from the crown 3 YET and the aristocracy. The king’s ministers could use the power of 4 patronage (salaries, contracts,A favours, and honours) to influence certain 5 elections and the political behaviour of some individuals. The aristocracy 6 possessed vast swathes of land and were able to influence, and even in 7 S 8222 some instances directly control, elections and political conduct in Parliament. NOT 3 Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform

Old Corruption? Definitions In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century the existing political Radicalism (radical) system was criticised from a variety of radical perspectives. One common This term comes from the demand was for a comprehensive reform of Parliament. Latin word ‘radix’ which • Pressure for a radical reform of Parliament had fluctuated greatly since means ‘root’, which also the 1770s. Moderate reform had even become a respectable minority gives us the word ‘radish’, viewpoint in Parliament during the 1780s. Yet in the 1790s the French a root vegetable. A radical revolution and the rise in Britain of potentially revolutionary agitation proposal is one that aims caused a repressive backlash that persistedL even after the defeat of to get to the root of a Napoleon in 1815. problem. The label has • Radical agitation for reform did resurface; then it peaked and withered been applied to different A away by the mid-1820s. No petitions for reform were received by the groups, but generally Commons between 1824 and 1829. Despite these ups-and-downs in indicates a critical I radical activity, there had been one clear outcome. Radical attacks on the attitude towards accepted EDEXCEL unreformed Parliament in newspapers, pamphlets, and prints had practices. Radicalism succeeded in publicising theR extent of government spending and can take opposite forms – exposing bizarre variations in electoral practice. such as proposing • According to some this was a system of ‘Old Corruption’ in greater intervention by E BY government and higher which a network of powerful interests controlled Parliament in order to taxes, or less government burden the population with unfair taxes that were then channelled back intervention and lower into already privilegedT pockets through salaries for civil, military and diplomatic posts. Some of these were just sinecures. taxation. If you re-examine Source A carefully, you will notice that Lord Grey is not Sinecures A taking a lead in chopping down the tree of corruption. Behind his back he Salaries paid for little or carries a piece of paper with the word ‘Nepotism’, written on it. This no work done suggests that this print has radical overtones, since Grey, a Whig aristocrat, is suspected ofM wanting to preserve elements of ‘Old Corruption’. Nepotism Giving jobs and favours to family members and their Source C associates. E L ENDORSED P

M YET 1.3 The System that WorksA so Well A print by George Cruikshank, a celebrated satirical artist,S published in March 1831. NOT 4 Parliament before the Great Reform Act

1111 2 SKILLS BUILDER 3 Study Source C. 4 5 1 What is the message of this source? 6 2 Suggest one possible reason why this print was made? 7 3 How far does Source C support what you have learned so far about 8 attitudes towards parliamentary reform? 9 1011 L 1 2 3111 In Source C the House of Commons is identified as ‘St Stephens’A and is 4 metaphorically portrayed as a mill, complete with a wheel labelledI with the 5 names of rotten boroughs. A spout, labelled ‘Borough Bridge’, another 6 rotten borough, spews forth gold and paper to hungry tax-eaters, who are EDEXCEL 7 filling their pockets (and even large sacks) from an enormousR bowl labelled 8 ‘Public Money’. The flow contains ‘pensions’, ‘places’, ‘preferments’, Definition 9 ‘contracts’, etc. Under the mill, which is supported by upturned cannons, 20111 there is pile of enfeebled and dying bodies. E BY 1 Many radicals believed that only universal manhood suffrage would be 2 The right to vote. capable of shattering the old system. It was predicted that various benefits 3 T Moderate reformers would ensue. Sinecures would be abolished and government would become 4 favoured suffrage based cheaper and more efficient. As the cost of government fell, it would be 5 on property or wealth. possible to reduce taxation and promote greaterA prosperity for all. Source D 6 Radical reformers usually was published in June 1832, showing ‘John Bull’, a stock character who 7 demanded ‘manhood represents England and Englishness, gazing into a future world after 8 suffrage’, which was the parliamentary reform. A two-year political struggle over reform had just 9 M right of all men to vote. ended with the passage of the Reform Act. In a future ‘Land of Promise’ 30111 This was sometimes John Bull sees roast beef, beer, and plum-pudding, together with the 1 described as ‘universal abolition of the Corn Laws (which prevented cheap imports of wheat and 2 suffrage’ but referred similar grains in order to keep up prices in Britain) and the Window Tax 3 E only to men (that is (which had been massively increased during the long wars against France 4 until ‘suffragists’ and 1793–1815 and had been halved in 1823). The Corn Laws actually survived 5 ‘suffragettes’ campaigned until 1846 and the Window Tax lastedL until 1851. 6 for votes for women in the later nineteenth century). 7 The way in which various radicals analysed ‘Old ENDORSEDCorruption’ was a mixture 8 of carefully researched detailsP and fanciful theories. Some historians are 9 fascinated by these early radical ideas because they prefigure later political 40111 theories. It is an inescapable conclusion, however, that early nineteenth- 1 century radical ideas failedM to convince many leading politicians and were 2 regarded with extreme suspicion by large sections of the middle- and 3 upper-classes, who were terrified by the YETpossibility of manhood suffrage. 4 Although it is importantA to take the complaints of early nineteenth-century 5 radicals seriously, their criticisms should not simply be accepted at face 6 value. The functioning of the British parliamentary system was certainly 7 complex and interconnected.S Yet the notion that it was merely corrupt is 8222 too simplistic. NOT 5 Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform

Source D

L A I Definitions EDEXCEL

Constituency R An area with the right to send MPs to Parliament. E BY There were two main types of constituency: T rural ones, called ‘counties’ and urban 1.4 The Stepping Stone, 1832 ones, called ‘boroughs’. A County A rural constituency, The House ofM Commons based on traditional Members of Parliament (MPs) were elected to sit in the House of regions such as Commons. They held their seats for the lifetime of a Parliament, which Oxfordshire or Somerset. was limited to seven years, and usually lasted four or five years. The The franchise was based ending ofE a Parliament was called a dissolution, which was followed by a on property and each general election. Any seats falling vacant between general elections, for county sent two MPs to example because of death or retirement, resulted in a by-election for that parliament. Counties were particularL seat. Party leaders and electoral managers had much less control traditionally represented over the choice of candidatesENDORSED than in the twenty-first century. Nowadays by local families. In order nationalP political parties have local branches to select candidates. Under to avoid the expense of a the unreformed system candidates were elected for a wide variety of contest, agreements were reasons, and personal choice about becoming an MP was very important. often arranged to This had a profound effect on how Parliament functioned. maintain the ‘peace of the M county’. MPs were The House of Commons contained 658 MPs, having risen from 558 in 1801 frequently chosen without with the additionYET of 100 Irish MPs as a result of the Union. Constituencies any formal vote taking A in England still predominated, however, returning a total of 489 MPs. place because only two Scotland returned 45 MPs and Wales 24 MPs. There was a wide variety of candidates were voting rights and a range of different-sized constituencies. The electoral proposed. S system was based on constituencies that were divided into counties and boroughs. NOT 6 Parliament before the Great Reform Act

1111 2 SKILLS BUILDER 3 Study Source D 4 Definitions 5 1 What does Source D suggest might be some of the anticipated 6 consequences of parliamentary reform? Borough 7 2 What made the Corn Laws unpopular, and how does this connect An urban constituency, 8 to the image of a cheap loaf of bread? 9 based on rights that had 3 The banner labelled ‘Union’ refers to Thomas Attwood’s Political 1011 L been previously granted Union, a middle-class reform movement that hoped parliamentary 1 by the crown. The reform would lead to a reduction in import and export duties 2 borough franchise and thereby promoting freer trade. Can you identify any other 3111 A the size of the electorate symbolic support for such ideas in Source D? 4 I varied tremendously. 5 4 In what ways do the imagery and language of this print suggest Those with large numbers 6 that the artist had doubts about the future after reform? EDEXCELof voters were known as ‘open’ boroughs because 7 Study Sources C and D and use your own knowledge. R 8 they could not be 9 5 How far does the evidence of Source D support the impression controlled; those with 20111 given in Source D about ‘Old Corruption’? E BY small electorates were 1 called ‘closed’ boroughs, 2 and were often controlled 3 T by a local patron. The Counties 4 boroughs that received 5 English counties possessed a standard franchiseA. Voters were described as the most criticism from 6 ‘forty-shilling freeholders’: this meant that they owned land to the value of reformers were the so- 7 £2. Inflation over hundreds of years had made this a low threshold and called ‘rotten boroughs’, 8 some freeholders only owned small parcels of land. Also, those with whose seats were sold to 9 sufficient rental property in land were oftenM allowed to vote even if they the highest or most 30111 were not, technically speaking, freeholders. influential bidder. 1 • Each county returned two MPS and each elector had two votes. Franchise 2 • Forty English counties provided a total of 80 MPs. 3 E Similar in meaning to 4 • The smallest English county was Rutland with about 800 voters. ‘suffrage’ but referring to 5 • Yorkshire was the largest countyL with over 20,000 voters. In 1821, the specific entitlement to 6 following investigations of corruption, Grampound, a small town in vote in a constituency. 7 Cornwall, was stripped of its two parliamentaryENDORSED seats, which were Under the unreformed 8 transferred and added to YorkshireP at the next general election. system the franchise was 9 very varied. In some Elections in counties were notoriously expensive, since there was only one 40111 places, for example, it polling station in the county town and candidates would be expected to pay 1 was granted to people the cost of transportation,M lodging, food, and drink for their supporters. In 2 paying local taxes and in 1807, three candidates competing for two seats in Yorkshire spent about 3 YET others to those living in £228,000 in total (which even at a very conservative estimate would be 4 particular properties. equivalent to over £4.5A million today). 5 Removing the right to 6 Understandably, many candidates for county seats tried to find ways of vote is called 7 avoiding the expenseS of a poll. Arrangements were made between local disfranchisement. 8222 interests so that only two candidates came forward. In the preliminary NOT 7 Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform

stages voters would be entertained and placated, but at a much lower overall cost. In the period 1790–1820 only one in six possible contests in English counties actually went to the polls (63 out of 362).

What strikes modern eyes as a highly unrepresentative system was hardly criticised. Despite being often returned without a single vote being cast, English county MPs were believed to represent the genuine interests of their locality.

Counties in Wales, Scotland and Ireland were different in significant respects from those in England. L

• Scottish counties only returned a single MP and had smaller electorates that were often controlled by a smallA number of substantial landowners. • There were three pairs of Scottish counties with such small electorates that they alternated between parliaments.I • Welsh counties were also single-member constituencies,EDEXCEL generally returning MPs from familiesR with natural territorial interests. • Irish counties had a different franchise from those in England, and political and religious differences between Protestants and Catholics had significant effects on votingE behaviour. BY

Boroughs T The other main type of constituency was the borough. Boroughs ranged from small (and evenA decayed) towns to the largest cities. Most boroughs returned two MPs, but the City of London returned four MPs and smaller boroughs such as Abingdon and Banbury had only one MP. The universities of Oxford and Cambridge also elected two MPs each. In total there were 203 English boroughs,M returning 405 MPs. In Scotland the urban constituencies were called ‘burghs’ and returned 23 MPs. With the exception of the capital Edinburgh, Scottish burghs were joined into small groups, collectively electing a single MP, with each town taking its turn in presiding over the election. ESome Welsh boroughs also followed a similar system, returning 14 MPs in total. FigureL 1.5 provides details about the different types of borough franchise in England and givesENDORSED selected examples of particular constituencies. There wereP about 123,000 qualified electors in English boroughs at the general election of 1818, many of whom did not have the chance to exercise their vote. In the period 1790–1820 only 529 borough contests took place out of 2,245 potential contests. Uncontested returns resulted from a variety of Mfactors, involving varying degrees of persuasion, negotiation and control. Patrons of someYET boroughs were able to ‘nominate’ candidates of their A choice. Higham Ferrars in Northamptonshire was under the control of Earl Fitzwilliam, who had inherited vast wealth from the Marquis of Rockingham. No contest took place at Higham Ferrars from 1702 to 1832, S when it was finally disfranchised. Boroughs under tight control were described as ‘closed’; and the most tightly controlled were referred to as NOT 8 Parliament before the Great Reform Act

1111 ‘pocket-boroughs’ because the choice of MP was ‘in the pocket’ of a patron. 2 Some closed boroughs had so far decayed in terms of population and trade 3 that they were described as ‘rotten’. Those who controlled rotten boroughs 4 were often described as ‘borough-mongers’ because they sold seats openly. 5 Some boroughs were ‘open’; but this did not mean that elections were 6 respectable affairs. Treating, bribery, and corruption (often described as 7 ‘venality’) were commonplace. Open boroughs showed signs of venality 8 more publicly than closed ones. 9 1011 In counties and boroughs there were a sizeable proportion of uncontestedL 1 elections. On average, during the fifty years before 1832, some two-thirds 2 of all elections were uncontested. 3111 A 4 1.5 Types of franchise in English parliamentary boroughs c.1820 I 5 6 Franchise Constituencies Analysis EDEXCEL 7 Householder 13 boroughs, including The totalR electorate for householder boroughs was about 8 All male inhabitant Aylesbury 8,000, ranging from St German’s with 7 voters to Preston 9 householders had the St German’s with nearly 3,000. Ten of these boroughs had relatively 20111 right to vote (but not Northampton largeE electorates andBY were open to bribery and corruption. 1 paupers or almsmen), Ilchester Aylesbury with 500 voters was disfranchised in 1804 after subject to residential Preston. proven corruption and the electorate was doubled by 2 qualification (usually Textending the franchise to nearby freeholders. Ilchester 3 one year); also known changed patron seven times between 1790 and 1820, three 4 as ‘Potwalloper’, times by trickery. At Northampton one of the two seats was 5 boroughs in reference A controlled by a local family in alliance with the 6 to households with corporation; the other seat was held by anti-corporation 7 a fireplace big enough interests, and contests were frequent. Preston had the to boil a pot. largest working-class electorate, which was variously 8 influenced by local aristocratic and manufacturing interests, 9 M and by radicals who also began to make their mark. 30111 1 Freeman 91 boroughs that may The total electorate for freeman boroughs was about 2 All men who had been be sub-dividedE into 83,000 and included large boroughs such as London with 3 granted ‘freedom’ of the 26 large boroughs (over about 10,000 voters (which was also a special case because 4 borough had the right 1,000 voters), e.g. it returned 4 MPs and the franchise was restricted to 5 to vote. Freeman status Bristol L members of the livery companies). Other large boroughs 6 was granted by the Norwich were Bristol with about 5,000 voters; Norwich more than town corporation and Liverpool. 3,000; and Liverpool over 2,000. 7 ENDORSED could also be earned 8 by apprenticeship, or 26 mediumP boroughs Out of 26 medium-sized boroughs all apart from 4 had 9 gained by marriage (200–1,000 voters), e.g. electorates over or approaching 500 voters, such as Carlisle 40111 or inheritance Carlisle with about 700 voters. Some freeman boroughs had a 1 MGuildford mixed franchise such as Guildford and Southampton that 2 Southampton. allowed freeholders and/or ratepayers to vote. 3 YET 39 small boroughs Small freeman boroughs included various ‘rotten’ ones 4 A (fewer than 200 such as Dunwich, a seaport that had mostly disappeared 5 voters), e.g. due to coastal erosion (32 voters at most) and Aldeburgh 6 Dunwich (about 80 voters), which was sold to a businessman for 7 S Aldeburgh. £39,000 in 1818. 8222 continued over the page… NOT 9 Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform

1.5 Types of franchise in English parliamentary boroughs c.1820 continued…

Franchise Constituencies Analysis Scot and Lot 37 boroughs (excluding The total electorate for scot and lot boroughs was about Male inhabitant those with a mixed 25,500. The largest was Westminster with about 12,000 householders paying franchise), including voters and which was regarded as a prestigious seat of local taxes (usually Westminster national significance in public affairs. Nearby Southwark described as ‘ratepayers’) Southwark had 2,000–3,000 voters and was also keenly contested had the right to vote. Shaftesbury because of its association with the capital. Both Westminster Gatton. and Southwark witnessed lively challenges from radical candidates. Of the smallerL scot and lot boroughs Shaftesbury with about 350 voters was contested six times between 1790 and 1820 as rival interests sought to purchase influence and outwit eachA other. The smallest was Gatton with at most 7 voters.I It was also bought and sold several times. Corporation 25 boroughs, including The total electorate was aboutEDEXCEL 700 voters. The largest was The right to vote was Helston Helston (70 voters), which was also slightly unusual in that restricted to members Brackley the corporationR could create unlimited numbers of of the town corporation. Buckingham freemen voters. More typical, with about 13 voters, was Calne. Buckingham. This seat was a ‘pocket borough’, controlled by LordE Buckingham. Likewise Brackley (33 voters) was in the pocket of Lord Stafford,BY and Calne (17 voters) was controlled by Lord Lansdowne, who suffered a brief rebellionT in 1807 when he tried to impose as MP one of his wife’s relatives. Lansdowne backed down, which shows that sometimes there were practical limits to what a A patron could do even with a ‘pocket-borough’.

Burgage 30 boroughs, including Burgage boroughs were the most likely to be in someone’s The right to vote was Richmond and ‘pocket’, simply because control could be gained by buying attached to the tenancy Old Sarum. M up the relevant properties and insisting on electoral of a house or property obedience from tenants. As a result burgage boroughs saw designated as a burgage few contests: only 20 out of 368 possible occasions for for parliamentary 1790–1820. The largest borough of this type was Richmond elections. E with 270 voters; but the average number of voters in burgage boroughs was about 90, and in practice much fewer. The smallest was the notorious Old Sarum, an L entirely depopulated village (see main text for further details).

Freeholder 7 boroughs, includingENDORSED Freeholder boroughs, like burgage ones, were dominated All freeholders within ReigateP by wealthy property owners. For example, There had been the borough were entitled Cricklade no contest at Reigate since 1722 and by the early to vote. (Voting was Weymouth & Melcome nineteenth century was securely controlled by an sometimes restricted to Regis. agreement between Lords Hardwicke and Somers, who resident freeholders and M acted as if it was a burgage borough. This stirred up some sometimes supplemented opposition in 1804, but the proprietors united in defence by certain leaseholders YET of their shared interest. Cricklade allowed certain and copyholders). A leaseholders and copyholders to vote because the franchise had been extended and reformed in 1782. Weymouth and Melcome Regis was slightly unusual as a combined constitu- ency, returning 4 MPs. In the early nineteenth century this S borough was partially reformed by forbidding the proprietors to split freeholds in order to create extra voters. Data from Roland Thorne (ed.) The House ofNOT Commons, 1790–1820, published in 1986. 10 Parliament before the Great Reform Act

1111 2 SKILLS BUILDER 3 Make an ideas map to show the key features of the electoral system 4 before 1832. 5 6 • Place major points towards the centre, such as the difference 7 between counties and boroughs, then radiate outwards, summing 8 up key features, and then giving specific examples towards the 9 outer edges of the diagram. L 1011 • Use different colours or sketch in simple icons to make your 1 diagram more memorable. 2 • Practise reproducing this from memory or try explaining it to 3111 A someone – first with the aid of 4 your diagram and then without. I 5 6 Working in pairs or small groups will help you to refine your ideas EDEXCEL 7 and memorise them through active engagement rather Rthan just 8 learning by rote. These are very useful techniques that can be 9 applied to most topics. 20111 E BY 1 2 3 T 4 5 Rotten boroughs A 6 It is important to recognise that Figure 1.5 only gives outline details of a 7 few examples. Nevertheless, it is apparent that there was considerable 8 variety in a system that had developed gradually over centuries without 9 systematic planning or review. In Unit 3 weM will consider the impact of the 30111 Reform Act upon the size and composition of the electorate. It is worth 1 noting, however, that 56 rotten boroughs were completely disfranchised in 2 1832, and 30 small boroughs were reduced to single-member 3 constituencies. It is not necessary to Edetail all the idiosyncrasies of these 4 small boroughs; but the following examples give a characteristic flavour. 5 The borough of Appleby, in the countyL of Westmorland, was controlled 6 by two family interests that nominated one member each. Philip Francis 7 ENDORSED had paid several thousand pounds to Lord Thanet for the privilege of 8 P representing Appleby. In theory there were 200 voters, but this was a 9 burgage borough and there had been no contests since the mid-eighteenth 40111 century. Appleby was disfranchised in 1832. 1 M 2 Castle Rising in Norfolk was likewise a burgage borough that was 3 disfranchised in 1832. There had been noYET poll there for over a hundred 4 years, and the two seatsA were shared by nominees of the Howard and 5 Walpole families. In 1797, Lord Cholmondeley inherited the Walpole family 6 interest. He was keen to extract its full value. A Whig candidate paid 7 £4,000 into the partyS election fund at Praed’s bank and was promised the 8222 NOT 11 Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform

seat on ‘the usual terms’. The funding of electoral campaigns by political parties was very different from today. Opposition parties tried experiments with various joints funds; but private individuals were also needed to supply money or influence in order to secure particular seats. The government had access to more resources than the opposition; some money was provided under the heading ‘secret service’.

Old Sarum The most infamous rotten borough was LOld Sarum, which had been controlled by a branch of the Pitt family since 1692. In 1801, Thomas Pitt, 2nd Camelford (who was ‘half-mad’ according to some commentators) insisted on the electionA of the radical John Horne Tooke, another unconventional character. The election would have been invalid, since in his youth Horne Tooke hadI been a clergyman in holy orders and was therefore ineligible to become an MP. If his nomineeEDEXCEL was rejected Camelford threatened to have a black servant elected instead. No decision was taken on the case before Rthe dissolution of Parliament and soon afterwards Camelford sold Old Sarum to Lord Caledon, who paid £43,000 for 11 burgages that existedE only as parchment documents. Two years later Caledon bought some neighbouring propertyBY for £24,000 just to be on the safe side. Voting rights were conveyed to his friends and there was therefore never any needT for electoral contests. A Source E Source F

Yesterday morning, between 11 and 12, I was No grants have been made for the purpose of unanimously elected by one elector, to representM this creating votes since 1740… I apprehend that the right ancient borough [of Appleby] in parliament… There of voting for this borough has never been decided was no other candidate, no opposition, no poll upon in the House of Commons – and that there has demanded, scrutiny, or petition. So I had nothingE to never been a contest. do but to thank the said elector for the unanimous Letter from an attorney, Joseph Hill voice by which I was chosen. Then we had a great to Lord Howard, 25 July 1795 dinner at the castle, and a famous ball Lin the evening for that part of the community which my Lady [Thanet] calls the raggamuffins. On Friday morning I ENDORSED shall quit this triumphant scene withP flying colours, Source G and a noble determination not to see it again in less than seven years. I fear his lordship means £4,000, in which case we shall receive no more than we pay, and consequently Letter from PhilipM Francis to Harriet Francis, 17 July 1802 gain nothing for the stock purse. Some noblemen let YET us have their interest a good deal cheaper, that is to A say require no more than the actual expense to which they are put for an election. Letter from George Tierney to S Lord Holland, October 1797 NOT 12 Parliament before the Great Reform Act

1111 2 Source H SKILLS BUILDER 3 Old Sarum is… [an] area about one hundred yards in diameter taking in the whole Study Sources E, F, G 4 crown of the hill, and thereby rendering the ascent very difficult. Near this there and H. 5 is one farm-house, which is all the remains I could see of any town in or near the 6 place… and yet this is called the borough of Old Sarum, and sends two members What was ‘rotten’ 7 to Parliament. Whom those members can justly say they represent would be hard about ‘rotten 8 for them to answer. boroughs? Explain 9 your answer using 1011 From Daniel Defoe, A Tour thro’ the Whole Island of Great Britain (1724–27)L your own knowledge 1 and evidence 2 A from Sources E, F, 3111 Interests and virtual representation G and H. 4 The examples of rotten boroughs from Appleby, Castle Rising,I and Old 5 Sarum create an impression that the unreformed system was ridiculous 6 EDEXCEL and hopelessly inadequate. Reform therefore seems inevitable and the only 7 difficulty is explaining why change took so long to arrive.R Yet this would be 8 to misunderstand the historical circumstances. Focus needs to shift from 9 looking at the numbers of voters to considering the different interests that 20111 were represented in Parliament. E BY 1 2 The main function of the House of Commons was not to represent 3 individual voters but rather the interests of differentT types of property. 4 The counties represented the landed interest; the boroughs represented 5 various interests in trade, finance, and manufacturing.A It was not deemed 6 necessary for each interest to be represented in every location. It was 7 argued that Bristol and Liverpool, for example, represented the interests 8 of ports. 9 M 30111 Other boroughs represented various trading interests; and the City 1 of London represented vital financial interests. The expression ‘virtual 2 representation’ was sometimes used to express this concept. It was SKILLS BUILDER 3 not necessary for all individuals and Etheir particular interests to be 4 represented since they were virtually represented by those with 1 Re-examine 5 similar hopes and needs. L Sources E and F. 6 How might Philip Even the existence of ‘rotten boroughs’ was considered in some ways 7 ENDORSED Francis and George useful because it allowed wealthy merchants and manufacturers to buy 8 P Tierney have their way into Parliament, where they could voice their particular 9 justified the concerns. One well-established parliamentary interest, for example, was a 40111 existence of ‘rotten group of merchants connected to the West Indies. 1 M boroughs’? 2 In contrast, the existence of constituencies with a wide franchise allowed 2 Using your own 3 some, but not too much, pressure from whatYET might be called the ‘popular’ knowledge, what 4 interest. Whereas, at Athe other end of the social scale, the aristocratic do you understand 5 interest also made its presence felt – and not solely in the House of Lords. by the phrase 6 Younger sons of peers occupied about a fifth of seats in the Commons. ‘virtual 7 Moreover, pocketS and rotten boroughs had also brought recognisable representation’? 8222 NOT 13 Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform

benefits by allowing talented individuals to enter Parliament at a young age. William Pitt, a future Prime Minister, had first entered Parliament in 1781, aged only 21 years, for the rotten borough of Appleby, as the nominee of the notorious borough-monger Sir James Lowther. Other outstanding parliamentarians such as Charles Fox, , and Robert Peel also first entered the Commons as the nominees of electoral patrons. In his later career Charles Fox, for example, would contest the open and prestigious constituency of Westminster, under the slogan ‘Man of the People’, but he took care also to be returned for a nomination borough – just in case he lost. L SKILLS BUILDER Despite seeming haphazard and illogical, the British political system had proved remarkably robust and successful.A Admirers claimed that Prepare a short it provided ways for wealth or talent to gain public influence, and speech by an gave due weight to the influence ofI landed property, which still opponent of reform, provided one of the mainstays of the economy. TheEDEXCEL land tax was explaining why the bedrock of taxation and this was voted for and collected by those changing the system who paid it. All financial measuresR were initiated in and determined of representation by the Commons. This generated a sense of security that had allowed would be undesirable Britain to finance warfare Eand global expansion on credit that was and dangerous. underwritten by parliamentary guarantee. OnceBY such features of the unreformed parliament are understood, it becomes easier to understand why some politicians, andT substantial sections of the public, were reluctant to make changes.

Changing times A There were some changes that were difficult to ignore. Growth and movement of population, together with the rise of new manufacturing industries, wereM transforming Britain (see Figure 1.6). The existing parliamentary system was failing to keep pace. There was a strong case to be answered even if the radical notion of manhood suffrage was rejected.E New industrial towns possessed wealth and interests that were not properly represented in Parliament. Lancashire, with a population of 1.3 million, elected only 14 MPs, whereas Cornwall with a populationL of only 300,000 sent 42 MPs to Westminster. Important towns such as Manchester, Leeds, Sheffield and Birmingham elected none. It seemed increasingly ENDORSEDunreasonable that property owners in such towns shouldP be limited to voting for MPs in their local county. Rotten boroughs and the failure of the electoral system to keep pace with changes in the economy and population, provided a powerful case for Mparliamentary reform. Nevertheless it would be mistaken to believe that these issues YETwere as clear cut for people in the nineteenth century as they appear to us today. We should therefore attempt to understand the A problem of reform from various different perspectives otherwise there is a danger of misunderstanding both those who supported and those who S opposed parliamentary reform. NOT 14 Parliament before the Great Reform Act

1111 2 Source A 3 Areas of greatest population increase ince 1760 resulting 4 from the industrial revolution, and the movement of people 5 from the land to the towns Large towns with no Members 6 of Parliament

7 Sunderland 8 9 L 1011 Bradford Leeds Blackburn Halifax 1 Bolton Oldham Manchester Stockport 2 Sheffield Macclesfield A 3111 Stoke 4 Wolverhampton Birmingham I 5 EDEXCEL 6 Cheltenham Stroud 7 Greenwich 1.6 PopulationR growth and 8 unrepresented towns in England 9 Brighton and Wales before 1832. 20111 Adapted fromE Bob Whitfield BY Devonport 1 The Extension of the Franchise, 2 1832–1931 published in 2001 3 T 4 5 A 6 Party and faction 7 The words ‘party’ and ‘faction’ are often used in political history. They 8 have similar but distinct meanings. The most obvious difference between 9 them is that: M 30111 • A ‘party’ seems respectable and praiseworthy, 1 2 • A ‘faction’ is either a smaller group within a larger one, or a group that 3 has split away and seeks to establishE an independent identity. 4 Political parties tend to have overall labels and these can change over time. 5 Modern political parties are very Ldifferent from those that existed two 6 hundred years ago. Today we expect political parties to have national 7 organisations, policy manifestos, and various meansENDORSED of ensuring that 8 members (especially those in PParliament) generally follow the party line. 9 40111 Early nineteenth-century parliamentary parties were very different. Party 1 lines were blurred by factionalM loyalties and significant, though decreasing, 2 numbers of politicians in both houses of parliament prided themselves on 3 their independence from political parties.YET During the nineteenth century a 4 two-party system of Whig-LiberalA versus Tory-Conservative did develop; 5 but factions continued to split off. The most famous Liberal politician of 6 the century, William Gladstone, actually began his career as a follower 7 of the ConservativeS politician Sir Robert Peel. Political factions are often 8222 described with the suffix ‘-ite’. Therefore Gladstone began his career as a Conservative Peelite. NOT 15 Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform

Whigs and Tories Whigs and Tories comprised the two main opposing sides in the battle for reform in 1830–32. They were both trying in their own way to preserve what was most valued in the existing social and political system. The political labels ‘Whig’ and ‘Tory’ can be traced back to the late seventeenth century, when there were bitter struggles over the rights of the restored Stuart monarchy. The first Whigs sought to exclude James, the brother of Charles I, from succeeding to the throne. It was argued that his Catholic faith made him unfit to rule. Although theL Whigs failed to exclude James II from the throne, he rapidly succeeded in alienating leading politicians on all sides. Whigs and Tories therefore temporarily combined forces to remove the king from power in 1688.A This so-called ‘Glorious Revolution’ ushered in an enduring system of monarchy limited by Parliament, together with a renewed period ofI intense party strife between Whigs and Tories. EDEXCEL Whig and Tory parties of the nineteenthR century can be traced to factional loyalties, dating from the previous century. Two outstanding politicians, Charles Fox and William Pitt, sowed the seeds of the Whig and Tory parties that emerged after Etheir deaths. FoxitesBY rejoiced in the label ‘Whig’ but Pittites long avoided using the label ‘Tory’ about themselves. Pitt described himself as an ‘independent Whig’. Pitt ousted Fox in 1783 and served as Prime MinisterT almost without interruption until his death in 1806. It was therefore more common to talk of the Pittites as the party of government or simplyA as the Administration. There was a Whig opposition but this did not mean that there was a Tory party in power. Many Whigs remained in opposition until after the death of Pitt, but some of them had joined with the government in the 1790s in order to foster national unity against revolutionaryM France. The early years of the nineteenth century witnessed some bewildering political changes. Pitt resigned in 1801, returned to power in 1804, only to die two yearsE later. Fox thereupon briefly tasted power for the first time in over two decades, but also died shortly afterwards in 1807. It was out of this confusion of coalitions that the former Pittites began to regard themselvesL as a coherent political party, and within certain limitations, to act as such. In 1812 LordENDORSED Liverpool emerged as Prime Minister of a ministryP of former Pittites. The supporters of Liverpool became increasingly comfortable with describing themselves as Tories. After fifteen years in power Lord Liverpool’s health failed him in 1827 and he resigned after suffering a stroke. The Tory party that had held together Munder his leadership fragmented, and in 1830 the Whigs returned to power after an ingloriousYET and protracted period in the political wilderness. A Party loyalties were not entirely fixed and there were considerable factional variations within parties. Nevertheless it is possible to outline some key ideas and attitudes that separated Tories from Whigs by the S late 1820s. NOT 16 Parliament before the Great Reform Act

1111 The Whigs 2 Whigs were named after ‘Whigamoors’, who were extreme Scottish 3 Protestant rebels from the era of the Civil Wars. Whigs feared conversely 4 that Tories wanted to surrender too much power to the crown and to 5 oppress those Protestants who refused conform to the Church of England. 6 As eighteenth-century politics developed it was the Whig label that 7 survived better. Gradually the Whigs succeeded in taking the lion’s share of 8 the credit for the Revolution settlement of 1688 and the Hanoverian 9 succession of 1714. 1011 L 1 Other definitions of the Whigs: 2 • They sometimes used softer language about radical or popularA unrest, 3111 but in practice acted as vigorously as most Tories when their own 4 interests or property were threatened. I 5 • They usually supported the cause of greater religious liberty, especially 6 EDEXCEL towards Protestant Dissenters, but also in theory towards Roman 7 Catholics (partly because a Whig coalition ministry hadR been dismissed 8 by George III in 1807 for bringing forward a moderate measure of 9 Catholic relief). 20111 E BY 1 • They prided themselves as staunch defenders of any attempt at 2 increasing the power of crown; much of this was exaggerated rhetoric, 3 but the Whigs had certainly been repeatedly excludedT from power by 4 George III and George IV. 5 • They had a very mixed record on parliamentaryA reform. Lord Grey had 6 caused outrage when he proposed reform in 1792, thereby contributing 7 to a defection of conservative Whigs to the government. By the early 8 1800s reform had become an ‘open question’ which Whigs could chose to 9 support or oppose with varying degreesM of enthusiasm. Grey himself 30111 appeared to have become lukewarm on this issue. 1 In 1830 the Whigs enthusiastically embraced the cause of parliamentary 2 reform – much to the horror of the Tories. In some respects leading Whigs 3 E only differed tactically from the Tories. Both wished to preserve the power 4 and status of the landowning classes and both were determined to prevent 5 L revolution. The Whigs had come to believe that the best means of gaining 6 these ends would be to enact a substantial measure of parliamentary 7 ENDORSED reform. 8 P 9 40111 Tories 1 Tories were seriously concernedM that the Whigs wished to undermine the 2 monarchy and the established Church. Tories were named after Irish 3 Catholic ‘bog-trotting’ bandits. The ToriesYET were lumbered with a damaging 4 suspicion of traitorousA support for the exiled Stuart kings. By the middle of 5 the eighteenth century no leading politician seriously intent on gaining 6 power dared call himself a Tory. There were rural squires and some urban 7 mavericks who delightedS in showing off their old-fashioned ‘Tory’ attitudes, 8222 but there was no Tory party in national politics. NOT 17 Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform

Tories:

• traditionally defended the rights of the monarch and the status of the Church of England as the established Church; • generally opposed granting full civil equality to Protestant Dissenters, who refused to conform to the Church of England (not least because most restrictions could be overcome in practice); • often strongly disapproved of granting any further concessions to Roman Catholics (though some Tories were mildly pro-Catholic, partly in honour of William Pitt, who had famouslyL resigned on this issue in 1801); • advocated strong measures to maintainA law and order, especially against radical agitation or riots caused by economic distress. I EDEXCEL Source I R A Tory party organised on modern, bureaucratic lines had not yet appeared in the early 1820s but the conditions of its growth were steadily emerging… Liverpool was acting on assumptions Esimilar to those of theBY Whigs. His government relied less on royal favour that upon its own strengths and merits, his own indispensability and theT probability that, had he resigned, he would surely not have resigned alone. George IV would have had no alternative but to bring in the Whigs. In theory it was a King’s government not a party one. The reality was vastly different. A From Frank O’ Gorman The Emergence of the Two-Party System, 1760–1832 published in 1982 M Frank O’Gorman’s extensive research into party loyalties has demonstrated Definition how ideas and personnel changed whilst retaining important features of continuity.E Party loyalty was important to the Whigs in ways that went Reciprocal beyond factional behaviour. Ideas were also important in shaping Whig identity. Whigs had strong views on reducing the influence of the Give-and-take. To do monarchyL in political life, and some actively campaigned for greater civil something in expectation and religious liberty. ENDORSEDThey were never united on all issues, but did form a of receiving something in coherentP party. When certain politicians defected, they did not destroy the return. The classic core identity of Whiggery and some later re-united with their old formulation of reciprocal colleagues. Secondly, by detailed research into how local elections were behaviour is ‘You scratch conducted, O’Gorman challenged the idea that they were simply controlled my back and I’ll scratch Mfrom the top downwards. He revealed a more complex picture of popular yours’. involvementYET and reciprocal behaviour. This was rather different from the Namierite view that the wealthy patrons simply dictated terms and Namierite A controlled elections. [[definition to come]] O’Gorman’s views have not gone unchallenged (see Source K). Some S historians consider that the re-interpretation of ‘Old Corruption’ has been slightly overstated. NOT 18 Parliament before the Great Reform Act

1111 2 Source J 3 Most historians now accept, I believe, that the old Whig and radical picture of the unreformed electorate – corrupt, 4 narrow, and servile – was seriously wide of the mark. Towards the end of the eighteenth century the electorate 5 began to grow in size and political awareness… In the vast majority of constituencies, electoral life was never closed… 6 Fear of an expensive contest led local grandees to bargain for support from below, even sometimes to smother the 7 community with civic benefits. Political pressure from below could thus exist independent of polls and votes. 8 9 From Frank O’Gorman The Electorate Before and After 1832 published in Parliamentary History12:2L (1993), and which replied to criticisms of 1011 his book Voters Patrons and Parties published in 1989. 1 2 3111 A Source K S IL S UIL E 4 I K L B D R 5 The pendulum must not be allowed to swing too far. To read some pages EDEXCELStudy Sources I, J 6 [by Professor O’Gorman]… one can almost be forgiven for wondering why any and K and use your 7 significant head of steam should ever have built up in such a reciprocalR and own knowledge. 8 beneficial political system. It cannot be denied that the old system sustained 1 Why do you think 9 huge flaws and anomalies… We should acknowledge that the workings of that Evans refers to 20111 the pre-reformed electoral system were complex and subtle.E Perhaps the BY a ‘pre-reformed’ 1 phrase ‘participatory oligarchy’ might be coined to describe how it worked. 2 electoral system, From Eric Evans The Great Reform Act published in 1994 3 T rather than an 4 ‘unreformed’ one? 5 Independents A 2 What does Evans 6 mean by the Over 300 MPs were ‘Independents’. They might equally well be described 7 phrases ‘huge flaws as ‘non-dependents’. In other words they had seats in Parliament because 8 and anomalies’ and of their local status and influence. They did not aspire to take a leading 9 M ‘participatory role in Parliament and sat on the back benches. The stereotypical 30111 oligarchy’? independent MP was a ‘knight of the shire’: a country squire who 1 represented his local county. His characteristics were solidity and 2 respectability rather than ambition or ability in public speaking. In normal 3 E times the majority of independents tended to support the government; but 4 their votes could not be taken for granted and disaffected independents 5 could bring down an unpopular orL incompetent ministry. 6 7 The non-party political situation of the middle ofENDORSED the eighteenth century 8 was very different from what Pcame before and after. Certainly, the 9 situation by 1830 was much closer to a two-party system; but this only 40111 makes sense as having grown out of an earlier system of multiple factions. 1 Important changes had takenM place from the late 1760s onwards. The 2 influence of government placemen was gradually reduced so that by the 3 early 1800s only about 30 MPs were directlyYET influenced by government. 4 Likewise the numberA of genuinely independent MPs fluctuated but tended 5 overall to decline. Something approaching a two-party system, at least 6 within Parliament, had gradually developed by the 1820s and the 7 remaining independentsS tended to side more openly with one of the main 8222 political parties – a tendency that increased after the 1830s. NOT 19 Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform

Unit summary

What have you learned in this unit? The concept of ‘Old Corruption’ helps to explain why some radicals wanted reform, but it does not do justice to the complexity of historical circumstances. There were undoubted strengths in a political system that had proved its worth by ensuring stability. The principle of democratic reform was not embraced by Whig politicians, and the very idea of adjusting the franchise or removing traditional privileges was detested by many Tories. The unreformed electoral Lsystem was complex but based on the underlying principle that relevant interests should be represented in Parliament. Moreover, the differencesA in representation that had grown up over time were regarded by some people as advantages since they provided opportunities for new interests andI talented individuals to gain access to Parliament, for example by purchasing seats. But EDEXCELthe pace and extent of economic change made it seem increasingly reasonable to consider reallocating some seats from decayedR boroughs to growing towns, especially in the industrialising north. E What skills have you used in this unit? BY You have considered the nature, origin, and purpose of sources and made supported inferences. YouT have used context in assessing the reasonableness and validity of inferences. You have used historiographical analysis and noted Athat differences in interpretation are more than just matters of personal opinion – because all interpretation derives ultimately from evidence. The process of re-examining evidence and inferences is how interpretationsM may be challenged and modified. Exam tips You will Ebe dealing with sources in your study of this period. Here are the kinds of questions which you need to ask of the evidence.

Nature,L Origin and Purpose When using a source ENDORSEDas evidence, we need to consider what sort of thing it is P(nature), the time period from which it comes and how it came to exist (origin) and to suggest why it was made (purpose).

Inference M An inference is a provisional statement that goes beyond simple description. One way to understandYET what is meant by an inference is to consider the following deliberately frivolous example (which makes it easy to remember). If someone A sees an overweight male teacher with a receding hairline, they may shout out ‘Hey baldy! Hey fatty!’ but this is just name-calling not analysis. S Yet we can infer that the teacher is probably older than thirty (because of the evidence of male-pattern baldness) and that with a slowing metabolism he NOT 20 Parliament before the Great Reform Act

1111 ingests more calories than he expends through exercise (because of the evidence 2 of additional weight stored as fat). All such inferences can be assessed for their 3 reasonableness. It is reasonable to make inferences about age, diet, and 4 exercise; but we cannot be entirely sure because the observable features could 5 have other explanations. Moreover, it would be unreasonable to infer pregnancy 6 as the cause of an extended stomach; but this situation would change if the 7 individual was female. Under such changed circumstances any inference from 8 ‘male-pattern baldness’ would also become unreasonable. Context is therefore 9 very important in assessing the reasonableness and validity of historical 1011 L inferences. 1 2 Review 3111 A 4 Look back at your answers to previous Skills builder tasks. I 5 Did you consider the Nature, Origin and Purpose of the sources? 6 EDEXCEL 7 Can you demonstrate how you made inferences and supported Rthese with 8 detailed and clearly indicated evidence from the sources? Did you formulate your 9 inferences as reasonable suggestions (which is the right approach) or state them 20111 as incontrovertible facts (which is an unhistorical approach)?E BY 1 The language of conjecture 2 3 Improve your skills of historical expression by using verbsT such as ‘suggest’, 4 ‘indicate’, ‘show’, and ‘reveal’, together with qualifying expressions such as 5 ‘seems to’, ‘may have’, ‘perhaps’, ‘possibly’, and ‘probably’.A 6 7 8 9 M 30111 RESEARCH TOPIC 1 2 As a result of the efforts of Sir Lewis Namier, a long-running project was established to research the 3 biography of every single Member Eof Parliament and to trace the history of every local 4 parliamentary election. Namier died before completing the first set of volumes on the period 5 1760–90. L 6 1 Go to http://www.histparl.ac.uk to find out about the current status of the History of Parliament 7 ENDORSED project. 8 P 9 2 Find out about representation and reform in your local area. Who is your current MP? How long 40111 have they represented your consistency? How old is your constituency? When was it last 1 reformed? Who representedM your locality before 1832? What changed and what stayed the same 2 between 1832 and 1885? 3 YET 4 A 5 6 7 S 8222 NOT 21 L A I EDEXCEL R E BY T A

M

E L ENDORSED P

M YET A S NOT