RELUCTANT HEROES Rickshaw Pullers in Hong Kong and Canton, 1874-1954

Fung Chi Ming M M 9 0

HONG KON G UNIVERSIT Y PRES S Hong Kong University Pres s 14/F Hing Wai Centr e 7 Ti n Wan Pray a Roa d Aberdeen Hong Kon g

ISBN 962 209 73 4 0

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Printed an d bound b y Liang Y u Printing Co . Ltd., in Hong Kong, Chin a Contents

List o f Illustrations vi i Map o f Pearl Rive r Delt a — Canto n and Hong Kong, circa 191 0 vii i Foreword x i Preface xii i Acknowledgements xvi i Editorial Convention s xi x Introduction 1

PART ONE: Acros s the Colonia l Matri x 7 1 A City o f Sojourners an d Transients 9 2 Th e Urban Workplace an d Stree t Politics 2 1 3 Britis h Rul e and Chines e Valiancy , up t o 192 6 3 7

PART TWO: Republica n Canton , 1911-3 8 5 7 4 Evolutio n o f a New Civi c Paradigm 5 9 5 Partisa n Politic s and the 192 7 Insurrection 7 7 6 Reform s o n th e Municipal Agenda in the 1930 s 9 5

PART THREE: Withi n a Fast-Changing Contex t 11 1 7 Growin g Passio n fo r Change , up t o 194 1 11 3 8 Survivin g in th e Pacifi c War , 1937-4 5 12 9 9 Ris e to the Postwar Zenit h o f Activism 14 3 10 Establishin g a New Agenda, up t o the 1950 s 15 9 Conclusion 17 1 Abbreviations 18 1 Bibliography 18 5 Index 20 1 Illustrations

TABLES 2.1 Fare s fo r publi c rickshaws i n Hong Kong , 1882-193 9 2 3 2.2 Ricksha w accident s in Hong Kong, 1922-3 9 2 9 3.1 Fee s fo r Hon g Kon g rickshaw licences , 1901-3 9 4 0 4.1 Numbe r o f rickshaws i n Canton , 1929-3 3 6 6 6.1 Hirin g rates o f public rickshaw s in Canton , August 193 5 9 7 7.1 Wholesal e pric e index i n Hong Kong, 1919-3 9 11 6 7.2 Numbe r o f registered vehicle s i n Hong Kong , 1896-193 9 11 9 8.1 Licenc e fee s o f vehicles in Hong Kong , 1941-4 5 13 2 8.2 Retai l prices o f foo d i n Hong Kong, 1941-4 2 13 5 9.1 Fee s fo r ricksha w maintenance an d repairs , 194 6 14 6 9.2 Retai l prices in Hong Kong, 1939 , 194 6 and 194 7 14 9 9.3 Numbe r o f registered vehicle s in Hong Kong , 1946-4 7 15 0 10.1 Retai l prices o f rice in Canton , 194 8 16 1

FIGURES 2.1 Gathering s a t roadside foo d stalls , 195 2 3 3 7.1 Cartoo n depictin g downwar d socia l mobility , 193 5 12 0 8.1 Receip t o f Hong Kon g and Kowloo n Ricksh a Syndicate , 1943 13 1

PHOTOS 2.1 Queen' s Road , looking west fro m Hillie r Street , 1910 s 2 2 2.2 Waitin g t o offe r service on Hong Kong' s Praya, 193 7 2 7 2.3 Commuter s a t the ferr y pie r o f Tsimshatsui, 193 7 2 8 2.4 Takin g a break fro m ricksha w pulling, 193 7 3 4 4.1 Demolishin g th e ancient cit y walls o f Canton, 191 8 6 3 4.2 Ya t Tak Road, forme r sit e o f the Southern Oute r Wall 6 3 4.3 A stretch o f Canton' s celebrate d Pear l River , 1920 s 6 5 4.4 Recruitin g me n a s carriers fo r arm y transport , 1920 s 7 2 4.5 Act s o f violence o f the Canto n Polic e Force, 1920 s 7 4 Introduction

N 1867 , th e firs t ricksha w was thrown togethe r i n Japan b y a n America n I Baptist missionary, Jonathan Gobl e (1827-96). A cycle transport balance d on two wheels and pulled by the strength o f one person, the rickshaw found it s way t o Hong Kon g in 1874 , only several years afte r it s invention (Hongkong Times January 23, 1874). In the nearby cit y o f Canton, the rickshaw was trie d out fo r publi c transpor t a t least a s fa r back a s 1906 , when a road connectin g the cit y proper wit h th e easter n subur b som e miles awa y was constructed t o completion (Wah Tsz Yat Po March 29 , 1906) . Sinc e then , profoun d change s have take n plac e in th e region' s socio-economi c landscape . Today , rickshaw s have disappeared under the effec t o f urban sprawl, but a century ago they were everyday transport. A stroll around town at all hours o f the day and night would prove their popularity, their number o n the rise, reaching 3,411 in Hong Kong and 3,600 in Canton in 192 4 respectively (Hongkong Administration Report 1924, K-9; GZSSZGB January 1 , 1924 , 8-10) . This boo k i s a n expositio n an d analysi s o f th e histor y o f thos e plyin g rickshaws fo r hire . I t i s a t the sam e tim e a study o f the developmen t o f th e Chinese community an d the relationship between people, and between societ y and state. Hong Kong and Canton are selected fo r consideration, partly because rickshaws were more densely utilized in these two cities than anywhere in th e delta o f the Pear l River . Also, the critical mass o f pullers therei n ha d a lot i n common. They shared in a regional cultural paradigm, in particular concernin g a historic pattern o f native-place and speech-group alignment . Important, too , is the fact that Hong Kong and Canton were two very different, ye t interwoven, metropolises i n China' s souther n frontier . A s Canto n i s just eight y mile s northwest o f Hong Kong, and it takes only an hour's travel by train t o go fro m one place to another, the twin cities have frequent contac t o f various sorts. This interconnectedness make s them an ideal pair fo r comparison . There existed , without bein g immediately apparent , a noticeable leve l o f rickshaw activism, in ways we never thought possible. Although in many case s it was less advanced in leadership and organization, it came to the forefront o f the public domain , perhaps most spectacularly i n Hong Kong in 188 4 and i n 2 RELUCTANT HEROE S

Canton in 1927 , when th e pullers clashed with th e state authorities i n one o f the most violent insurrections eve r recorded. I n asserting and defendin g thei r interests i n th e workplace, lik e an y othe r socia l grou p i n th e city , ricksha w pullers wer e capabl e o f effectiv e mobilizatio n fo r th e attainment o f commo n goals. I f it i s recognized tha t a t least a sizable number o f pullers di d pla y a n active role in urban social movements, then one thing that is obviously missing is a nuanced accoun t o f the circumstance s tha t drov e the m i n tha t direction . The crucial question is not only what happened a s such, but rather why and for what. Exactly how labor organization emerged, on what scale and in what forms , is unquestionably wort h exploring . In undertaking a study o f thi s nature, th e genesi s o f mobilization ha s o f necessity to be dealt with. We have occasion to elucidate the subcultures o f the pullers, but fo r th e present, a fe w o f their characteristic s ar e worth attention . Although th e pullers (mos t ofte n o f rural origin) me t with an initial uprootin g from thei r home, they were not cut of f fro m th e traditional safety nets that they could resor t t o in times o f need o r trouble. In the urban milieu , the y pursue d new goals by renewing old contacts and making new ones. This pattern of urban assimilation involved a network o f kin/quasi-kin loyalties, which interacted with other factor s t o deal with th e problems arising fro m th e urban workplace. A n illustration o f this is Canton in the mid-1920s, when political activists enliste d their kin by manipulating dialect, home place, and boarding-house bases of joint action. Similarly, the Hong Kong pullers, on their own initiative, formed a union on a native-place basi s in th e lat e 1930s , in protes t o f an increase o f vehicl e rent and lodging charges. Low skilled yet partially self-employed, th e pullers relied on entrepreneuria l flair an d physica l stamin a t o pl y fo r business , thu s bridgin g th e cultur e o f hawkers an d pur e physica l labor . Without ownin g th e rickshaw s the y drew , they were "proletarian " — let us provisionally retai n thi s ter m establishe d b y usage — in the true sense of lacking possession o f the means of their livelihood. It follow s fro m thi s analysis tha t the y had th e objectiv e condition s conduciv e to radical mass movement. Yet, as most pullers had been tenant farmers deprive d of their traditional means o f living because o f misfortunes, lan d hunger, and/o r banditry, the y had littl e o r no prio r experienc e wit h modern wage-wor k an d were fa r fro m bein g part o f the progressive working class. They were therefor e proletariat an d ye t very non-proletariat, suc h tha t nea t an d exac t definition s and delineations are difficult an d elusive. Perhaps no other occupation has such stark duality . N o wonder just suc h enigmati c an d peripheral — i f tha t i s th e word — ye t centrall y importan t peopl e nee d t o b e give n muc h mor e proportionality. If ther e i s something exceptiona l abou t th e pullers , wa s ther e anythin g unique an d unusual abou t thei r style s o f joint actio n and thei r relations with INTRODUCTION 3 state authorities ? I t will be observe d tha t th e pullers wer e vulnerable t o th e brutal act s o f thos e i n unifor m an d th e competitio n o f othe r mean s o f conveyance, everythin g fro m car s to pedicabs. These fact s remin d us t o thin k about how the workplace put the common people right in the midst of a volatile urban process, and how extensively and in what ways the shifts i n the holders of political power cam e into play . The work presented her e will, I think, lea d towards a richer understanding o f urban living through a comparative study of the historic pattern o f adaptation int o the urban workplace, the powers o f th e state, an d th e repertoir e o f mas s activism . B y glimpsing ho w certai n "smal l potatoes" o f the city population struggle d agains t their adversities and became a political forc e t o be reckoned with, thi s book wil l fin d muc h t o disturb th e prevailing wisdo m o f a familiar insurrectio n an d th e ol d paradigm o f powe r relations imbedded i n clas s or capital . This boo k let s ricksha w puller s tak e cente r stag e an d explore s th e experiences o f living that th e pullers fel l back on. A s the pullers deal t with a clientele that comprised people fro m hig h t o low classes, of both sexes and all ages and races, they offer a n ideal locus for exploring the dynamics and politics occurring o n th e street. The pullers face d an d felt , first-han d an d very deeply , the consequence o f changing customer taste s and the tyranny o f the machin e age that affected the m financially, and the entry into their business from amon g the jobless. Partially self-employed o r privately employed, the y were subjecte d not just t o patron-clien t an d employer-employe e problem s bu t als o t o th e directives and regulations o f the state, and the state's main arm, the police. This book will produce a more comple x an d dynami c account o f the labor worl d than th e mor e conventiona l vie w o f alienation an d clas s stratification woul d suggest. Beyond the dualism o f opposing class interests, there is a need to explore the ensemble o f curiously ambivalent relationships, through a n analysis o f the defining characteristic s o f the urban workplace . The choice o f the book title is not without forethought. Agai n and again it will be foun d tha t ther e woul d see m t o be a n involuntary , eve n unwanted , element t o the pullers' activism, a s well a s their positio n an d participation i n urban mas s movements. Their collectiv e shows o f force were, if not a definit e solution to , an authentic expressio n o f their grievance s agains t destitution — out o f shee r economi c necessity . Pu t differently , thei r preoccupatio n wit h problems o f livelihood, income , and prices constituted a common dominato r that le d al l other cause s o f protests by a wide margin. A t various times , the y were spurred int o collectiv e actio n that hardly escape d th e eye s o f the publi c but were simultaneously pushe d int o th e quagmir e o f cit y politics, sufferin g great losses in the political storms. Possibly, they would have preferred leadin g quiet — almost anonymous — lives instead of undergoing the moments of cheers and tear s an d becomin g victimized b y the reshuffle s o f power, i f the y ha d a choice. Hence the title o f this book, Reluctant Heroes. 4 RELUCTANT HEROE S

Hong Kon g an d Canto n ar e culturall y clos e an d ye t conceptuall y ver y distinct. Fo r al l it s fam e (o r notoriety ) a s a British crow n colon y wo n fo r mercantile interests, Hong Kong was a thriving yet comparatively stable entrepot where colonia l laissez-faire took roo t an d flourished . However , th e showcas e image o f perpetual prosperit y an d sustaine d stabilit y reveal s onl y half-truths . Social cohesion and material advancement were in danger o f going up in flames , and the proliferation o f fissures du e to societal complexity could, and did, lead to civi l unrest. Returnin g t o th e subject o f this study , a s time went by , when owners and contractors of rickshaws gradually lost their self-acclaimed legitimac y as protectors for the pullers, the pattern o f strikes and boycotts o f short duration was followe d b y th e occurrenc e o f more protracted maneuverings . T o throw light o n th e wa y o f lif e o f colonia l Hon g Kong , on e need s t o examin e th e European ideas o f law and order, racism and dogmatism, and a criminal justice system reinforce d b y the power o f a non-native minority . In th e recent past , Canto n wa s a base are a o f uprisings agains t th e Qin g Dynasty, the headquarters o f the Northern Expedition , an d the site o f some of the larges t strike s i n th e histor y o f China . Th e warlor d regime s i n earl y Republican times were followed by the reforming and revolutionary government of Su n Ya t Sen (Su n Yixia n m&flil , 1866-1925 ) whic h sough t mas s suppor t through promise d assistanc e t o workers an d peasants . Later , th e Nationalis t authorities trie d t o conciliat e labo r wit h certai n compromises , proposal s fo r reforms, and rules fo r interest groups. During the second half o f the 1940s , the social control mechanis m undermine d th e strength o f unionism an d eclipse d to some extent employer-employe e conflicts . Sinc e 1949 , societal change ha s proceeded a t a far greater rate than eve r before. In this book, attention i s given to ho w th e facto r o f stat e interventio n affecte d th e situation , an d I mak e comparisons acros s both spac e and time . As this book involve s colonial Hon g Kong, in contrast t o national-cum-nationalistic Canton , th e changing qualitie s of everyday lif e brought fort h b y political parameters canno t be overlooked . Hong Kong was a British emporium gaine d throug h imperialist conquest , whereas Canton was a treaty port opened by force o f arms to foreign trad e and residence. A n analysi s o f th e tw o citie s wit h suc h a marke d presenc e o f Westerners would almos t immediately propel us into a reflection upo n th e al l too familiar subjec t o f China's intercourse with the West, which was something of a love-hate relationship. 1 I n thi s book , a n emphasi s i s place d o n wha t relationships ther e were between imported initiatives and local circumstances, and where treaty-port colonialist s and capitalist s (Chines e and Western) fitte d in. Thes e ar e importan t no t onl y i f on e wishe s t o gai n a mor e balance d perspective o f th e actua l influenc e o f foreignism ; the y als o provide foo d fo r

1. Fo r an exploration o f different perspectives , see Cohen (1984, 97-147); Ho (1991, 87-104); Scalapino (1999 , 1-15). INTRODUCTION 5 thought o n th e relativ e influenc e o f exogenou s force s i n contras t t o nativ e elements. It will be seen, on clos e examination, tha t certai n foreigner s — an d Chinese — got involved in activities based on considerations that they believed to be beneficial t o Chines e people rather than at their expense. The format o f this book combines thematic and chronological approaches . Part One ("Across the Colonial Matrix") sets Hong Kong in its historical setting. The openin g chapte r plunge s th e reade r headfirs t int o th e immigran t an d sojourning urba n Chines e community in Hong Kong and th e socio-economi c accommodation o f rural in-migrants t o lif e in the urban workplace. Chapte r 2 pieces together th e multitude o f environments o f the workplace on the street , a contested socia l drama in which people from al l walks o f life cam e into play. Chapter 3 stands by itsel f a s a historical an d socio-structura l analysi s o f th e colonial wa y o f lif e i n th e contex t o f th e Europea n sens e o f mastery , th e government rule s an d regulation s place d o n th e residin g Chinese , th e administration o f law and judicial penalties, racial prejudices, an d stereotypes , thus bringing togethe r many facets o f the old colonial situation into a readable focus. Part Tw o concerns itself with Republican Canton . Chapte r 4 elucidates th e mixture of new and old influences, the inhabitants and new constructions rapidly on th e increase , an d a ne w socio-politica l situatio n tha t mean t greate r opportunities fo r elit e and mass participation i n city politics. In chapter 5 , we analyze th e growing radicalizatio n o f rickshaw activis m during th e earl y an d mid-1920s, on a scale and degree of militancy not seen in the past. This chapter explains ho w th e puller s becam e politicall y engage d an d produce d th e revolutionary epi c o f the short-lived Canto n Sovie t in 192 7 — an experienc e both heroic and heart-rending fo r them. Chapter 6 delineates the impulses fo r and ultimat e failur e o f ricksha w reform s unde r th e auspice s o f th e Canto n administration up to 1938, an experience that impresses upon us the importance of favorable stat e intervention fo r majo r an d rapid advanc e in reforms . Part Three ("Withi n a Fast-Changing Context" ) examine s a period whe n clouds hung ove r th e fat e o f the rickshaw . Chapte r 7 dwells on th e effort s t o lessen the sum o f human misery in inter-war Hong Kong. In so doing, we shed some light on the priorities for governmental action. Chapter 8 gives an account of th e wartim e whe n th e street s were , rathe r awkwardly , cleare d o f moto r vehicles t o th e benefi t o f rickshaws. Chapte r 9 deliberates o n th e repeate d negotiations between pullers and owners fo r a settlement on the rickshaw rent question i n post-war Hon g Kong. Chapte r 10 , focusing o n Canton , discusse s the increasing use o f pedicabs in place o f rickshaws that had led, over a period of years , t o a shar p reductio n i n th e populatio n o f pullers. Thi s boo k i n conclusion places the subject o f study into th e wider theoretical debates o f the social science s an d brings ou t broade r issue s whose significanc e extend s fa r beyond Canto n an d Hong Kong. Conclusion

E END , a s we began, with th e historic patter n o f urban assimilatio n tha t W provides a gateway t o a deeper understandin g o f Chines e life . Durin g the perio d unde r study , th e heterogeneit y o f th e Chines e i n Hon g Kon g an d Canton wa s evidence d b y th e traditiona l kinship-base d migratio n pattern , th e subethnic differences , competitio n an d exclusio n tha t prevaile d i n certai n occupations, an d th e area l concentration o f members o f th e sam e hometow n and speec h groups . Thes e factor s mean t littl e meaningfu l interactio n amon g many differen t socia l types , despit e year s o f coexistence . Th e clos e persona l touch a t home an d workplac e locales , suc h a s th e rudimentar y gathering s i n roadside stalls, provided not only the conditions fo r the emergence o f a defensiv e cultural repertoire among th e early immigrants but, more important still , a basis on whic h supportiv e network s developed . I n a n analysi s o f collectiv e actio n and identit y construction , Harriso n White talk s o f the presumptive hypothesi s of "catnet " tha t make s rapi d an d low-cos t mobilizatio n possible :

Given th e catne t tendencie s towar d focusin g an d alignmen t o f relations, i t becomes easie r an d mor e commo n t o perceiv e indirec t relations with a wider segment of the population around. One reckons relations throug h cliqu e membership s an d th e like , that i s throug h the latent relationships , rather tha n tracin g out som e o f the usuall y long chains o f concrete tie s that would b e necessary t o 'reach ' mos t other persons i n th e system . The network come s t o be projected i n perception int o a net amon g the clusters or cliques , with persons i n a cliqu e treate d a s equivalent unles s ther e is some short actual pat h to a given one. (Whit e 1992 , 64 )

The "catnet " situatio n seem s pertinen t i n th e subjec t matte r wit h whic h thi s study i s primarily concerned . Havin g lef t thei r rura l home s t o lea d a floatin g life in the city, while maintaining thei r separate cultural identities, the ricksha w pullers sa w th e cit y not a s a home but typicall y a place o f sojourn awa y fro m home. The y were particularly illuminatin g o f the interactio n o f class , kinship , and dialec t loyalties , whic h wer e (a s ar e ofte n th e case ) situationall y an d instrumentally selecte d fo r adoption a s part o f a survival strategy in dail y socia l 172 RELUCTANT HEROE S transactions. Parochial outlooks, both symbolic and organizational, made fo r a situation in which the common descent collectivities generated narrowly define d identities and banded togethe r fo r protecting thei r in-group interests . In case s of conflict an d strife , the y readily answered th e cal l fo r mutual assistance . In Hong Kong and Canton, where a sizeable portion o f the population was migrants o r transient s durin g th e period concerned , socio-cultura l affinitie s brought together clanspeopl e o f different lif e experiences and class origins. The multifaceted socia l and industrial lif e involved the owners/contractors o f means of production , no t just a s bosse s an d broker s bu t als o fello w regionals , negotiators with police authorities, and providers o f dormitory accommodation , drugs, and loans as well. Thus the lords or headmen of the coolie working people defy eas y categorization an d cannot be adequately represented i n a holistically positive or negative image, as they were simultaneously a source o f protection and exploitation. A situation was thus frequently create d in which class polarity, if any , did not harde n int o norma l practice . Similarly , a s in Singapor e wher e the hegemony o f rickshaw owners over the pullers remained strong, aggressiv e action against archaic management practices did not occur until 1938 in response to a rent increase (Warre n 1986 , 123-4). The present study furnishes significan t proo f o f the central importance o f native-place an d speech-grou p network s o n th e formatio n o f a n identit y o f camaraderie t o make mobilization fo r collectiv e action . Thes e commonalitie s threaded throug h th e assimilatio n int o cit y life , th e mobilization o f rural in - migrants, and th e resolution o f patron-client conflicts . Th e kinship tie s foun d expression i n a diversity o f domestic an d non-domestic contexts , fro m labo r recruitment t o occupationa l specialization , fro m residentia l segregatio n t o clandestine brotherhoods . I f on e were t o relat e thes e finding s t o th e recen t scholarship o n Chines e urban an d socia l history, fo r instance , th e sojournin g leaders and follower s o f the Heaven and Earth Society (Murra y 1994 , 178-9) , and the even more marginalized people such a s the sworn brothers o f banditry (Billingsley 1988 , 175-7) , on e migh t conclud e tha t th e sens e o r identit y o f mutual aid fraternity, base d on dialect, place of origin, and kin/pseudo-kin ties , is perhaps th e most important organizin g facto r a t th e grassroots leve l o f th e Chinese community , locall y and in a broader context . Right in th e middle o f the social milieu, th e pullers too k t o the street i n protest a t differen t times , manifesting everythin g fro m peacefu l petition s t o walkouts, fro m anti-foreig n boycott s t o sympath y strikes , fro m act s o f civi l disobedience t o a hopefully revolutionar y insurrection. This noticeable level of activism sprang directly from the pullers' harsh realities of daily life on the street, subjected not just to client-customer an d employer-employee problems but also the directives an d regulation s o f the state. Perhaps th e worst oppressor s (an d targets of wrath) o f the pullers were not the owners but the police, the gangsters, CONCLUSION 173 and the culturally mixed clientele. Thus, the tentacles o f overlap and interaction with the whole become much more important to the pullers' awakening process than clas s itself. Instead o f portraying a dichotomous characterizatio n define d in clas s entities , a dynamic vie w o f th e urba n grassroot s tha t accord s du e attention to their particular life situations and multilayered social relations must be more rewarding fo r a n exploration o f the petty urbanites . In muc h o f thi s book , a n attemp t i s mad e t o examin e th e historica l development o f the Chines e community . Th e activity , o r rather inactivity , o f the puller s i n th e cours e o f socia l an d economi c chang e show s tha t an y descriptive generalization abou t their history is likely to be accurate only fo r a certain period. From 188 3 to 1926 , the Hong Kong pullers launched collectiv e protests on their ow n on no less than ten occasions, just like any other group . At any given time, their protests (o r the lack thereof) provide d a backdrop fo r observing lega l and administrativ e framework s o f th e day . Indeed, followin g the 1925-2 6 genera l strike, a repressive attitude towar d organized labor set in, as evince d i n th e imminen t enactmen t o f th e Illega l Strike s an d Lock-out s Ordinance an d th e stricte r enforcemen t o f th e Societie s Ordinance . Betwee n Marco Polo Bridge, 1937 , and Pearl Harbor, 1941 , and beyond, a s the bosses/ brokers gradually lost their self-acclaimed legitimacy as protectors for the pullers, the pattern o f strike actions o f short duration wa s followed b y the occurrenc e of more protracted protests . The foreign official s governin g Hong Kong held a morally superior attitud e toward th e residing Chinese , trying t o impose and enforc e thei r views o f how the peopl e shoul d behave . Thi s "civilizing " missio n ofte n foun d for m i n unwelcome laws and regulations that were seen as an intrusion and would serve as a stimulus fo r belligeren t mas s sentiments. Similarly , a s in quasi-colonia l Shanghai, ther e were rickshaw protest s motivate d b y opposition t o licensin g and traffi c regulation s i n 189 7 an d 1917 , an d foreig n polic e abus e i n 191 1 (Chesneaux 1968 ; Shen 1991) . In British-ruled Singapore , ther e were owner - led strikes and riot s against licensing regulations, owne r liabilit y fo r breache s of traffic rule s and court penalties, in 1897 , 1901 and 190 3 respectively (Warre n 1986, 85, 105-12). In Hong Kong, the onl y explicit case s o f anti-governmen t owner actio n wer e in 192 8 and 194 6 about off-stree t parkin g and mandator y re-registration.1 Th e colonia l state , a s a recipient o f hostility fro m disparat e sections o f the population, inadvertently promoted a "rainbow" coalition in the form o f petitions, strikes, or boycotts o f a crippling kind .

1. Se e Wah Tsz Yat Po, July 20, 1928, for the owners' request fo r spac e wherein thei r rickshaws could be parked off-stree t a t night and taken out in the morning. Se e Hwa Shiang Pao, September 20, 1946, for a description o f the owners' request for additional rickshaw licenses. 174 RELUCTANT HEROE S

Formerly, Hong Kong was a British crown colony where th e foreig n sectio n of th e populatio n wa s accorde d specia l privileges . Yet , th e influenc e o f homegrown force s canno t b e underestimated . Indeed , th e cultura l an d institutional influence s wer e overwhelmingl y Chines e an d deepl y roote d i n Chinese historical reality . Taking the rickshaw trad e a s an example, we see tha t it operated fo r decades solely and characteristically with Chinese capital, Chines e labor, an d Chines e management. A t no tim e was ther e a rickshaw firm , eithe r directly o r indirectly, owned o r capitalize d by Westerners, either with a view t o obtaining financ e o r a market fo r th e trade . Presumably , foreig n investor s fa r outstripped thei r Chinese counterparts in areas where they could expect to secure for themselve s some competitive advantages, such as access to overseas market s or technological information. I n any case, even if they invested in Chinese trades, they hardly became directly involved in actual transactions and partook o f profit s and, rather , woul d hav e ha d t o rel y o n thei r nativ e intermediarie s suc h a s compradors. A n editoria l commen t o f a Hong Kon g daily , a s earl y a s 1926 , i s worthy o f ou r attention :

The lyin g charg e i s frequently mad e tha t foreigner s exploi t Chines e labour. I n actua l fact , th e employee s o f foreigner s enjo y condition s that ar e comparativel y princely . Th e contrast s ca n b e observe d i n Hong-kong. A foreigner's housebo y earn s about $2 5 per month, plu s squeeze. Hi s fello w i n Chines e emplo y i s lucky i f he get s $1 0 pe r month. Th e sam e contrast s ar e t o be see n i n commercia l concerns , banks, etc . (South China Morning Post December 11 , 1926)

There i s n o doub t a n elemen t o f trut h i n thi s observation , thoug h anythin g close t o a conclusive statemen t o f the ful l pictur e would hav e t o await furthe r research. I n a cit y a s varied a s Hong Kong , wher e th e ga p betwee n th e labo r aristocracy and th e lowest element s o f the job marke t coul d be a s great a s tha t between Chines e an d Europeans , on e mus t b e circumspec t whe n makin g generalizations. However, it appears justifiable t o say that members o f the foreig n mercantile communit y wer e no t th e onl y capitalist s who mad e mone y ou t o f misfortune. I f they did so, their Chines e counterparts coul d be just a s ghoulish , taking unfai r advantag e o f thei r privileg e t o pay themselve s a s much a s the y could ge t awa y with . The largel y missionary-led effort s inten t o n improving th e lot o f the Hon g Kong puller s i n th e lat e 1920 s an d 1930 s seeme d mino r compare d wit h th e mounting magnitud e o f the problem. Bisho p Valtort a and a few clerg y pumpe d much ai d into poverty-alleviation works, finding onl y later that they could neve r mean mor e tha n a partial solutio n t o th e problem s o f th e ricksha w trade . I n Shanghai, too , th e Municipa l Council' s attempt s t o produce comfortabl e an d clean rickshaw s wit h contente d coolie s wer e stoutl y an d successfull y resiste d CONCLUSION 175 by the owners an d intermediarie s wit h Gree n Gan g connections (Wrigh t 1991 , 76-111; Rou x 1993 , 86-98). And i n Tianjin , existin g literatur e reveal s neithe r government refor m initiative s no r pullers ' protest s agains t polic e o r owne r abuses, unfortunatel y becaus e o f powerful gangste r contro l (Hershatte r 1986 , 130). From another area , but als o relevant, studie s o f mobilization hav e show n that th e stat e alway s make s it s choice s about , i f not between , toleranc e an d repression:

Governments respon d selectivel y t o differen t sort s o f groups, and t o different sort s o f actions . Sometime s th e discrimination s ar e fin e indeed: th e sam e governmen t whic h smile s o n churc h service s bringing togethe r a thousand peopl e assembled t o pray fo r salvatio n shoots withou t hesitatio n int o a crow d o f a thousan d worker s assembled t o pray fo r justice. (Till y 1978 , 106 )

Although th e colonia l official s i n Hon g Kong , an d thos e a t Home , ha d th e resources an d determinatio n t o curtai l th e buyin g an d sellin g o f mui-tsai (indentured girls ) fo r prostitutio n an d othe r vices , they did not a s yet have th e same degree o f interest in applying the same policy concern t o rickshaw reforms . In thi s way , they did not play an otherwis e potentially more positive role. Thu s it i s not a n over-statemen t t o clai m tha t ricksha w refor m initiative s crumble d not because ther e was to o much foreig n influenc e bu t i n part perhaps becaus e there was not enoug h o f it . During the period in question, the form o f pullers' protests taken depende d very largely on the circumstance pertaining t o the regional milieu , varying wit h time and place . Although Hong Kon g was sensitive to the trammels o f Chines e politics an d no t unproductiv e o f communit y conflicts , i t wa s i n n o wa y a s politically turbulent a s Canton. From the early to mid-1920s, the Canton puller s not only followed th e general pattern o f the civi c strife but als o played an activ e and centrall y important rol e a s the vanguard o f a Communist insurgency . The y reached th e extrem e o f radical actio n i n a frontal attac k o n polic e stations , o n a scal e neve r befor e seen , ou t o f reveng e fo r th e abuse s t o whic h the y wer e vulnerable. In contrast, in Italy, Germany, and France, the mobilization o f ne w emigres durin g th e rebelliou s centur y o f 1830-193 0 wa s rendere d extremel y difficult b y the absenc e o f communication, organization , an d leadership :

There i s n o tendenc y fo r recen t migrant s t o Italian , German , an d French citie s t o becom e exceptionall y involve d i n movement s o f protest o r in collectiv e violence; on the contrary, we have some smal l indications o f thei r underinvolvement . . . . Communication , organization, an d leadership tak e a long tim e t o build up. (Charles , Louise, and Richar d Till y 1975 , 269 ) 176 RELUCTANT HEROE S

In earl y republican Canton , th e pullers wh o ha d com e directl y fro m th e rura l villages might be predicted, a t first glance, to be the less likely to get immediatel y involved i n an y significan t movemen t o f collectiv e protest . Th e initial , albei t important, wor k t o ameliorat e th e pullers ' miser y wa s no t starte d b y th e Communists, th e Nationalists , o r an y othe r politica l group , bu t b y foreig n Shameenese and missionaries who made it their business to minister to the poor . Indeed, th e puller s o f rura l origin s wer e notabl y fre e o f outsid e politica l leadership up t o the May Fourth period. Shortl y thereafter , however , th e puller s became th e mainsta y an d flagshi p segmen t o f th e urba n movemen t an d repeatedly stood up to the police and politicians o f the Guomindang and warlor d governments wh o use d t o pus h the m aroun d — action s beyon d ou r wildes t imagination. Pu t differently , th e pullers had , durin g th e earl y and mid-1920s , achieved wha t fe w though t possible . A plausible explanatio n o f th e Canto n phenomenon i s certainl y calle d for . Throughout thi s enquiry , on e ha s bee n especiall y struc k b y th e rol e o f historic tie s o f dialec t an d cla n grouping s i n reducin g th e atomizin g effect s o f rural-urban migratio n an d facilitatin g th e formatio n o f ne w organizationa l nexuses. Residentia l proximity , cla n assistanc e i n job search , and othe r aspect s of urban assimilatio n accentuate d th e eas e o f communication an d organizatio n among th e rura l in-migrant s wh o wer e otherwis e tota l strangers . I t was thes e supportive network s o f kin/quasi-kin persona l connection s tha t many declasse emigres foun d themselve s lacking . Th e Communist s supplie d th e kin d o f leadership th e pullers needed tha t would enhanc e thei r capabilit y t o make a n impressive involvemen t i n th e politica l process. Blesse d a s they were with th e right condition s fo r radica l mas s action , th e Sout h Chin a emigres skippe d th e stage o f takin g a lon g tim e t o embrac e collectiv e actio n o f a partisa n an d revolutionary nature. In a synthesis o f mobilization models, Anthony Oberschal l takes note o f the possibility tha t a conflict grou p escape s th e cos t o f starting a t "zero mobilization" :

Groups ma y alread y b e organize d i n suc h a way tha t substantia l amounts o f individua l resource s ar e routinel y allocate d throug h existing associations and leadership for group ends. As the opportunit y arises, existing leadership and organization s ca n then rapidly commi t mobilized resources t o new group goals, and ca n expand th e reach o f their mobilizing effort at low costs by making use of existing networks among group members. (Oberschal l 1993 , 58)

The empirica l materia l tha t I have gathered i n my researc h bears testimon y t o the existin g leadershi p an d organizatio n amon g th e Canto n pullers , whos e political showin g i n th e earl y t o mid-1920s certainl y di d not begi n fro m "zer o mobilization." Thei r earl y socialization i n th e metaphorical notion s o f kinshi p CONCLUSION 177 and common dialect/homeplace origin, well entrenched prior to their migration to the city , served t o reinforce communa l cohesio n s o effectively . Indeed , wer e it no t fo r thes e traditiona l securit y nets , whic h th e Communis t activist s consciously utilized, th e pullers' political action would probably not have had such rapi d results . I t i s almos t certai n tha t th e pullers ' militan t actio n an d belligerent mood , i f not give n a political coherenc y an d strategy , would hav e been o f limited character ; conversely , it could be developed into direc t actio n breaking into ope n rebellion . A bottom-up perspectiv e leads one to remedy th e interpretative imbalanc e arising from th e top-down approaches to the study o f the Canton Insurrection , which hav e centere d o n th e notion s o f "proletaria n hegemony " an d "leftis t putchism." I n short , on e mus t loo k t o th e fabri c o f everyda y lif e fo r a n understanding o f th e pullers' political involvement. I t was the show o f ange r against buses an d police , apart fro m th e success o f an organizin g elit e per se, which gav e force t o their dormant inclination t o riot. Although stree t conflict s formed an indispensable precondition o f revolutionary movement, the latter was not a natural outcom e o f the forme r but rather require d fo r it s emergence th e impulse o f labor organizers . This observation doe s not mean t o deprecate th e Party's ability t o mobilize; rather th e opposite. It is suggested tha t th e pullers' heavy involvemen t i n th e Canto n Insurrectio n wa s du e t o th e Party' s organizational prowes s fo r over t protests. It is only with thes e consideration s in mind tha t th e political emergenc e o f the pullers, which a t first sigh t seem s puzzling, ca n make sense. Viewed from this perspective, it comes as no surprise that the pullers became an element t o be reckoned with i n the urban revolutionar y movemen t befor e they coul d b e included i n th e categor y o f industrial proletariat . Althoug h i n most instances they were unskilled and less formally organized than many other social types , they demonstrated tim e and again that they , too, were capable o f collective action and making the public and even the state an unwilling victim. "Still," i t ha s bee n said , "th e backbon e o f committe d constituent s fo r th e revolutionary labo r movemen t remaine d th e more favore d worker s — white- collar employee s an d factor y artisan s in particular" (Perr y 1993 , 129). One is tempted t o say , however, tha t this diagnostic statement reveal s at most a half- truth. The Canton pullers, although predominantly illiterate and downtrodden , were b y n o mean s poo r materia l fo r radica l action . I n Sout h China , wher e modern factorie s wer e relativel y fe w i n number an d various form s o f heav y manual labo r wer e a way o f lif e i n public places , others wh o worke d o n th e street ar e certain t o attract more attention i n th e future . The republican ricksha w activis m generall y increase d wit h th e post-Ma y Fourth enlargemen t o f th e ne w civi c politics, an d ultimatel y thes e extrem e actions were in significant part a product o f the new claimants to power directing 178 RELUCTANT HEROE S the urban masses in a manner t o enhance their position and influence. I n both Canton an d Beijing, fo r instance, we see the most radical actions takin g place in 192 7 an d 192 9 respectively : a communist-led arme d insurrectio n an d a tramcar-wrecking riot premeditated b y union activist s (Stran d 1989 , 239-83). In Shanghai , i n 192 7 a rickshaw union wa s forme d i n conjunctio n wit h th e leftist GM D liberation o f the Chines e sector; yet as the rightists subsequentl y utilized th e gangste r underworl d t o clam p dow n o n organize d labor , th e rickshaw union wa s quickl y dissolve d (L i 1997 , 21-7). Th e iron y was mad e even more bitter as the pullers were faced with the choice of obtaining situational gains an d renderin g themselve s vulnerabl e t o politica l repressio n a t variou s intervals. And thi s furthe r suggest s tha t th e titl e o f this book is , i f anything , more relevant tha n ever . Post-1927 Canton experienced a different situation . Politically, the new civic leaders who had directed th e masses to usurp powe r fro m th e ruling element s went out th e window followin g th e Nationalist accessio n t o state power. Th e more stringen t labo r legislatio n an d socia l contro l withi n Chines e society , together with the spread o f motor traffi c an d the endless supply of surplus labor, engendered the pullers' increased vulnerability in relation to the state, the bosses, and the brokers. Although the Canton pullers' grievances against falling incom e and living standards never disappeared, during the 1930s , the GM D authorities tried to co-opt or channel tensions through state-sponsored unionism and advise the rickshaw union on how it should develop . The impulse towards unionism came not fro m organize d labor but rather fro m th e "interference " o f meddling politicians an d bureaucrats who sa w the need t o end socia l unrest an d gav e priority to class reconciliation. In Hong Kong, where the colonial state remained true t o a laissez-faire traditio n i n it s socia l policy , suc h partia l stat e accommodation simpl y did not occur . In leaving little space for the public sphere, the GMD authorities determined two trends of development in a way detrimental to all vestiges of civil autonomy. First, a s a general rule, independent voluntar y organization s an d th e privat e sector los t much o f their clou t in domestic politics. The rightists' attempts t o eliminate dissent , mad e possibl e b y th e resurgenc e o f stat e power , le d t o a downgrading o f the adversarial role o f the trade union and its manipulation a s a tool fo r keeping order within th e social system. The rickshaw union forme d in Canto n in 1936 , patronized b y government-picked representative s fro m th e Labor Training Bureau and scrutinized by the Canton branch o f the GMD, served as the embodimen t o f an officia l concer n fo r social-politica l stability . I t wa s designed as an obedient instrument the government needed to direct the pullers' grievances toward the "righ t path." It would be too much t o expect this quasi- governmental unio n t o push th e state t o change policies, and union activis m certainly was no automatic panace a fo r th e problems inherent i n the trade. CONCLUSION 179

Second, a t a more genera l level , this study points ou t th e need fo r stat e intervention in any type of significant socia l reform. In this light, we can perhaps see why the long-awaited rickshaw ownership scheme ended in failure. Financial and political limitations made impossible the implementation o f reforms i n any radical manner. The rickshaw union forme d i n Canton in 193 6 was actually at best quasi-autonomous, although at times it showed an inclination towards the autonomous articulatio n o f pullers' interests. Th e union wa s an intention o f the state , it s effectivenes s lef t t o th e goodwil l o f th e part y an d governmen t agencies o f the Nationalist authorities . Although i t might be a way o f givin g advice to the ruling class, it was impaired as a means of mobilization antipathetic to government decision and policy. Unless the initiative and full cooperation o f the bureaucratic stat e was assured, ricksha w reform s wer e doomed t o failure . Eventually, th e progress o f reforms aime d a t helping th e pullers t o get out o f poverty was cut short by the war o f resistance agains t Japan. Once we accept that social reforms becam e enmeshed with and predicate d upon th e intervention, o r the lack thereof, o f the state machinery, th e demis e of the Canto n ricksha w becomes more understandable. A s we saw in chapte r 10, the pullers were not only victimized by transport technolog y but als o were a target o f rhetorical denunciation. The imposition o f state corporatism durin g the second hal f o r s o o f the 1940 s involved th e replacement o f rickshaws b y pedicabs. This deliberately eliminate d rickshaws, which otherwis e coul d hav e lingered on , operatin g a lower rat e tha n pedicab s becaus e th e capital cos t o f manufacturing th e rickshaws had already been amortized. Another turning point came with the establishment o f the People's Republic, which displayed a degree of state intrusion int o everyda y lif e never before seen . Now that th e ricksha w was stigmatized a s an epitome o f capitalist exploitation o f the treaty-por t era , the rickshaw rapidly passed out o f existence in th e 1950s , and with it a long- forgotten occupationa l category . Index

Aberdeen, 2 6 Ball, James Dyer , 10 , 37 Agrarian crisis , 96 Bang H f (gang) , 60- 1 Alcohol, 17 , 25, 44, 97n l Bank o f Canton , 10 7 Amahs, 2 3 Baojia $: ¥ (mutua l securit y system) , Anarchism an d anarchists , 78 , 95 70 Anguijin firffifjfe (cas h deposit), 19 , Beggars 124, 145-8 , 150 , 16 2 in Canton , 64 , 8 9 Animals, cruelty to , 11 5 in Hong Kong , 11 8 Anle %M, 10 0 Beijing (Peking ) 3tM, xiv , 77-8, 95, Anti-Mui Tsa i Society (Fandu i xubihu i 178 &U***#), 11 5 Bergere, Marie-Claire, 16 7 Anton Street , 12 2 Billingsley, Phil , 17 2 Arrests Blackouts, 130 , 133- 4 of Communists, 85 , 89, 9 1 Boat or sampan dweller s of pedicab owner , 14 0 in Canton , 62 , 64-5, 68-9, 7 6 of rickshaw passenger , 2 5 in Hong Kong , xiv, 10 , 21, 38, 43, of rickshaw pullers , 21, 41, 45, 47, 54 51, 71 , 75, 14 0 Bonham Strand , 12 , 1 7 of suspected politica l exiles , 11 3 Border control , 9, 13 0 Arsenal Street , 2 4 Bowrington Canal , 2 4 Artisans, xiv , 62, 17 7 Boycotts Assassination, 8 9 anti-American, 46-7, 54-5, 6 8 Assault. See Intimidation; Kidnapping ; anti-British, 52-3, 113- 4 Violence anti-French, 43-4, 54 , 12 6 Association o f Ricksha Workers o f (See also Protests ) Hong Kon g (Xianggan g renlich e Brewin, Arthur Wimbolt, 48- 9 zonggonghui ^tAA^ittX Bribery. See Corruptio n #), 18 , 146-8, 151- 4 British an d Foreig n Bibl e Society , 8 0 Association o f Workers, Peasants, an d British Malaya, 11 6 Soldiers (Gongnongbin g Brothels, 17 , 26, 39, 7 5 banshichu liftifl), 9 0 Brotherhood, sens e of , 31 , 35, 17 2 Automobile. See Motor ca r Bubonic plague, 9, 1 4 Burial expenses, 16 , 61, 87 Badeley, Francis Joseph, 4 9 Burkwall, Rev d H. O . T., 79-8 0 Baker, Kennet h Alan , 152- 3 Burma, 13 0 202 INDEX

Bus, 12-3 , 17 , 23, 62, 63p, 65-8, 73, Canton merchants , 67-70, 83-4, 82, 85, 87-8, 93, 96, 105 , 165-6 130-1, 133 , 144 , 150 , 167 , 17 7 Canton Road , 12 , 13 1 Butters, Henry Robert , 114 , 12 3 Cantonese Buzhumi Mfifj ^ (relie f ric e ration), dialect of , 10 , 60, 12 4 164 employment an d occupation , 10-1, 62 C. C . Clique , 16 8 host society , 35, 62, 7 5 Cadet officer , 114 , 12 4 movie, 12 3 Cai Fangong HflMfc , 10 1 rickshaw owners , 14 4 Caine Road , 11 7 slangs, 30, 11 5 Cangue, 4 0 teahouses, 84- 5 Canton (Guangzhou ) S.JM traits in character , 10-1 , 18, 67, 7 7 alleyways in, 59, 64, 10 6 Cargo coolies , 11 , 17, 37-8, 60- 1 ancient wall s in, 62- 4 Castaneda, Abelardo , 4 1 boat o r sampan dweller s in , 62 , Causeway Bay , 2 6 64-5, 68-9 , 7 6 Censorship o f the press, 16 2 comparison o f Hong Kon g with, 4 , Central Market , 2 4 37, 92 , 172 , 175 , 17 8 Chan Ch i Ton g (Che n Jitang) S^jt , mayors, 68, 72, 81, 99-100, 108 , 99 166, 16 8 Chan Li m Pak (Che n Lianbo ) RMS , migrants fro m outside , 59-62, 65, 83-4 96, 129 , 16 0 Chan Ton g (Chentang) ftliS, 7 5 missionary activitie s in, 78-80 , 17 6 Chang Fa h Kwe i (Zhan g Fakui) 3fj?jt ' and neighborin g districts/towns , ^, 15 9 xiv, 5 9 Changsha -§$> , 9 0 as revolutionary base , 4, 71, 77-8 Chaozhou. Se e Chiucho w Sun Ya t Sen in, 4, 69, 78, 84, 8 9 Chaozhou bay i huiguan Si#| AS#I& as treaty port, 4 , 6 8 (Swatow Guil d Hall) , 6 1 Canton Bun d (Zhangd i H^i), 65n l Chap Yi n Stevedores Union (Jixia n Canton Chambe r o f Commerc e qiluohuo gonghu i MK&^M^Tl (Guangzhou zongshanghu i MJM #), 6 1 «Si8f#), 69-70 , 10 7 Chartered Ban k o f India, Australia an d Canton Cit y Union Evangelisti c China, 3 8 Association, 7 9 Chau l u Tin g (Zho u Yaoting ) MMU, Canton-Hong Kon g Strik e (1925-26) , 12 52-3, 70,91 , 11 3 Chauvin, Hecto r Frederi c George , 15 5 Canton Insurrectio n (1927 ) Chazi 5K8 t ("tea-money") , 148 , 16 2 failure of , 86n2 , 90- 1 Chefu anjisuo $ft$^0f (ricksha w historiography of , 91 , 17 7 pullers' hostels), 10 0 popular characte r of , 90-1 , 177- 8 Chefu youqiche $ft^f S$ (ricksha w repression of , 90- 1 ownership scheme) , 101 , 106, rickshaw pullers ' role in, 2 , 78, 179 90-2 Chefuguan $ftff (ricksha w pullers ' as watershed i n Canto n history , lodging houses), 6 1 102 Chen Chiun g Min g (Che n Jiongming) Canton-Kowloon Railway , 6 4 BfcHW, 77-8 , 8 4 INDEX 203

Chen Duxi u WM^, 82 , 8 4 Chinese Nationalis t Party . Se e Chen Kun g P o (Che n Gongbo ) W^ Guomindang W, 10 3 Chinese Representativ e Counci l Chen Sh u WM, 8 6 (Huamin daibiaohu i ^Rft S Chen Yannian R®¥, 84- 5 #), 136 , 13 8 Chen Yousheng Efe££ , 8 5 Chinese Seamen' s Union, 50 , 113 , 14 3 Chen Zhu o HC^ , 14 0 Chiuchow (Chaozhou ) fSJt l Chengdu J&fP , 11 6 celebration o f Y u Lan Festival, 1 8 Chesneaux, Jean, 43, 17 3 dialect, 10 , 18 , 32-5, 60-1, 86, 9 8 Chetou $£B ("carriag e chiefs"), 1 2 employment an d occupation , 10-1, Cheung Tso h Ke i (Zhan g Zuoji ) 13-4, 17-9 , 32- 5 3ft^K, 78-8 0 funds fo r relie f o f victims in, 1 8 Cheung Yi m Sze (Zhan g Yanshi ) migrants from , 10-1 , 13-4, 17- 9 3SJSK, 1 2 rickshaw pullers from , 15 , 17-9, Cheung Yue n Fung (Zhan g Yuanfeng ) 32-5, 48, 61, 86, 98n2, 145- 6 W&&, 9 9 secret societies, 3 0 Chezai gonghui ifLf f X'H* (ricksha w Chiuchow Ho n (Chaozho u xiang ) union), 8 0 \mm, 1 7 Chezaiguan ^ff If f (ricksha w pullers ' Chiuon (Chao'an ) M%, 98n 2 hostel), 1 2 Chiushan (Chaoshan ) $8fill , 1 0 Chi dantiaofan ffeH^tK . (eatin g onl y Chiuyeung (Chaoyang ) tUBI , 1 8 one meal per day) , 9 8 Choa Sh i Shiang (Zho u Shuxuan ) Chiang Ka i Shek (Jian g Jieshi) IfefhS , mm, 14 5 89, 10 5 Chongqing SlB, 16 5 Chikeng ^X, 6 0 Chop-suey, 32 , 9 8 China Moto r Bu s Co . Ltd., 1 3 Chou Shouso n (Zho u Shouchen ) Chinese Carg o Junk Owners ' an d ffl#E, 11 7 Employees' Association, 5 0 Chu Fa t Ya t (Zhu Huiri ) TM ¥ H , 90 Chinese Communis t Party , 78, 82-4, Chuanbo qishui jt q $&§?!& (boa t dee d 89-93, 17 0 tax), 6 9 (See also Communists ) Chukiang Lan e (Zhujian g Lane ) Chinese i n Hong Kon g airm, 8 3 colonial views of , 5 , 37-41, 53-4 , Chung Mow Fung (Zhon g Maofeng ) 173 ilJKIi. See Mowfung , community leaders , 12-3 , 19 , 38, Frederick Charle s 48, 14 8 Chungshan (Zhongshan ) tf* ill, viii, composition of , 9-11 , 21 60 everyday lif e of , xiii-xiv , 11 , 14-8, Civil Affairs Departmen t (Minzhengb u 19-20, 21-36 , 38-4 2 KDfcSP), 131-2 , 135-6 , 138- 9 housing condition s of , 14- 6 City landscap e population, 9 , 118 , 139 , 17 1 cognitive mapping, 26-7, 36, 6 1 segregation fro m Europea n as contested space , 3, 5, 21, 23-36, community, 4 1 60-2 (See also Hong Kong ) landmarks in , 26 , 6 4 Chinese Labo r Union La w (1929) , 10 3 City o f Victoria, 16 , 23, 39, 45-6 Chinese Literar y Renaissance , 9 5 Class Chinese Mechanics' Union, 4 7 consciousness, 47-8, 52, 93 204 INDEX

ethnicity and , 19-20 , 47-8, 93, Deane, Walter Meredith , 4 2 144, 156 , 17 2 Department o f Workers an d Peasant s power relation s and , 3, 104 , 17 8 (Nonggongting HXS), 83 , problem o f traditional approache s 88-9 to, 4, 17 3 Der A Wing & Co. , 13n 2 (See also Identity; Proletariat ) Des Voeu x Road, 17 , 31, 47 Clay, Nikolai, 4 4 Dialect. See Cantonese; Chiuchow ; Clay Pigeon Shootin g Club , 13n 2 Hakka; Hokl o Coble, Parks M. , Jr., 68n 2 Dichotomous mode l o f society, 17 3 Collective action . See Mobilization ; Difang zhuyi i&^ f ±H (localism) , 8 6 Protests Dingshoufei IH^S ("carrying-o n Colonial Office , 115 , 12 7 fee"), 15 5 Commander o f the British Empir e Dipi J&^ r ("loca l roughs"), 16 3 (CBE), 1 3 District Bureaux , 137- 8 Communists Dock laborers , 21, 43, 60 activities in Hong Kong , 53, 86n2, 113, 143-5 , 155 , 15 7 East Bund (Dongd i JK^I) , 61, 83, 99, persecution of , 89-90 , 113-4 , 143 - 164 4, 155 , 15 7 East Parade Grounds , 7 9 post-1949 urba n reforms , 168-70 , East Rive r area , 60, 84, 122 , 15 5 179 East Rive r Guerrill a Forc e (Dongjian g rickshaw puller s and , 53, 82-93, zongdui MKfflB), 15 5 168-70, 175- 9 Eitel, Ernest John, 4 1 (See also Chinese Communis t Elgin Street , 2 6 Party; Guomindang ) Emergency Regulation s Ordinanc e Compradors, 14 , 83, 17 4 (1927), 11 4 Connaught Road , 27p , 34 p Emigration, throug h Hon g Kong , 1 2 Conquered Territor y o f Hongkon g Erliguan Xjgft, 8 5 (Xianggang zhanlingdi WSfe^J l Erlu tongjia H^^M ("sub-hosts") , Jft), 13 0 12 Conscription, 71-3 , 107- 8 Ethnicity. See Class; Dialect; Identity ; Corruption Native plac e in Canton , 75 , 167- 8 Executive Council , 1 3 in Hong Kong , 3 0 Craigengower Cricke t Club , 13n 2 Fandongfenzi KlS&fiH P ("reactionar y Credit-ticket system , 1 3 elements"), 8 7 Criminal justice. See Magistrary; Fang Sho u ^filP , 12 2 Punishments Fantan HH, 3 1 Crow, Carl , 2 6 Fatshan (Foshan ) ffijLl, viii , 60, 16 6 Cumshaw ("gratefu l thanks") , 2 5 Feng Nan 8§|% , 86 Feng Zhuoxuan 3§#?jfi , 167- 8 Dangzhengjun lianxi huiyi MMCW^l^ Fewsmith, Joseph, 16 7 Hfm (join t meetin g o f civilian - Finance Burea u (Caizhengj u MSM) , party-military government) , 10 7 64, 68, 88, 96, 10 9 Dapaidang ^Cltf ^ (cooke d foo d Fire Brigade Station, 2 4 stalls), 3 2 First Street , 14 5 De Y i Tang tlSS ("Unio n o f Virtue Fokis #Cf E (employees) , 2 1 and Righteousness") , 8 0 INDEX 205

Fong Ta i Yeung (Fan g Taiyang ) repressive, 70 , 71-3, 89-90, 102 , -ffXm, 15 2 113-4, 143- 4 155-7 , 17 8 Food Government Civi l Hospital, 3 1 costs of , 47 , 115-6 , 121-3 , 132 , Grassroots o f society , xiii-xiv , 91, 135-8, 141 , 149, 161-2, 16 4 172-3 income spent on , 16 , 47 (See also Petty urbanites ) rationing, 134-5 , 137 , 16 4 Green Gang , in Shanghai , 17 5 of rickshaw pullers an d thei r Gresson Street , 14 5 preparation, 14 , 32-3, 98 Guangdong. See Kwangtun g supplies, 129 , 134-8, 141 , 160, Guangdong Academ y o f Law an d 164 Political Scienc e (BM^yLfe^L Forster, Lancelot , 96 , *ra*«), 8 2 France, 118 , 17 5 Guangdongsheng canyihu i JllJ^it Jl-til French, 43-4, 54, 78, 118 , 126 , 17 5 H~ (Kwangtung Provincia l Fu'an ta$:, 10 0 Assembly), 10 1 Fujian. See Hokkie n Guangdongsheng hezu o shiy e Fuli xiezuoshe tef !]t&f^ ± ("mutual - weiyuanhui SiJlitlEr{^(lH H aid welfare society") , 8 3 JiH* (Kwangtun g Provincia l Fumu ijiS (hea d coolies) , 12 , 10 4 Commission fo r th e Promotio n Fung Cheu k Ma n (Fen g Zhuwan ) of Cooperative Affairs) , 10 1 mum, 8 9 Guangdongsheng zhengzh i yanjiuhu i Fuyi ftS (cooli e carriers) , 71, 72p jingjizu U^m&M%^MM ffi. (Economic Branc h o f th e Gambling Kwangtung Researc h Institut e disputes over , 3 1 for Politica l Studies), 101 , 10 5 a failur e o f character , 11 7 Guangzhou. See Canto n in rickshaw pullers' hostels, 8 8 Guangzhou shif u canshish i jfl^tlTffJ ^ on the street, 3 1 JH^S (Canto n Municipa l Gangjiu renlich e gongtua n weiyuanhu i Advisory Council) , 10 1 «XAA^XHS*# Guangzhou shizhen g weiyuanhui H e JM (Committee o f Rickshaw Labo r fl: J$t3IJi11 t (Canto n Municipa l in Hong Kon g and Kowloon) , Administrative Council) , 10 1 152-3, 15 6 Guangzhou shouchef u gonghu i MJM Gaojilai IRJ3§0|€ , 16 3 ^$^X# (Canto n Ricksha w Gao Xi n ifiifff , 16 8 Pullers'Union), 85-8, 9 2 Gendarmerie Headquarter s Guangzhoushi canyihu i MJM^^-mit (Xianbingdui benbu ft^W^f (Canton Municipa l Affair s SP), 131 , 137, 139-4 0 Council), 100 , 106 , 16 6 General Labou r Associatio n o f Hon g Guangzhoushi renl i shoucheye zhiy e Kong (Ki u Kon g Kung Tu n gonghui BjmAjj^mwtM Tsung Ui fHISt), 11 3 X# (Canto n Hand-Ricksha w General Pos t Office , 27 p Trade Union), 162-6 , 16 9 Germany, 17 5 Guangzhoushi shouch e zhiy e gonghu i Goble, Jonathan, 1 KWTfr^¥«Hl# (Canto n Government Rickshaw Trad e Union), 102-9 , permissive, 4, 78, 80-1, 103-4, 178-9 156-7 206 INDEX

Guangzhoushi zonggonghu i JfOlflLil l Hoifung (Haifeng ) 7$lt . See Hoi-Luk - X# (Federatio n o f Canto n Fung Laborers), 16 2 Hokkien (Fujian ) ffiH, 10 , 43, 60 Guilds Hoi Luk Fun g Schoo l (Hailufen g absence of , 43n 3 xuexiao «SII¥K), 14 5 anti-Christian an d Bolshevist , 11 7 Hoi-Luk-Fung (Hailufeng ) fftgtl l composition of , 5 9 emigration pressure s of , 1 0 labor strike s and, 47, 49-51, 5 4 peasant movement s in , 53, 83, 90 membership of , 11 4 rickshaw puller s from , 32-5 , 48, opposition t o taxe s by, 6 9 53, 61, 83, 86, 92, 122 , 15 5 Guomindang HSS (Chines e sedan chai r bearers from , 3 5 Nationalist Party ) Hoklo (Fulao ) ffifg alliance with CCP , 78, 83- 4 dialect and origins , 1 0 break wit h CCP , 89, 17 8 employment an d occupation , 34- 5 Canton branch of , 103-5 , 162 , (See also Hoi-Luk-Fung ) 168, 17 8 Hometown visits , 9, 121 , 15 2 factionalism within , 89 , 16 8 Honam (Henan ) MS, viii , 65p, 66, labor movement and , 4, 78 , 83-4, 71-2, 84 , 9 0 89-91, 102-4 , 161-3 , 178- 9 Honghuagang StfEjaj } (Re d Flowe r Hill), 8 9 Haifeng gonghu i ^M^# (Hoifun g Hong Kon g Hometown Association) , 6 1 as asylum fo r politica l exiles , 86n2, Hailiushe $|$K% t (Se a Curren t 113 Society), 15 5 census and registration , 9 , 25, 35, Haiphong (Haifang ) J$$j , 13 , 35 37-8, 40- 1 Haiphong Road , 1 8 colonial situation of , 4-5, 37-52, Hakka (Kejia ) ^gC , 1 0 173 Haozai wu dangchai tf ff Ppllrl t (goo d Communist activitie s in, 53, 86n2, boys d o not wear polic e 113, 143-5 , 155,15 7 uniforms), 7 3 comparison o f Canto n with, 4, 37, Happy Valley , 26, 45, 13 4 92, 172 , 175 , 17 8 Harlech Road , 2 5 as entrepot, 4 , 17 , 11 3 Hawkers, 2 , 23, 36-7, 42, 75, 127n 4 migrants fro m outside , 9-11, 13-5, Hawkins, Brian Charle s Keith , 124 , 40-1, 86n2 , 113 , 121, 126, 17 2 153 missionary activitie s in, 115 , 117 - He Yan g fa#, 8 6 8, 127 , 17 4 Heaven an d Eart h Society , 17 2 (See also Chinese i n Hong Kong ) Hee Wong Terrac e (He i Wong Toi) , Hong Kon g and Kowloo n Ricksh a 86n2 Pullers' Union (Xianggan g Heigou H^ J ("blac k dogs"), 7 5 Jiulong shouche gonghu i Hf S Hennessy Road , 30, 43, 14 0 Mi?-$X#), 145-7 , 149-54 , Hershatter, Gail , 17 5 157 High Street , 130 , 14 4 Hong Kon g and Kowloo n Waicho w Hill District Reservatio n Ordinanc e and Chiucho w Ricksh a Pullers ' (1904), 4 1 Union (Gangji u Huicha o Hillier Street , 22 p shouche gonghu i S^lSH^ ^ Ho Hong Bank, 2 5 X#), 145 , 154-5, 15 7 Ho Ka i (H e Qi ) fajgfc, 48 INDEX 207

Hong Kon g and Kowloo n Wharf, 13 , expressions of , 2 , 14-5 , 53, 60, 83, 17-8 86, 93, 122, 143 , 144-5, 171, Hong Kon g Chiucho w Chambe r o f 176 Commerce, 148 , 15 3 multifaceted, 15 , 20, 17 2 Hong Kon g Federation o f Trad e as strategy, 33, 17 1 Unions, 143 , 146n2, 15 5 at workplace, 10-1 , 13-4, 17-8 , Hong Kon g Ngan Clanspeople' s 32-6, 48 , 60-1, 98, 171-2, 17 6 Association (Xianggan g Yansh i Illegal Strikes and Lock-out s zongqin zonghu i ^SMR^S. Ordinance (1927) , 114 , 17 3 H#), 18- 9 Imperial Gendarmeri e Polic e Forc e Hong Kon g Ricksh a Coolies ' Mutua l (Huangjun jingbeidui :£¥lf fit Assistance Union (Qiaogan g W), 13 4 shouche gongre n huzhush e Imperialism mm^xAKm±), 145 , impact of , 43-4 , 52-3, 107-8, 151-2, 15 4 174-5 Hong Kon g Ricksha Trad e Employer s indigeneous force s and , 4-5, 17 4 (On-Hang) Associatio n nature of , 4nl, 5 (Xianggang renlich e anhen g International Labo r Day , 78 , 86, 11 4 shanghui #^AA¥^fff#) , International Settlement , 39 , 5 2 125, 144-5 6 Intimidation, 30 , 45, 114 , 16 3 Hong Kon g Seamen' s Union, 14 3 (See also Kidnapping; Violence ) Hong Kon g Shrine (Xianggan g Ip Tin g Fun (Y e Tingfen) M&^, 1 2 shenshe #Stt?±), 13 4 Isogai, Rensuke, 13 8 Hong Kon g Trad e Unions Council , Italy, 17 5 143, 145 , 146n 2 Hong Kon g Travel Association, 11 6 J. Gibb s & Co. , Importers, Exporter s Hongkong Club , 4 2 and Commissio n Merchants , 1 2 Hongkong Tramwa y Company , 46, 49, Japan, 1 , 99, 108 , 12 1 55 Japanese Horse carriages , 46, 132- 3 invasion o f Canton, 107-9 , 126 , Horse racing , 26 , 13 4 129 Housing occupation o f Hong Kong , 130-41 , income spent on , 2 , 14 , 47, 97-8, 153 121, 16 2 military yen, 131 , 134-8, 141 , 144, (See also Tenement house ) 153 Hu Hanch i tftWlfc, 8 0 use o f rickshaws by, 13 2 Hu Sh i iM IS, 9 5 Jardine, Matheson & Co. , 27n 2 Huang Zho u WM, 8 6 Jardine's Suga r Refinery , 1 3 Hufa Hfe (protec t th e constitution) , Jardine's Wharf, 4 9 77,89 Ji Y i Tang ftHS (Mutua l Benefit s Human beast s o f burden, 2 9 Guild), 10 4 Hunan, 6 9 Jiang Jieshi. See Chiang Ka i She k Jiaoyuhui SStWH * (educationa l Identity associations), 10 0 class and, 3-4, 19-20 , 47-8, 52, fingjuan ISfJ I ("polic e tax"), 6 8 93, 104 , 144 , 156 , 172-3, 17 8 Jingwuting WMM (Polic e ethnicity and, 9-20, 30-6, 60-2, Headquarters), 70- 1 86, 171- 3 Jordan Road , 140 , 15 2 208 INDEX

Jubilee Road , 2 6 Lachewei S$M ("pul l the tai l o f a Jubilee Street , 2 4 rickshaw"), 9 7 Judiciary. See Magistrary; Punishment s Lai Im Sz e (Li Yanshi) 3gi£R, 1 2 fulebu flr^oP ("recreatio n club") , 8 3 Laissez-faire, 4 , 17 8 Justices o f the Peace, 12- 3 Lam Ch u Heun g (Li n Zhuxiang ) #ft*, 15 5 Kam Hing Knittin g & Weavin g Land Communicatio n Departmen t Factory (^HHoSlt), 1 2 (Jiaotongbu 3efi^), 133 , 135, Kangdi tongzhihu i iftilStlH l ife# (Wa r 137-8 Comrades Association) , 10 8 Lao She ^#, 12 3 Kennedy Town , 17 , 46, 13 4 Laogong xunlianbu #Igll|^n P Ki Ling Lane, 1 2 (Labor Trainin g Bureau), 104 , Kidnapping, 71-3 , 115 , 16 0 108, 17 8 (See also Intimidation; Violence ) Laogong zhanshi gongzuotua n ^XJ H King's Building, 27 p P|X#H (Wartim e Labo r Kiu Kon g Sa u Ch e Kun g Ya n Wu Ch o Corps), 10 8 She M«¥$XA5:SM± Laozong ^5I K ("ol d folks") , 1 9 (Mutual Ai d Clu b o f Sojournin g Lashiche fiff^ ("trul y pull a Hong Kon g Ricksh a Coolies ) rickshaw"), 9 7 origins an d activitie s in 1939-41 , Lee Kau Ya n (Li Qiu'en) ^tJ§l, 11 5 121-7 Legislative Council , 13 , 38, 48, 114 , reregistered i n 1946 , 14 5 117 Kotewall, Robert , 11 7 Legros, Louis, 4 4 Kowkong (Jiujiang ) fhtL, vii i Lei Fuk La m (Li Fulin) ^?S#, 9 0 Kowloon City , 27 , 11 8 Lenin, Vladimir, 9 2 Kowloon Godow n Co. , 16- 9 Li Chai Sum (L i Jishen) ^WM, 8 9 Kowloon Residents ' Association, 2 9 Li Chor Chi , 2 5 Ku L i Kun Profi t (cooli e houses), 1 5 Li Heling ^HK, 10 8 Kuli budaohui i^jffcll # (Cooli e Li Huiquan ^JR||, 14 0 Laborers' Mission), 78-8 0 Lijiezhi^f;£, 10 8 Kung Hui XH* (labo r union), 12 1 Li Kwai, 3 2 Kung Ye e Medical Colleg e an d Li Laogong ^HX, 83-4 , 8 6 Hospital (Gongy i xuexiao ^l f Li Peiqun ^Wffi, 8 6 *«), 7 9 Li Po Lung Path, 86n 2 Kwangsi (Guangxi ) SH, 67-8 , 7 7 Li Shouzhu ^Ftfc, 8 6 Kwangtung (Guangdong ) jftjl l Li Zhongzhen $ftfi!, 10 1 emigration from , 5 9 Lianfa Pullers ' Hostel (IBf AJJ^ft floods in , 18 , 96, 146 , 16 0 It), 9 1 military, 69, 71-3, 77-8, 84, 89, Liang Jingquan ScUH, 8 0 105-6 Licensing Ordinanc e (1887) , 3 9 Kwong Hon Terrac e (Kwon g Hon Toi) , Lin Chan g #i, 16 5 26 Lin Musheng ##M8, 12 1 Kwong Wai Roa d JKi f j&, 8 5 Lin Qilun #fflfi% , 12 5 Kwongmoon (Jiangmen ) fllPI, viii , Lin Wunong #^M, 8 4 166 Lin Ye e Min (Li n Yimin ) #H!K, 10 6 Liu Che n Huan (Li u Zhenhuan ) Lache peiyuk Ji$lj£ # ("Humiliatio n f!]««, 84 of Rickshaw Pulling") , 12 3 INDEX 209

Liu Ch i Wen (Li u Jiwen) M&X, 99 - Migration 100, 10 8 effects o n receivin g community , 9 - Liu Chun g Ho i (Lia o Zhongkai ) 11, 59-60 , 76 , 96-7, 121 , 160, * ms, 8 3 172 Liu Shif u filWft , 9 5 employment and , 10-1 , 13-5, 17- Lodging house. See Tenement hous e 9, 60-1, 171- 2 Lower Albert Road , 13 1 increases in , 9 , 59-60, 96 , 121, Lu Dengying gH?l, 16 5 160 Lu Hanchao, xi v kin network s and , 2 , 11-2 , 13-4 , Lukfung (Lufeng ) PIS . See Hoi-Luk - 17-8, 60- 1 Fung reasons for , 9-10 , 59-60 , 86n2, 96 , Lung Cha i Kwon g (Lon g Jiguang) 121, 16 0 tmyt, 7 7 rural-urban, 59-60 , 75 , 96, 171, Lyons, Frederick William , 4 8 176 Militarists. See Warlords Ma Chak Ma n (M a Zemin ) J§?SrS , Military expense s an d supplies , 69, 148 71-3, 78 , 84, 106 , 14 0 Macao, 32, 146 , 15 2 Minsheng rS# i (People' s Livelihood) , MacEwen & Frickel' s Store , 2 4 100 Magazine Gap , 11 6 Mission t o Ricksha an d Chair-men , Magistrary 117-8 cases before, 25 , 27, 30, 38, 40, 44, Missionaries, 1 , 78-80, 115 , 117-8, 48-9 127, 174 , 17 6 criticism of , 5 0 Mobilization, 2 , 16 , 32-3, 76, 78, 83- (See also Punishments ) 9, 104-5, 113 , 162-4, 171- 9 Maichetou Jt^S C ("bu y th e head o f a (See also Protests ) rickshaw"), 9 7 Mongkok, 13 1 Man Fook Roa d Hffij& , 61 , 82 Moscow, 8 4 Mann, Susan , 68n 2 Motor ca r (i n Canton ) Mao Ts e Tung (Ma o Zedong ) &MJ^, competition wit h rickshaw , 65-7 , 169-70 150 Marco Pol o Incident, 107 , 129 , 17 3 seized b y th e Japanese, 13 0 Mark Ken t Chu n (Ma i Jianzeng) Motor ca r (i n Hong Kong ) #»§, 10 6 accidents, 28-9, 14 0 May Day. See International Labo r Da y advent of , 28 , 46 May Fourth Movement , 59 , 78, 92, 95, competition wit h rickshaw , 3, 28, 176-7 52, 118 , 15 0 May Road, 11 6 competition wit h seda n chair , 115 - McDouall, John Crichton , 144- 5 6 Mechanics, xiv, 47, 50, 14 3 Mowfung, Edward , 13n 2 Memorial Garde n t o the Martyrs, 8 9 Mowfung, Frederic k Charles , 12- 3 Merchant Delegate s Congress , 7 0 Mui-tsai Wif (indenture d girls) , 115 , Merchant Voluntee r Corps , 83- 4 127, 17 5 Messrs. Andrew Harpe r & Co. , Municipal Counci l 129-30 in Canton , 62 , 68, 79-8 1 Messrs. Siemssen & Co. , 1 4 in Shanghai, 99, 17 4 Mid-Levels, 3 9 Murphy, James, 4 4 Murray, Dia n H., 17 2 210 INDEX

Nam Pa k Hon g Kung Shu k Palembang, 11 6 (Nanbeiheng gongsu o ftdtfr yA Paoan (Bao'an ) H:?c , i x Bf\ 17- 8 Pawning, 9 8 Namhoi (Nanhai ) T$P$i , viii Peak households, 15 , 21, 41, 51, 53 Namtau (Nantou ) SSS , vii i Peak Tram , 2 5 Nanchang ffiH, 9 0 Pearl River , viii, 37, 59, 64-5, 8 9 Nanjing ^M, 103 , 16 5 Pearl Rive r Bridge, 6 6 Nanyang [S # (Sout h Sea) , 9 6 Peasant Movement Institute , 8 3 Nathan Road , 3 2 Peasants Native plac e activism of , 53 , 83, 90 as determinant o f union formation , emigration t o cities , 9 6 2, 53, 83, 86, 93, 122, 143, view o f urban life , 29-3 0 144-5 Pedicab (tricycle-rickshaw) , 133 , 165- nostalgia for , 12 1 70 recruitment and , 13-4 , 18-20 , 53, Peking Student s Socia l Servic e Club , 60-1, 83 , 86, 122 , 143 , 145-6, 95 155, 17 2 Penang, 11 6 remittance o f money to , 9 Peng Pa i WM, 53 , 83 social organizatio n and , 10-1 , 13- Peng Sh i ^tt, 8 9 20, 30-6, 48, 60-2, 98, 171-2 , Perry, Elizabeth , 17 7 176 Petty urbanites, xi v (See also Migration ) (See also Grassroots o f society ) Neijie WS (inne r alleys) , 10 6 Philanthropic acts , 79, 16 2 Ng A Lok, 4 0 Pholant, Hugene , 4 4 Ng A Tong, 1 3 Plague. Se e Bubonic plagu e Ng Cho y (W u Cai ) ffi^, 4 4 Po Leung Kuk , 1 3 Ng Si u Tin g (W u Shaoting ) ^\6, Police (i n Canton ) 146 abuses of , 71-6 , 85, 87 Ngan Chi m Shi , 1 2 budget an d revenu e base of , 68 , 7 0 Ngan Lu k (Ya n Liu) MA, 1 2 call fo r mor e policing, 10 2 Ngan Shin g Kwa n (Ya n Chengkun ) compared with police in th e West , Hj3pK 12-3 , 19 , 14 4 73 Ngan Wing Chi , 12-3 , 1 7 negative image of , 71- 5 Nightsoil carriers , 21- 2 origins and earl y growth of , 7 0 Nijie W& ("mu d street") , 2 6 Police (i n Hong Kong ) Nonghui HH t (farmers ' associations) , abuses of , 28 , 30, 32, 39-4 0 100 arrests by , 25, 39, 41, 43, 45, 47, North Point , 13n 2 51, 71 , 75, 89, 113-4 , 14 0 Northern Expedition , 4 , 73, 84, 8 9 corruption of , 3 0 origins of , 3 9 Oberschall, Anthony, 17 6 responses t o need fo r help, 3 0 Old Baile y Street, 14 0 Poling (Puning ) INK 14 6 Opium Political Scienc e Cliqu e (zhengxuexi addiction, 97nl, 10 3 W&J&\ 16 8 dens, 17 , 88 Pong-paan (bangban) HtH , 12 5 trade in , 16 , 25, 98 Porters, 23, 127n 4 Order o f the British Empir e (OBE) , 1 3 Portuguese, 4 0 Outworkers, xi v Praya, 16-7 , 27p, 43 Ouyang Ju If c Rife, 16 8 INDEX 211

Prince Edward Road , 13 1 Racial prejudice, 5 , 37-41, 44 , 53-5, Private Coolie s Ordinance (1902) , 3 7 139, 17 3 Proletariat, Marx' s definition of , 2 Rankin, Mar y Backus, 68n 2 Prostitutes, 25- 6 Refugees, 9 , 59-60, 76 , 96, 113 , 117, Protector o f Juvenile Labour , 11 4 121, 126 , 129 , 16 0 Protests Rehabilitation Committe e (Shanho u changing characte r of , 4 , 52, 127 , chuli weiyuanhui I f fJtjilSSIJ i 144, 17 3 #), 13 6 effectiveness of , 1-2 , 32 , 52, 54, Remittances, 9 76, 17 7 Rene, Gus, 2 5 forms of , 32 , 38, 42-53, 67-70 , 85, Renli shouche gonghu i A^J?-$X# , 87-8, 90-1, 105, 121-6, 139 , 86 161, 163-4 , 16 8 Rents Provisional Crimina l Code , limits o n of housing, 2 , 14 , 47, 97-8, 121, union power , 7 8 162 Public Securit y Bureau (Gong'anj u ^ of rickshaw, 2 , 47-8, 97, 100-1 , $M), 70 , 81, 101, 107, 109 , 107-8, 121-6 , 135-8 , 144 - 161, 16 4 56, 16 3 Public Utilities Bureau (Gongyongj u Revenue (o f Canto n government ) ^fflM), 100-1 , 164 , 166- 8 insufficiency of , 106 , 10 9 Public Works Bureau (Gongwuj u X ^ sources of , 68-9 , 10 6 M), 105-6 , 16 7 Richter, Auguste, 2 5 Public Works Department, 11 6 Rickshaw Punishments abolition of , xiii, 116-7, 165-70, 17 9 cangue, 4 0 as everyday transport , 1 , 22-3, 65 fine, 6 , 27, 40, 42-5, 47-8, 50, 74, inspection of , 12 , 39, 71, 131, 16 4 140, 15 0 introduced t o Canton , 1 hard labor , 4 0 introduced t o Hong Kong , xiii, 1 imprisonment, 6 , 25, 27, 40-3, 47, invention of , 1 140 as symbol o f capitalist exploitation , Punti (Bendi ) ^Kitf e xiii dialect, 10 , 35, 86 as symbol o f imperialism, xiii , 165 , employment an d occupation , 10 , 169 62 Rickshaw owner s relations with othe r dialec t groups , associations of , 125 , 130-1, 14 4 10-1, 62 , 86 background of , 12-3 , 1 9 as rickshaw pullers , 33, 86 negotiations wit h rickshaw pullers , (See also Cantonese ) 47-8, 121-5 , 144-56, 16 4 Punyu (Panyu ) Hi§l , viii , 8 2 paternalistic rol e of , 19 , 122 , 14 4 presence o f women among , 1 2 Qing Ming ^n^M ("Tomb-Sweeping Rickshaw puller s Day"), 15 2 accidents a t work, 29 , 73, 134 , 14 0 Queen Victori a Street , 2 4 alliance with seda n chai r bearers , Queen's College , 1 9 48-9, 51-2 , 5 4 Queen's Pier , 12 1 beriberi among, 9 8 Queen's Road , 12 , 22p, 24, Communists and , 53, 82-93, 168 - Quyisuo WL&BT (Distric t Bureaux) , 70, 175- 9 137-8 212 INDEX

competition among , xiii , 31, 33, Rickshaw subcontracting, 11-2 , 16 , 55, 98- 9 97, 107 , 16 2 concern fo r ricksha w rents , 2 , 47- rickshaw pullers' resentmen t 8, 121-6 , 136-8 , 16 3 toward, 83, 121- 5 declasse character of , 75 , 17 6 Rickshaw union s defining characteristic s of , 2-3 , affiliation of , 82 , 85-6, 146n 2 11-2, 16 , 29-3 0 factionalism within , 86, 126 , 15 3 income an d livin g standards of , 23 , formation of , 2 , 53, 80-2, 85, 102 - 67, 88, 96-9, 118-21 , 133-8 , 3, 121 , 145, 155 , 16 2 145, 149 , 160- 2 functions of , 80 , 82, 103-4 , 145-6 , kin/quasi-kin network s of , 2 , 13-9 , 178-9 21-36, 48, 83, 86, 93, 145, 148 , fund-raising activitie s of , 18 , 12 2 156, 171-2 , 175- 7 funds of , 10 5 linked t o crime, 25-8, 30, 3 8 leadership of , 49 , 67, 104-5 , 122 , nicknames of , 3 1 125, 145 , 16 3 pastimes of , 31 , 97nl, 11 7 membership of , 18 , 122 , 14 6 previous occupation s of , 2 , 13, 30, repression of , 53 , 89, 10 2 60,96 Ricsha Committee , in Shanghai , 9 9 relations with passengers, 3, 21, Roper, Myra , 16 9 23-7, 32 , 41, 172- 3 Roux, Alain, 17 5 residence of , 14-7 , 6 1 Royal Naval Cantee n ("blu e self-image of , 29-3 0 building"), 2 6 suicide of , 12 1 traffic rule s and , 6 , 23-4, 38-9, Sai Ho Hau (Xiha o kou) H* P , 9 6 42-3, 45-6 , 48-5 2 Sai Wah Roa d H^fi&, 16 4 tuberculosis among , 9 8 Saikwan (Xiguan ) HS1 , 84, 96, 99, union activitie s of , 2 , 18 , 49, 53, 164 67, 81-91, 102-5 , 121-6 , 145 - Saiyingpun, 15 , 33, 14 5 56, 162- 5 Sajian M R ("thirt y houses"), 2 6 use o f opium by , 97- 8 Sakai, Takashi, 13 1 use o f violence by, xiii, 24, 31-3, Samshui (Sanshui ) H/JC , viii 49, 86, 89-91, 98-9 , 15 5 Sands Street, 86n 2 venereal diseas e among , 9 8 Sanitary Board , 12 , 46 vulnerability t o heat stroke, 10 0 Sanjiao mato u HftHS (Three - (See also Mobilization; Protests ) Cornered Wharf), 3 4 Rickshaw reform s Sanzitou X^Sj f ("three-worde d attempts t o devise o r head"), 3 1 implementation o f (i n Canton) , Sau-shui ft/JC ("solici t bribes"), 3 0 95-109, 168-70 , 17 9 (See also Corruption ) campaigns fo r implementatio n o f Sayer, Geoffre y Robley , 4 6 (in Hong Kong), 117-8 , 121-6 , Scavengers, 2 2 149-55, 174- 5 Schoppa, R . Keith, 68n 2 government officials ' attitude s Scott, J. Gray , 4 6 toward, 99-102, 106-9 , 124 , Seamen, xiv , 25, 44, 50-1, 89-90, 96 , 127, 17 5 113, 14 3 obstacles t o implementing, 106-9 , Second Street , 2 4 124, 127 , 178- 9 INDEX 213

Secret societies. See Triads and Tria d Shouchefu ful i hezuosh e ^$tt?H^l l Society ^ff^± (Pullers ' Welfar e Sedan chai r Cooperative), 10 6 as a means o f transport, 13 , 45n4, Shouchefu gonghu i ?-$ftX#, 8 6 115-6, 16 6 Shouchexiang ^^||n | (ricksha w tax) , Sedan chai r bearer s 100 competition among , 115- 6 Shouting kouxie ^ff P ifc (livin g fro m geographic origin s of , 3 5 hand t o mouth), 9 8 images of , 37 , 115- 6 Shumchun (Shenzhen ) S#l| , ix , 13 3 strikes of , 38 , 48-9, 51-2, 5 4 Shumshuipo, 122 , 14 8 squabbled ove r gambling , 3 1 Shuntak (Shunde ) JHflfS , viii Segregation Sichuan HJI| , 60 , 11 6 occupational, 10-1 , 13-4, 62, 17 1 Singapore, 116 , 172- 3 residential, 14-7 , 41, 17 2 Sino-French War , 4 3 Shakee Roa d 9>SBfr , 7 5 Siulam (Xiaolan ) /hfit , vii i Shameen (Shamian ) $>ffi , 52 , 66, 73, Smith, Carl , 1 4 79, 113 , 17 6 Social Affairs Burea u (Shehuij u ttUt Shanghai ±M, xiv , 39, 46, 50, 52, 78, M), 98n2 , 99, 106 , 109 , 161, 85, 107 , 113 , 17 4 166 Shanghai Street , 13 0 Socialist Youth League (Shehu i zhuy i Shanghui MOf (merchants ' qingniantuan ?i#X^W^H) , associations), 10 0 82 Shanxi UjW , 6 0 Societies Ordinanc e (1911) , 113-4 , Shaukiwan, 27 , 46 173 Shejizu flitffi . (Desig n Board), 10 7 Soldiers, 41, 71-3, 76, 84, 89-91 , Shekki (Shiqi ) 5ft, vii i 159-60 Sheklung (Shilong ) 5sl, i x South Bund (Nand i S46), 8 3 Shektongtsui 5 PA, 2 6 South Gat e (Nangua n SIU), 9 1 Shen Houkun £fcJ?St , 8 2 Southeast Asia , 9 6 Shen Houpei ttff®, 8 2 (See also British Malaya ; Shen Qing ifc^, 82-3 , 85, 87 Palembang; Penang; Singapore ) Shen Xuewe n tfcPX 8 2 Southern Mi n Rjffi , 1 0 Shen Xuexi u tfc^W , 8 2 Soviet Consulat e i n Canton , 8 9 Shephard, Anthony John, 127n 4 Spring Garden Lane , 15 5 Sheung Wan, 3 4 St. John's University , i n Shanghai , 1 9 Shi X i 511, 8 6 St. Vincent D e Paul' s Society , 11 7 Shihu Tfrjft , ("cit y tigers"), 2 9 Stanley, 13 1 Shipbuilding workers, 13 4 Star Ferry , 17 , 28, 3 2 Shiziban lH^S : ("literac y classes") , Stevedores, 21, 32-4, 50 , 60-1, 11 4 163 Straits Settlement, 5 0 Shiuhing (Zhaoxing ) HW, 9 8 Strand, David , xiv, 17 8 Shiukwan (Shaoguan ) ISM , 16 6 Student protest , abroad , 11 8 Shoeshine boys, 2 3 Sun F o (Su n Ke ) Sf4, 7 2 Shop workers, xi v Sun Ya t Sen (Su n Yixian) SMI], 4 , Shophouse, 22 p 69, 78 , 84, 89, 17 0 (See also Tenement house ) Sun Ya t Sen University o f Medica l Shouche gonghui ^$X1§f ("ricksha w Sciences (Zhongsha n yik e daxu e union"), 82- 3 + U4lf#^:¥),79 214 INDEX

Sun Ye e On (Xi n Yi'an) §f*$, 3 0 Tongxiang [R1$ P ("hometow n Sunwui (Xinhui ) 0fH' , vii i acquaintances"), 3 2 Surname commonality , 11 , 18-9 Topping, Seymour , 16 9 Swatow (Shantou ) ftliSS, 17, 30, 8 4 Trade Unions an d Trad e Dispute s Swires' Taikoo Dock , 4 7 Ordinance (1948) , 14 3 Sz K a Che feSc$ ("brothe l Trade Unions Regulation s (1924) , 7 8 rickshaws"), 39-4 0 Tramway Strik e (1950) , Hong Kong , Szeyap (Siyi ) PSB,48n 4 144 Triads and Tria d Society , 30, 4 3 Tai Hon Roa d #fltS& , 61 , 82 Triangle Street , 1 2 Tai Pak Terrace , 86n 2 Trotsky, Leon , 8 9 Tai Tak Road AtMM, 8 6 Tseng Yang Fu (Zen g Yangfu) HHif , Taihang, 2 5 108 Taipans (bi g business bosses), 1 4 Tsimshatsui, 17-8 , 2 8 Taiping ^CX, i x Tsoi Po (Ca i Bao ) H$s 14 8 Taipingshan, 1 5 Tsuen Wan 331, 2 8 Taiwan ^ if , 16 8 Tsz Yong Che1= 5 ffi^ ("rickshaw s fo r Tak Suen Roa d Centra l Hfi+S^, 85 - self-use"), 39-4 0 6 Tung Hing Fong (Tongqingfang ) Tan Zhishan ifJifelJLl , 16 2 [*lft«f, 9 1 Tanka (Danjia ) S^, 1 0 Tung Kun Street , 3 5 (See also Boat o r sampan dwellers ) Tung Shan (Dongshan ) ||€[J4 , 64, 79, Taxicab, 28, 36, 52, 73, 15 0 96 Tenement hous e Tung Tak Coolies ' Union (Tongd e ful i as headquarters o f a leftist group , gonghui [pJll^ijXIIX 6 1 155 Tung Wah Hospital, 13 , 42 neighborly relation s in, 14-6 , 60- 1 Tungchuen malo o jftJ H JSii&, 79 opium den s in , 8 8 Tungkun (Dongguan ) jfl^: , as recruitment ground , 15 , 60, 8 6 ix, 35, 48n4, 60- 1 as refuge fo r Communis t hideouts , 86n2 Unemployment, 3 , 16 , 62, 83, 102-3 , rents for , 2 , 14 , 97-8, 121 , 16 2 117, 121 , 160, 16 2 Teng Chen T e (Deng Zhende) §KH , Union Building , 27 p 99 United States , 6 4 Teochiu. See Chiucho w Thomas, S . Bernard, 9 1 Vagabonds, 5 9 Tianjin AW, 17 5 Valtorta, Bisho p Henry Paschal , 117-8 , Tilly, Charles , 17 5 174 Tin Lok Lane, 14 0 Vehicles and Traffi c Regulatio n To Kwai Ting, 2 5 Ordinance (1912) , 3 9 Toishan (Taishan ) n ill , viii Victoria Peak , 21, 42, 45, 51, 11 6 Tokyo Nogyo Daigaku , 9 9 Victoria Theatre , 3 1 Tong Wan Tin g (Tan g Yunting ) Violence mm^, 1 2 competition fo r jobs le d to , xiii, Tong Yan Po (Tan g Yinpo) UMISi, 11,31,33-4,60-1,98-9 144 disputes ove r gamblin g le d to , 3 1 Tong Ying Ching (Tan g Yingzhen) gangsters' use of , 25 , 30, 125 , 155, mtti, 3i 163 INDEX 215

in Lantern Festiva l 1894 , 48n 4 Wright, Tim , xiv , 17 5 policemen's use of , 32 , 40, 71-6, Wu T e Chen (W u Tiecheng ) ^=M$ML, 85,87 72 rickshaw passengers ' use of , 24-5 , Wu Tingfang . See Ng Cho y 41, 44, 12 5 Wyndham Street , 11 6 rickshaw pullers ' use of , xiii , 24, 31-3, 49 , 86, 89-91, 98-9 , 15 5 Xiandai zhiye tuanti MiXWMMWL struggles against , 32 , 47, 87-8, 93, (professional associations) , 10 0 113, 155 , 16 3 Xiangdu lin g ##^ (Governor' s (See also Assassination ; Order), 13 1 Kidnapping) Xiangj iu renl i cheye zuhe ^JrfhAJJ^ Hffl/£ (Hon g Kon g an d Wai O i Road West M$£$S&, 9 0 Kowloon Ricksh a Syndicate) , Wai Sun Roa d South $l$fSKr, 16 3 130-1, 133 , 136-4 0 Wailoy (Huilai ) S55fc , 14 6 Xiangyi guanxi f^ffiM ^ (hometow n Waiyeung (Huiyang ) M$B, 84 , 98n 2 and interpersona l networks) , 6 1 Wanchai, 24-5, 30, 122 , 12 4 Xianqiandui Tfe^ft K ("leadin g troops") , Wang Chin g Wei (Wan g Jingwei) 84 ffiflf*. 8 9 Xiaobeimen /J^fcP I (Littl e Nort h Wang Mingxuan X^tli, 16 5 Gate), 7 0 Wang Shiwen X1i±X 8 9 Xiaoxue 4^9^ (schoo l fo r primar y War Memorial Towe r (Zhonglingt a education), 16 4 J&®£), 13 4 Xie'an 1&£, 8 8 Warlords, 4, 71-2, 75-8, 99, 10 6 Xiejin fl^f e ("shoe-money") , 9 7 Warren, James, xiv , 172- 3 Wei Yuk (We i Yu ) #X, 4 8 Yan'an M£, 16 5 Western District , 17- 9 Yang Hsi Min (Yan g Ximin) H#W , Whampoa (Huangpu ) Militar y 84 Academy ilciiff ft, 8 4 YangSijiHEi^, 8 6 White, Harrison, 17 1 Yanping (Enping ) JSX , 3 5 Whitehead, Thoma s Henderson, 3 8 Yat Tak Road — H5&, 63 p Wing Lo k Street , 1 7 Yaumatei, 35, 14 6 Wing Lok Wharf, 3 4 Yee On Employees ' and Employers ' Wing On Cha n (Yong'anzhan ) 7]C$^ , Association (Yi'a n gongshan g 12 zonghui *$XffiI|#), 3 0 Wolfe, Edwar d Dudle y Cascarden , Yinhui HlU t ("rotating-credi t 117n2 associations"), 61- 2 Wong I m (Huan g Yan ) frjfe , 1 2 Yixue itlP ^ ("fre e schoo l fo r th e Wong Ka m Fook (Huan g Jinfu ) poor"), 6 1 fr^ffi, 1 2 YMCA, in Chengdu , 11 6 Wong Ka r Chun (Huan g Jiazhen) Yu Han Mo u (Y u Hanmou) skWM, *-gCi£, 14 5 105 Wong Leun g Sz e (Huan g Liangshi ) Yu Lan SLK (Hungry Ghost s Festival) , irigR, 12 18 Wong Yic k Mui (Huan g Yimei ) Yuan Shikai M tit0l, 7 7 *S5tt, 1 2 Yubeiying SHlflf (Polic e Trainin g Wongsha (Huangsha ) iRl^, 7 1 School), 7 0 Woolf, Bell a Sidney , 3 1 Yunnan, 69 , 7 7 Woosung Street , 14 6

\ 216 INDEX

Zeng Ya n I'ifc , 8 6 Zhongshan liul u 4 5LLJ7NB&, 9 0 Zhang Ming ?S§fl , 8 6 Zhou Zhaoli n Jf^M, 16 5 Zhejiang W\£L, 60 Ziyongche llffl $ (self-us e vehicles) , Zheng Qinan $P^f, 8 6 66 Zhigong juluobu HXft|?tS P (Staf f Ziyou zhiye tuanti § iH^HHi l Recreation Club) , 8 8 (trade associations), 10 0 Zhong Xiusha n Mil ill, 12 6 Zongdubu ISHPR P (Governor' s Office) , Zhongguo geming ceyuandi ^H ^IIPJ S 132 Stt. ("th e cradl e o f the Chines e Zongwuzu iSS-ff i (Genera l Affair s revolution"), 7 7 Board), 10 7