European Journal of Social Sciences ISSN 1450-2267 Vol. 59 No 2 April, 2020, pp. 238-246 http://www.europeanjournalofsocialsciences.com/

A Historical Study of Activities in , 2009-2015

Duyile Abiodun William University, Faculty of Arts Department of History and International Studies Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected]. 08039309771

Adu Modupe Funmilayo Ekiti State University, Faculty of Arts Department of History and International Studies Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria,

Jegede G. G Ekiti State University, Faculty of Arts Department of Religious Studies Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria

Buhari Lateef. O Ekiti State University, Faculty of Arts Department of History and International Studies Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria

Abstract This paper traces the activities of Boko Haram. The research also studied the nature of the sect; analyzed the prevailing factors that characterized the war. The study relied heavily on documentary data and lightly on oral data. The oral data were based on committee reports; and the documentary data were sourced from colonial government annual departmental reports, correspondence, books, newspaper and magazines. The oral data were transcribed for analysis. The documentary data were subjected to textual and contextual analysis. The researcher found out that Boko Haram thrived because of the nature of governance in Nigeria.

Introduction Buji Fai (former Commissioner of Religious Affairs) walked into my office and said “I have an advice for you if you will not be offended, “I said Buji what is the advice and why must I be offended? I appointed you my commissioner so that you can advice me and he said, I have made up my mind to quit my job because taking salary from the government is Haram (a sin) and I have decided not to do it again. So I am advising you to do same because anything Western is Haram. I want you to resign as Governor so that you can go to paradise, otherwise, you will die like this and you will go to hell fire (Sunday Independent, 2009). The Boko Haram war has lasted for some years now. The fact still remains that the killing of Mohammed Yusuf and Buji Fai was the catalyst that led to the emergence of this war. For some the recorded sermon tape made public by the groups erstwhile leader Mohammed Yusuf, that he issued a 238 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020) threat to kill the Bornu State Governor, former Governor Ali Modu Sheriff and remove the then Nigerian President from power was the declaration of war that escalated the crisis (Sunday Independent, 2009). The reprisal attack from Boko Haram on Sunday, June 14, 2009 is pinpointed as the day events took a different turn in Nigeria. What may have been the cause of the war still remains a subject of controversy even as maiming, killing, bombing and kidnapping continues for some years. According to the Global Terrorism Index, Boko Haram is classified as the second most deadly terrorist group in the world (Adiele, 2019). The group has displaced more than 2.6 million people, killing over one hundred thousand people (Adiele, 2019). Reports also have it that more than 900 schools have been destroyed between 2009 and 2015; about 1,500 schools have been forced to close (Bashiru, 2019). Among the notable schools destroyed by the terrorist is Yerwa primary School, Maiduguri in 2010 and 2013 (Olanrewaju, 2019). The school said to be the first primary school in the North East was established in 1915. Boko Haram killed 27,000 civilians, 24 aid workers in roughly six years (Bashiru, 2019). The Boko Haram crisis was initially defined as a North East problem, but has since become a national and even a regional problem with international recognition because of its level of treachery.

Chronicling the Administrations in Nigeria Nigeria covers an area of 923, 768km (National Boundary Commission, 1992). The countries bordering Nigeria are the Republic of Benin to the west, Niger to the North, Chad to the East and the Gulf of Guinea to the South of Nigeria (National Boundary Commission, 1991). The country lies roughly between 3 o and 15 oE Longitude and between 4 o and14 o latitude (Ediagbonya & Buhari, 2017). In 1960, Nigeria became a self-governing state with Sir Tafawa Balewa as the inaugurating Prime Minister and Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe as the President (Duyile, Electioneering and Violent Political Protest in South-Western Nigeria: The 1983 Experience, 2003). Nigeria became a Republic in 1963. The country inadvertently ran into a civil war in 1967. The process of reconstruction and rehabilitation was partially successful after the end of the war in 1970 (Aremu & Adu, 2017). By 1975, a military coup resulted into a change of administration and the Middle East imbroglio brought an unprecedented oil wealth that propelled the country into a nation of international repute (Michael & Lateef, 2017). A return to democracy in 1979 was a harbinger of economic crisis as the administration could not sufficiently protect the polity from corruption (Babatunde, 2011). The government of Buhari/Idiagbon 1985 did not fare better despite its good intentions. Ibrahim Babangidda administration was unpopular for the institutionalization of the Structural Adjustment Programme, a consequence of the World Bank policy following international loan for structural development (Ediagbonya & Buhari, 2017). The Ernest Shonekan interim civilian administration was an interlude. It could only hold on to power for three months. This administration was followed by another military dictatorship and resultant sanctions from the international community. The Abacha administration ruled for five years. He died, General Abdulsalam took over power and handed over to a civilian government. The return to democracy was historical, as local and international expectations were heightened by the evils perpetrated by the Abacha regime (Aremu & Adu, 2017). International support for the democratic administration of Obasanjo in 1999 ensured its success. In terms of insecurity, the Niger Delta crisis was at the peak and the Boko Haram group were just emerging. The group came to light in the Yar’Adua/Jonathan administration. This research examines and historicizes the Boko Haram crisis.

Background Causes of the War The Anglo-German agreement of 1900-1901, which included, the adoption of boundary treaties in 19th March, 1906 established the merger of many communities in the North East to the polity we now call Nigeria (Adu, Duyile, & Ojebode, 2019). The demarcation was also jointly carried out by the British and the Germans from Yola to Lake Chad in 1907-09 carried out first by Britain and repeatedly by 239 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)

Germany in 1912-13, led to the Anglo-French Declaration of 9 January, 1931 (Duyile, Nigerian- Cameroon Bakassi Peninsula Crisis: A Retrospect of Nigerian Technocrats views prior to the court case at the Hague, 2015). The declaration came to being as a result of the World War of 1914 when the forces of the United Kingdom and France conquered and occupied German Cameroon into two administrative parts in 1919 (Duyile, Nigerian Cameroon Boundary Relations in the North of Nigeria, 1914-94, 2014). The newly established boundary was eastwards of the Anglo- German boundary except for the segment of the Yola Arc (National Boundary Commission, 1991). This Anglo-French boundary was agreed upon by an exchange of Notes of the two nations on January 9, 1931 (Duyile, Nigerian Cameroon Boundary Relations in the North of Nigeria, 1914-94, 2014). Accordingly, the colonial governments sought to sustain their individual but common economic desires by forging areas of cooperation. Colonial joint patrol teams were put in place to monitor movements across the boundary. Military posts were also established in some towns in the North East (Adu, Duyile, & Ojebode, 2019). The colonial authorities had in mind the securing of these towns. After the Second World War, deliberate efforts were made to enhance the flow of information at governmental levels. In addition, encouragement was further given to the District Officers to undertake discussions at their level in order to resolve common problems (Omotosho, 2013). In 1961, the British – Cameroon voted in a plebiscite for a union with Nigeria while its southern counterpart chose to unite with the Republic of Cameroon (National Boundary Commission, 1991). The result is a new Nigeria- Cameroon boundary alignment consisting of three distinct sections for Northern Nigeria, thus: (i) Nigeria- Cameroon – Chad Tri-point in Lake Chad to Hosere Gesume based on the Anglo- French Declaration of January 9, 1931 (National Boundary Commission, 1992). (ii) Hosere Gesume and Gamena river based on the British Order in Council of 16th January, 1923 and proclamation of the Governor of Nigeria, 1954 (National Boundary Commission, 1992). (iii) Gomena River to the Gulf of Guinea based on Anglo-German Agreement of 11 March, 1913 (Duyile, Nigerian Cameroon Boundary Relations in the North of Nigeria, 1914-94, 2014) From the evaluation of places like Adamawa, Taraba, Yobe and Bornu States respectively, the only applicable legal instrument which is recognized and respected by the people who live in these states in the North East is the Anglo French Declaration of 1931 (National Boundary Commission, 1992). It is this declaration that adds these states to the colonial entity called Nigeria. Since the Anglo- French Declaration of 1931, several new villages have sprung up along the Nigerian North East while some other villages mentioned in the Treaty have also been deserted (National Boundary Commission, 1992). Though the North East prior 1999 was relatively peaceful, disputes do occur from time to time especially in Baro, Antere, Inkori, and Tamiya resulting from economic issues (Adu, Duyile, & Ojebode, 2019; National Boundary Commission, 1991). There is very little Nigerian government presence in so many towns in the North East prior the advent of Boko Haram. This has made it possible for some inhabitants to cross- over to the Cameroonian side, Niger Republic side, and Chadian side where government presence was better, in fact, some Nigerian towns were still inaccessible by roads and lacked schools, hospitals, and so many amenities. The poor infrastructure provided in Nigeria makes it difficult for the communities to remain within their boundary areas. The effect of this was, however, to become pronounced after the Olusegun Obasanjo democratic rule. The neglect of this land space by previous governments established among the people the mindset of agitation, rebellion and maybe warlike tendencies. The Boko Haram Group can be traced back to a self-styled group called “Nigerian Taliban” that emerged during the Obasanjo regime (Omipidan, 2009). This group which initially drew membership from the South West was first invited to during the build up to the 2003 elections in the wake of the Sharia implementation in some states in the North. This group came to prominence in 2003 when they were fingered to have killed the Area Commander in charge of Bama, Assistant

240 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)

Commissioner of Police, ACP Ismail Sirajo (Omipidan, 2009). The ‘Nigeria Taliban’ also struck on December 22 and December 31 2003 in Yobe State, a day after, according to the then governor, Senator Bukar Abba Ibrahim, they had promised to leave the state; to be precise, on New Year day 2004, the group engaged in a duel with military personnel drafted to the borders between Bornu and Yobe States, a situation that left two of their members dead (Omipidan, 2009). The ‘Nigerian Taliban’ initial place of abode in Yobe was Burkarti, in Bursari Council of Yobe State, before leaving for Kanamma a border town between Nigeria and Niger (Omipidan, 2009). Kanamma is the headquarters of Yanubari Council also in Yobe State. It is also not far from Geidam Council where the leader of the group Ustaz Mohammed Yusuf hails from. Alhaji Ibrahim Geidam the then Governor of Yobe State is from the same area (Bashiru, 2019). This base was called Afghanistan and it was used to launch attack on nearby police outposts, killing police officers (Osewe A. , 2011). In 2005, Yusuf Mohammed claimed he was no more a member of the Taliban group because as he claimed he considers them too extremist (Omipidan, 2009). He was however quick to say his own group would not relent until an independent and a just state, devoid of anything haram (ungodly) was established in the North (Omipidan, 2009). Yusuf also believed that the world is spherical is contrary to Islam and should be rejected, along with Darwinism and the theory that rain comes from water evaporated by the sun (Osewe E. A., 2011). Yusuf was hostile to democracy, Christianity and the secular education system, vowing that ‘this war that is yet to start would continue for long’ if the political and education system was not changed. He wanted Christians to be converted to Islam. He was unhappy with women education saying all women should be in purdah. His ideas were similar to Muhammadu Marwa who led the Maitatsine sect in 1980 (Osewe E. A., 2011). To make matters worse for the Mohammed Yusuf group and the ‘Nigerian Taliban’, the election in Yobe State did not assume the dimension their political host thought it would take, the group was abandoned and ordered to vacate Yobe State. The Mohammed Yusuf group resettled in Maiduguri, the land which they gathered, belongs to Yusuf’s father in law, Alhaji Baba Fugu, the same man in whose house Yusuf hid in the past. According to the documents from the Ministry of Lands and Survey, the land was acquired in 1973 (The Guardian, 2019). From available records, Fugu applied for the grant of a right of occupancy on January 20, 1973 an application which was granted by the Bornu State Commissioner for Works and Housing on January 23, 1978. The instrument was registered as No 218 at page 218 in volume 6 of the lands. Registry in the office at Maiduguri and the land in question is 1,173 hectares. The Certificate of Occupancy number is NE/1472 (The Guardian, 2019). In fact Fugu personally signed to say that he received the original title deed on January 31, 1978 (The Guardian, 2019). This land is considered later has the headquarters and spiritual birth place of Boko Haram. Bornu, later became the soul of Boko Haram. Bornu has a land area of about 72,600 square kms, second to which has about 76,363 square km the largest state in terms of landmass in Nigeria. The Northern and Central Bornu which have about 17 Local Government, more than half of the landmass are mostly desert area and in some places, muddy in the rainy season, making military operations in such areas very difficult (The Guardian, 2013). Yet Bornu is the only Nigerian state in the country that shares border with three African countries; Chad, Niger and Cameroon (The Nigerian Map, 2013). The crisis in any of these countries will trigger unrest in Bornu. The predicament also in Bornu also have the potential to establish crisis in Chad, Cameroon and Niger Republic .

Historicizing the Activities of Boko Haram during the Period of Study “What we are being confronted with is that we are in a state of war. The sooner we stop playing the Ostrich and rise up to the challenge of the day and marshal all resources towards visualizing the antics of Boko Haram, the better for all of us. But honestly, Boko Haram are better motivated than our own troops. Given the present state of affairs it is absolutely impossible for us to defeat Boko Haram (Uwerunonye, 2019)”.

241 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)

The month of July 2009 witnessed the arrest of Mohammed Yusuf, the leader who was captured by men of the Nigerian Army and handed over to the Nigerian Police (Uwerunonye, 2019) was found dead in the hands of the latter. The Organisation, however, claimed that he was trying to escape from the police custody and was shot to forestall his escape. The Human Rights community in Nigeria and the Boko Haram were not convinced by the police statement but believed he was assassinated (Omipidan, 2009). The war with the Nigerian state began when Boko Haram retaliated by attacking some police stations in Maiduguri killing over one hundred people (Jegede, 2014). In 26 July, 2009, 39 members, two policemen, one soldier were killed by the sect. The next day, July 27, 2009, the group launched an attack in Yobe State during an invasion of Potiskum Divisional Police Headquarters, leading to the death of three policemen and one fire officer. On the 29 of July, Boko Haram had confrontation with security men at Mamudo Village, along Potiskum/Damaturu Road, Yobe, during which 33 Boko Haram members were killed (Osewe E. A., 2011). On the night of the same day, the group had an all- night battle with combined security operatives at Railway Terminus, Maiduguri, . In this encounter, scores were killed and operational base destroyed. The relentless attack continued in a place called Alemderi Ward in Maiduguri Metropolis. The Alemderi attack took place in January 2010 in Bornu State. April (2010) witnessed attack on a police station, the day before the original date of Nigeria’s legislative election in Bauchi (The Guardian, 2019). A polling center was bombed in Maiduguri. The Nigerian electoral body office (INEC) in Maiduguri was bombed and several people were shot in separate incidents; 14 prisoners were freed in a jailbreak in Yola (Bashiru, 2019). In September of the same year, 700 inmates were freed after attacking a prison in Bauchi, which includes 100 members of the sect. In December the Boko Haram followed up with a market bombing in Jos and the assassination of governorship candidate of All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) in Bornu State and even others were shot dead (Jegede, 2014). On Tuesday, February, 8, 2011, the sect members gave conditions for peace (The News, 2012). They demanded that the Bornu State Governor Senator Ali Modu Sheriff should step down in office with immediate effect and also allow members to reclaim their Mosque in Maiduguri, the state capital (The News, 2012). On May 9, 2011, they rejected an offer for amnesty made by the governor elect of Bornu State, . On 29 May, as the president and governors were being inaugurated across the country, Boko Haram bombs went off in Bauchi, Zaura and Zuba near Abuja (Omipidan, 2009). These multiple attacks claimed an estimated 15 lives. The Boko Haram terrorist group continued its onslaught in Maiduguri, where it struck at a pub, killing over 25 travelers. The next day the group killed two girls and critically wounded three officers of the Nigerian Custom Service (The Guardian, 2013). On 16 June 2012, its bomb targeted the police headquarters in Abuja and narrowly missed taking out the Inspector General of Police, Hafiz Ringim (The News, 2012). This was the beginning of the suicide strategy by Boko Haram. The bomber, later identified as Maga Mohammed destroyed parts of the Police Headquarters, killed scores and damaged many vehicles (The Guardian, 2013). In August 2012 the sect made an audacious attack on the United Nations Building in Abuja, the operation was planned and directed by Mohammad Abdu Barra. The bombing of the United Nations Building took so many lives (The News, 2012). In November 2012, one Abu Mohammed Ibn Abdulaziz who claimed to speak for the sect’s leader, Abubakar Shekau, offered to dialogue with the administration on Boko Haram grievances but subject to a number of conditions (The News, 2012). Ibn Abdulaziz demanded that the meeting should hold in Saudi Arabia, release of Boko Haram members in detention with compensation and the prosecution of the former Governor of Bornu State, Ali Modu Sheriff. Abdulaziz also named some prominent citizens of Nigeria to negotiate with the Federal Government led by Goodluck Jonathan, the citizens include Major General and Alhaji Shettima Ali Monguno as mediators of the group. Major General Muhammadu Buhari declined the role to negotiate on the side of Boko Haram (Bashiru, 2019). For some, this proves that Boko Haram was in some way sympathetic to his quest to become Nigeria’s president. It was believes such

242 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020) as this that may have characterized the policy of the Jonathan administration. However, there are some Nigerians who felt Major General Buhari should have accepted the position so that he could find a way of stopping the Boko Haram agitation. President Goodluck Jonathan knew that the war was getting difficult and Boko Haram is getting stronger. The President tried to appease the Boko Haram terrorist group, when he eventually set up the Amnesty Committee to explore the possibility of dialogue with the aim of restoring peace to the country (The Guardian, 2013). The Amnesty Chairman, Kabiru Turaki, observed that the difficulties the committee encountered in having a productive dialogue include the fact that Boko Haram group leadership refused to submit to dialogue (The Guardian, 2013). The Turaki committee attempt at finding a solution to Boko Haram attacks was halfhearted a semblance of how the Jonathan regime handled the whole affair of Boko Haram. The administration believed the group was politically motivated despite newspaper reports saying otherwise. Bornu State at the period of the Jonathan regime was governed by the opposition political party something which made the administration to believe that the Boko Haram was an opposition ploy to render his government useless to the Nigerian public. Boko Haram continued its relentless attack and carried out more than 15 attacks on Military locations and communities in Bornu and Yobe State. About 23 Army Officers were killed in Metele in Abadam Local Government. Metele is strategic to Boko Haram because of its location and access to supply of arms, food and materials from neighboring countries; where the sect could import required materials to the theatre of war. It further raided military locations and communities at Gudumbali, Mallam Fatori, Makalama and Bolakla near Chibok (Olanrewaju, 2019). In 2013, a lot of attacks from Boko Haram happened intermittently. Most of the North East was under relentless attack from the deadly sect. some of the notable attacks were the ones in Baga, Mamudo Government Secondary School, and Gujba College (Santos, 2014). The Baga incident consumed 228 lives, the Mamudo Government Secondary School attack had 30 persons killed, and that of Gujba College had about 50 lives killed. Boko Haram was described by the Punch Newspaper as the “demon” Organisation of the year 2013 (Olanrewaju, 2019). As a result of these killings an emergency rule was first declared in May 2013 by the Goodluck Ebele Jonathan administration as part of his government effort to quell the activities of the dreaded Boko Haram sect in the affected states situated in the North Eastern part of the country (Santos, 2014). In November, 2013, Jonathan inaugurated 64 fully-equipped Almajiri Model Schools, aimed at including out of school children in the system (Santos, 2014). The Federal Government designed the curriculum and provided teaching and learning materials, developed teachers’ capacities and guaranteed the feeding of the children. Some of the administrations security team, instead of targeting Boko Haram youths with brute force, are seeking to enroll repentant militants into vocational schools, where psychologists will give counseling and a pacifist version of the Quran will be taught (Bashiru, 2019). The relentless attack spilled into 2014. Boko Haram continued and relentless attack overlapped to 2014. In February 2014, Boko Haram massacred 39 people, 15 Nigerians died in the same month at Federal Government College, Buni Yadi; and in Adamawa an attack from Boko Haram killed 25 people. In the same year, a place called Chibok made history in the world with the kidnap of 276 students from the Government Girls Secondary School. This deplorable and devastating act of structural violence, which took place on the night of April 14, sparked global outrage (Santos, 2014). The strategy of using kidnap to make a statement to the world began thereon. Although this act had been by the Niger Delta militants during the Obasanjo regime. The kidnap attracted support from some of the big powers for Nigeria. United State of American sent an intelligence, logistics and communication team that included 16 military personnel aside the inter-agency cooperation team already serving in Nigeria (Santos, 2014). The Americans also supported the administration with satellite imaginary, Canada fully supported Nigeria. The proclamation from Ottawa after its bi-national commission meeting earlier in the month in Abuja.

243 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)

Canada’s Minister of International Development said the Canadian’s are prepared to support and do the needful for Nigeria in its quest to save the school girls. Also, the Chinese premier Li Kegiang, who was in Abuja for the World Economic Forum pledged strong support by Beijing against all terror groups in Nigeria, starting with freeing the Chibok girls (The Guardian, 2013). Britain Prime Minister, David Cameron also promised that Britain would do everything to help find the missing school girls. Speaking on the importance of fading extremism globally Cameron disclosed that: “I rang the Nigerian President to offer help and we agreed to send out a team that included some counter terrorism and intelligence experts to work alongside the Americans (Santos, 2014). France also promised to share intelligence with Nigeria. Despite all these promises, throughout the period of the Goodluck Jonathan administration, only 60 of the girls were able to free themselves; 57 of the girls managed to escape in the immediate aftermath of the abduction, 3 were freed by soldiers. The kidnap of this girls only helped to aggravate the various lines of division in Nigeria. Nigerians wasted much time debating security issues based on their political and religious interest thereby causing unnecessary distractions to the security agencies. The debate was like another war within and this helped indirectly the terrorists to regroup, strategize and launch more attacks on the Nigerian state. The governing People’s Democratic Party (PDP) had this faulty logic of presuming that the All Progressive Party (APC) the opposition party then was sectional, and predominantly Muslim, that it is a North/Islamic party and therefore the APC must directly or indirectly support and sympathize with Boko Haram; and finally that Boko Haram is a Northern and Muslim plot to resist and challenge a southerner – Christian Jonathan Presidency (Mohammed, 2014). This logic seem to have been projected by the fact that Christians had ruled for long in the Fourth Republic, about 80% of the time since 1999. This unofficial position of the ruling party is inconsistent on several fronts. First, Boko Haram climaxed during the reign of Musa Yaradua, hence could not be a northern plot against a southern Christian president. The 2009 attack on the group that later led to the death of Mohammed Yusuf was called by Musa Yaradua, a Muslim. Some other school of taught blamed Boko Haram on the Islamic Sharia that was allowed to come to the seen during the tenure of Olusegun Obasanjo government. Men like Archibishop Onaiyekan buttressed this point by saying Sharia gave birth to Boko Haram (The News, 2012). Boko Haram started small carrying out shootouts with the police before growing into a beast with a generous appetite for the blood of Christians, Muslims, and innocent souls. It can also be said that they grew from a moderate Sunni group to a Salafist – Jihad Franchise from a local group with localized agenda to an internationally recognized violent terrorist group (Santos, 2014). Boko Haram had transformed from a force that attacked the police and the army for the sake of revenge to a militia that adopts Nigerians as a part of its strategy, to a force that has the capability of taking territory within the Nigerian territory. In between 2014 to 2015, Boko Haram was able to hoist its flags in some part of Bornu, Yobe, and Adamawa, roughly about forty local government were conquered by them.

Concluding Remarks The Security situation in Nigeria is tense as the media echoes what this sect was able to do against the Nigerian state- kidnapping, terrorist bombings of key strategic infrastructures and the merchandising of fear on members of the society. Boko Haram intention is to divide Nigeria and acquire an enclave in the North of Nigeria. It wants the Northern enclave of the country to be Islamized. Arguing on beliefs held by Boko Haram, Sani Mohammed posited that the ‘banking sector and educational sector are completely infidel, submitting to these, void the entire faith of a true Muslim.’ Sani further argued that all what western education preaches is an antithesis to Allah teaching. Adeolu Adejo expressing its displeasure when he said: “Northern Nigeria Muslims have been taking the rest us for granted. In 1986, it was Babangida and OIC. In 1999, it was Yarima Bakura and Sharia. In 2003, it was and Hisbah Sharia Police and in 2011, it is Lamido Sanusi sharia banking” (Amadike, 2011). 244 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)

Kingdom Orji in the context of Boko Haram defined security as the composition, structure and responsibilities of the security sector to curb all forms of violence and injustices that fringes on the people’s rights (Orji, 2011). Sani Yerima further states that internal security in Nigeria means ‘creating and maintaining a conducive atmosphere devoid of socio political and economic upheavals in a given polity’. In the same vein Felix Otubanjo observes that ‘the ultimate objective of security policies is often that of creating a favorable and state context’ (Amadike, 2011). Security can also be viewed as ‘internal security’ and ‘national security’, in the sense that this relative immunity to any form of possible military attack’ (Amadike, 2011). Boko Haram threats include attacks on the environment, food supply, mental harassment, wanton disregard for people’s rights- kidnapping included, bombing…etc. It is clear that terrorism is antithetic to development and national security. This is because by its nature, it involves the acquisition and use of power for the purpose of forcing others to submit, or agree, to terrorist demands. Boko Haram has exposed the lackluster approach to governance in Nigeria. The Olusegun Obasanjo government and the Musa Yaradua/Jonathan Goodluck administration could not do the needful as bringing the full wait of the law on the terrorist group. The failure to curb Boko Haram postulates the weakness of administrations since 1999. Nigeria seems to lack the necessary war machines that can exterminate the sect. The corruption in governance and the military is a major culprit to fhe failure of the Nigerian state to defeat Boko Haram.

References [1] Adiele, P. (2019). Boko Haram: The Place of Amnesty. Lagos: Daily Sun. Retrieved December 23, 2019 [2] Adu, F. M., Duyile, W. A., & Ojebode, P. O. (2019). An Historical Re-Evaluation of International Border Disputes Between Nigeria and Cameroon, Northern Nigeria, 1960-2002. Global Scientific Journal, 7 (3), 4. [3] Amadike, W. D. (2011). Peace, National Security and Infrastructural Development in Nigeria. 56th Annual Conference of the Historical Society of Nigeria (p. 275). Osogbo: Historical Society of Nigeria. [4] Aremu, J., & Adu, F. (2017). The study of Nigerian History. In C. Oluwadare, I. Ajayi, & L. Ajayi, Nigerian Peoples and Culture (p. 4). Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria: Directorate of General Studies, Ekiti State University. [5] Babatunde, E. (2011). NIIA @ 50: The Making of a World Institute in Africa. Lagos: Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, 13-15 Kofo Abayomi Street, Victoria Island, Lagos. [6] Bashiru, A. A. (2019). Editors mail bag. Lagos: The Nation. [7] Duyile, A. W. (2003, January 10). Electioneering and Violent Political Protest in South- Western Nigeria: The 1983 Experience. Thesis , 4. Lagos, Lagos, Nigeria: University, Ojo. [8] Duyile, A. W. (2014). Nigerian Cameroon Boundary Relations in the North of Nigeria, 1914- 94. Journal of International Affairs and Global Strategy, 27 (4), 37. [9] Duyile, A. W. (2015). Nigerian-Cameroon Bakassi Peninsula Crisis: A Retrospect of Nigerian Technocrats views prior to the court case at the Hague. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention, 4 (5), 67. [10] Ediagbonya, M., & Buhari, L. (2017). The Evolution of Nigeria. In D. o. Studies, Nigerian People and Culture otherwise called GST113 (p. 86). Ado Ekiti: Directorate of General Studies, Ekiti State University. [11] Jegede, M. (2014). Boko Haram. Lagos: Daily Sun. [12] Michael, E., & Lateef, B. (2017). Evolution of Nigeria as a political unit. In D. o. Studies, Nigerian Peoples and Culture (p. 80). Ado Ekiti: Directorate of General Studies, Ekiti State University.

245 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)

[13] Mohammed, L. (2014). Politics. Lagos: New Telegraph. [14] National Boundary Commission. (1991, May 6). Minutes of The Nigeria Team to the Nigeria Cameroon Land and Maritime Border Committee. Minutes of the Boundary Committee members . Lagos, Lagos, Nigeria: Research and Documentation Centre. [15] National Boundary Commission. (1992, May 7). Joint Meeting of Nigeria-Cameroon Land Border Committee of Expert . Minutes of Meeting . Lagos, Lagos, Nigeria: National Boundary Commission. [16] National Boundary Commission. (1992, April 13). Minutes of the Preparation Team of the Nigeria Team to the Cameroon Land Maritime Border Committeee held in the conference room of the Director. Minutes of Meeting , 5. Lagos, Lagos, Nigeria: National Boundary Commission. [17] Olanrewaju, T. (2019). Why Boko Haram is invincible in Bornu. Sunday Sun. Retrieved January 6, 2019 [18] Omipidan, I. (2009). The Story of Mohammed Yusuf . Lagos: Sunday Sun. Retrieved May 5, 2009 [19] Omotosho, B. (2013). The Nigerian Nation. In S. Asaolu, & M.A.Abiodun, Nigerian Peoples and Culture (Vol. 1, p. 7). Ado Ekiti: Directorate of General Studies, Ekiti State University. [20] Orji, K. (2011). Electoral Violence and National Security in Nigeria: A Historical Perspective. In I. Albert, Democratic Elections and Nigeria's National Security (p. 10). Ibadan: John Archers. [21] Osewe, A. (2011). National Security in Nigeria: A Review of Selected Cases across the country since C.1980. 56th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria (p. 139). Osogbo: Historical Society of Nigeria. [22] Osewe, E. A. (2011). Terrorism and Infrastructural / National Security in Nigeria: A Review of Selected cases across the country since C 1980. 56th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria (p. 139). Osogbo: Historical Society of Nigeria. [23] Santos, G. P. (2014). Boko Haram: Time for an Alternative Approach . Lagos: Punch. Retrieved April 16, 2014 [24] Sunday Independent. (2009). Boko Haram worse than Maitasine. Lagos: Daily Independent. [25] The Guardian. (2013). The Boko Haram Report. Lagos: The Guardian. [26] The Guardian. (2019). Chibok Girls: Five years of Unfulfilled Promise. Lagos: The Guardian. [27] The News. (2012). Sharia gave birth to Boko Haram. Lagos: The News Magazine, Volume 30. Retrieved January 9, 2012 [28] The News. (2012). The Boko Haram Terrorist Group. Lagos: The News Magazine. [29] The Nigerian Map. (2013). Map of Bornu. Abuja: Ministry of Survey. [30] Uwerunonye, N. (2019). Terror in the Sahel: Taking Stock of the Never Ending War . Lagos: Sunday Independent.

246