The Growth of Ashaiman as a Squatter Settlement in the District of , 1950-1990

Thomas Y. Owusu Department of Environmental Science & Geography Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 William Paterson University 300 Pompton Road Wayne NJ 07470-2103 U.S.A.

This paper investigates how Ashaiman (in However, it lacks most normal urban facili- the Tema District of Ghana) developed to ties and services. become one of the largest squatter settle- ments in urban West Africa. Specifically, it Keywords: Squatter, resettlement, rural- examines the dynamics of the settlement's urban migration, housing, Ghana growth process from the late 1940s to the early 1990s and the factors involved. The study finds that Ashaiman's growth is linked Cet article examine comment Ashaiman to the construction of Tema in the 1950s as (dans le district de Tema au Ghana) est Ghana's industrial and port city. To develop devenu l'un des plus grand quartier d'habi- the city of Tema, the government of Ghana tat spontane' en milieu urbain de 1'Afrique acquired the land from the people who occidentale. I1 e'tudie plus particuli2rement owned it and resettled them in a new town- la dynamique de la croissance de ce quartier ship as compensation. However, non-natives depuis la fin des anne'es 1940 jusqu'au de'but (migrants) who lived on the land were ex- des annkes I990 ainsi que les diffe'rents cluded from this resettlement. Instead, they facteurs pouvant l'expliquer. La croissance were allocated small plots of land at Ashai- d'Ashaiman est a mettre en relation avec la man (then a smallfishing village) to build mise en place de Tema, comme le port et le their own houses. As Tema developed, it centre industriel du Ghana, durant les an- became a magnet for urban migrants and nkes cinquante. Pour dkvelopper la ville de experienced a housing shortage. Conse- Tema, le gouvernement a acquis des terrains quently, many new migrants selected Ashai- et a re'installe' les populations qui les occu- man as a residential area. The availability paient pre'ce'demmentdans une nouvelle of cheaper rental accommodation, the ease ville, a titre de compensation. Cependant, of building because of the lack of building les re'sidents e'trangers sur ces terres, pour regulations, and proximity to Tema made la plupart des migrants, ont &ti!exclus de ce Ashaiman an attractive residential option. programme. Ils ont par contre rep de peti- Analysis shows that most Ashaiman resi- tes parcelles a Ashaiman, qui, a l'kpoque, dents have low educational levels, with n'e'tait qu'un petit village de p&heurs, pour incomes far below the national average. The y construire leurs mausons. En se de'velop- movement of migrants to Ashaiman has been pant, Tema est devenue un pale d'attraction influenced not only by economic factors but pour les migrants urbains eta ainsi connu also by ethnic networks in the city. The set- une pe'nurie de logements. Ainsi, de nom- tlement has experienced significant changes breux nouveaux-Venus ont choisi Ashaiman in its economic base and housing structures. comme lieu de re'sidence. La disponibilite' de

The Arab World Geographer J Le Ghographe du monde arabe Vol2, No 3 (1999) 234-249 Copyright 1999 by AWG-The Arab World Geographer, Toronto, Canada The Growth of Ashaiman as a Squatter Settlement in the Tema District of Ghana 235

logements en location bon marche', l'ab- urban growth has resulted in severe housing sence de r2glements sur la construction et shortages (Aryeetey-Attoh 1997). which are done la relative facilite' pour l'auto-cons- manifest in the growth of squatter settlements truction, ainsi que la proximite' de Tema, ont and other types of uncontrolled development fait &Ashaiman un espace re'sidentiel int6- (Alsayyad 1993;Soliman 1996).In many cases ressant. Notre analyse montre que la plupart these settlements are growing even faster than des rksidents dAshaiman ont un niveau the cities they surround. It is estimated that at d e'ducation bas et des revenus tr2s infk- least one-quarter of the urban population in Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 rieurs ci la moyenne nationale. Le mouve- all African countries lives in squatter settle- ment de migrants vers Ashaiman a e'te' in- ments (Obudho 1989). fluence' non seulement par des facteurs tconomiques mais aussi par des rkseaux Characteristics of Squatter Settlements ethniques dans la ville m2me. Malgre' dim- and Unplanned Developments portants changements de sa base e'conomi- que et de la structure de logements, A squatter settlement may be defined as a Ashaiman ne dispose pas de la plupart des collection of dwellings erected on land to e'quipements et des services urbains habi- which the occupants, or at least most of them, tuels. hold no title (Durand-Lasserve 1998; Gilbert and Gugler 1994; Gleen 1993; Oushi 1994). Mots-cle's : squatters, rkinstullution, exode Its defining characteristic, therefore, is ille- rural, logement, Ghana gality of occupation of land, house, or both. A squatter settlement is not necessarily the same as an unplanned or unauthorized development, Sub-Saharan Africa is the least urbanized re- which is also common in West African cities. gion of the major developing regions of the In the case of the latter the residents may hold world, but it has the highest urban population title to the land or, at least, occupy it with the growth rate. The proportion of the region's consent of the landowner (Rakodi 1997). population living in urban areas rose from 5.7 Squatter settlements and unplanned develop- % in 1950 to 27.2% 1980 and 34.4% in 1995 ments, however, share several common char- (World Bank 1996). Since 1980 the average acteristics. In both cases dwellings are often annual growth rate for cities in sub-Saharan erected without an official subdivision plan Africa has been 6.2%, compared to 4.2% for and often infringe upon the local authority's Latin American cities and 4.0% for Asian regulations regarding land use and building cities (World Bank 1996). Many of the princi- standards (Seymour 1976). Typically, these pal cities in sub-Saharan Africa have grown settlements are located at the peripheries of by about 10%per annum (Simon 1997).How- cities. The physical, social, and economic char- ever, there is considerable variation in urban acteristics of squatter settlements and un- growth rates among the constituent sub- planned settlements also often distinguish regions. The most urbanized sub-regions are them from the cities they surround (Alsayyad west and central Africa, with a majority of 1993; Konadu-Agyemang 1991; Rasid and countries having urban populations above the Odemerho 1998). Dwellings are usually con- sub-Saharanaverage. Most countries in south- structed of any available material, including em and east Africa, on the other hand, have packing cases, cardboard cartons, and rusty fewer residents in urban areas (Aryeetey-Attoh galvanized sheets. They often lack normal 1997). urban facilities and infrastructure such as wa- The social, economic, and spatial impacts ter supply, refuse collection and disposal serv- of rapid urban growth on sub-Saharan Afri- ices, and surface water drainage, lacks which, can cities have been significant. In particular, in turn, create unhygienic and squalid condi-

The Arab World Geographer ILK Gkographe du monde arabe 2, no 3 (1999) 236 Thomas Y. Owusu tions. These settlements are often character- dential behaviour of urban migrants with par- ized by high levels of poverty (Amis 1984; ticular reference to the factors influencing Animashaun 1981;Gilbert 1994; Mitullah and their choice of Ashaiman as a residential area, Kibwana 1998; Rempel 1996). Levels of un- including their income, education, occupa- employment tend to be high; those who are tion, and ethnic networks and ties in the city. employed are typically in low paid jobs, often The economic, social, and physical changes casual. in the settlement, as well as living conditions Previous studies of squatter settlements and are also examined. Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 unplanned developments have focused on physical, social, demographic, and economic Sources of Data conditions. Relatively little attention has been given to the dynamics of their growth process Data for this study were collected from a and the factors involved. As Durand-Lasserve variety of sources. A retrospective question- (1998, 235) points out, “we know quite a lot naire survey of 200 household heads was con- about its urban landscape, its demographic ducted between May and August 1990. A importance and the characteristicsof its popu- stratified sampling technique was used in the lation, but still find it difficult to understand survey. The settlement was divided into four how it develops or how it grows.” Rural- sub-areas (neighbourhoods) on the basis of urban migration is usually mentioned as a visible boundaries and streets. Sampling was major contributory factor, but few studies have done separately for each sub-area. As is typi- explored its linkage to the development of cal of most squatter settlements, houses at squatter settlements or unplanned develop- Ashaiman do not have local government prop- ments, or the factors that influence the resi- erty numbers. Besides, there was no list of dential behaviour of urban migrants. The avail- residents or any form of directory which could able literature, however, suggests that there is have been used as a sampling frame to sys- a strong relationship between housing short- tematically pre-select respondents. Instead, an age, the economic status of migrants, and the “on the spot listing and sampling” technique development of these types of settlements in (Goldstein and Goldstein 1981) was adopted. West African cities. It is known, for example, Houses within each of the four sub-areas were that migrants in the city who remain unem- selected systematically after a random start. ployed and unable to participate fully in the The interval for the systematic selection was socioeconomic life of the city over a long based on the estimated number of houses in period of time are potential squatters the sub-area of sampling. In many cases, many (Animashaun I 98 I ;Gleen I 993; Peil and Sada households occupied a house (such houses 1984). are locally referred to as “compound” houses). Therefore, one was randomly selected for the Objectives of the Study study. It should be noted that households in “compound” houses often exhibit a high de- This paper investigates how, within a period gree of socioeconomic homogeneity. Thus the of about four decades, Ashaiman (in the Tema sample obtained is representative of a large District of Ghana) has developed and grown number of households in the study area. from a small village to become one of the The questionnaire focused on a wide range largest squatter settlements in urban West Af- of issues including the socioeconomic and rica. Specifically, it examines the dynamics demographic backgrounds of the migrants, of the settlement’s growth process from the including their levels of schooling, ages, mari- late I 940s to the early 1990s and the political, tal status, occupations, and incomes. There economic, demographic, and social factors were also questions regarding the causes of involved. The paper also explores the resi- their migration, their prior contacts in the city,

The Arab World Geographer 1Le Giographe du monde arabe 2, no 3 (1999) The Growth of Ashaiman as a Squatter Settlement in the Tema District of Ghana 237 their initial residential locations, the role of education that are attainable in Ghana, the relatives and friends in the residential deci- majority of migrants would be perceived as sion-making, and the reasons for their move- almost illiterates. ment to the squatter settlement. Government The occupations of the respondents reflect reports and interviews with city officials and their generally low educational backgrounds. community leaders in the squatter settlement The majority (75%) of them were engaged in also provided useful information for the study. informal sector activities, including petty trad-

ing, masonry, and carpentry. Interestingly, Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 General Characteristics of Respondents about 38% of the respondents were engaged in urban agriculture/farming on lands at the As expected , the majority (88%) of the re- fringes of the settlement. In many cases, this spondents were young adults aged between was a secondary occupation necessary to sup- 15 and 34 years when they migrated to the plement meagre income. The average em- Tema region. The majority (97%) of them ployment income was 15 985cedis ($46 U.S.), were males. The predominance of males in which was about 70% of the minimum the sample reflect two main factors. First, as monthly income of 25 000 cedis ($72 US) for in many other African countries, young single the Ghanaian population as a whole (West males constitute an important component of Africa 1991, March). the migration stream to Ashaiman. Married males tend to leave family members (wives The Growth of Ashaiman: and children) behind in rural areas due to lack An Historical Perspective of income to support them and lack of hous- ing. Secondly, in households with married Ashaiman is a major settlement that lies within couples, many wives declined to be inter- the Tema District of Ghana (see Figure I). Its viewed, and suggested that their husbands area expanded from less than one km2in I 948 should rather be interviewed. This may be to about six km2 by the early I 990s. Ashaiman due to the fact that, in Ghanaian society, as in has also experienced rapid population growth many other African countries, the husband is in the past four decades. Its population in- often viewed as the household head. Given creased from a mere 185 in 1948 to 2 624 in the small number of female respondents in 1960, 22 000 in 1970, and 50 ooo in 1984 the sample, it was not possible in this study to (Ghana Statistical Service 1986). The growth undertake a gendered analysis, which is nec- rate registered between 1960 and 1970 was essary to illustrate differences and similari- 23.5% (Ewusi 1977). Ashaiman was listed as ties between male and female residents in one of the fastest growing towns in Ghana terms of residential behaviour. during this period. Between 1970 and 1984 The general profile that emerges is that of the average annual population growth rate a low average educational, occupational, and dropped to 5.9%, but it still remained high income status. About 14%of the respondents, compared to that of other settlements. Ghana for example, had no formal education, while has not had a population count since 1984, but 64% had primary or elementary level educa- Ashaiman’s population was estimated in 1995 tion, which in Ghana provides six years or ten at about 75 000 (Ghana Statistical Service years of basic education, respectively, with 1996). Ashaiman’s development and growth no job-oriented training. From the remainder is linked to the development of Tema as an of the respondents 10% had secondary educa- industrial and port city in Ghana. The follow- tion, 7% had technical education, and 6% had ing section turns to a discussion of the devel- university level education. From the urban opment of Tema and its impact on the growth perspective and in relation to the standards of of Ashaiman.

The Arab World Geographer I Le Giographe du monde arabe 2, no 3 (1999) Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 The Growth of Ashaiman as a Squatter Settlement in the Tema District of Ghana 239 Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021

FIGURE 2 Map of Terna Acquisition area showing location of Ashaiman that they occupied, although the dwellings negligent attitude of the local government to they erected did not necessarily conform to occupy land at Ashaiman and to build their local government’s building regulations and own houses (Amarterifio 1966). This latter standards. However, for several years follow- groups of settlers, therefore, can be consid- ing this initial settlement, both the local and ered as “squatters.” It should also be noted national governments turned a blind eye to that Ashaiman was originally considered as developments in Ashaiman. As a result, un- temporary settlement for non-natives. Thus authorized allocations of plots to newcomers no proper foundation was laid for its future were made by different individuals, both development in terms of the provision of ba- within and outside the local government.Many sic urban infrastructure.This would also seem other newcomers also took advantage of the to explain why the local government chose to

The Arab World Geographer I Le GCographe du monde arabe 2, no 3 (1999) 240 Thomas Y. Owusu ignore development in the settlement, includ- dwellings on arrival at Ashaiman. Due to the ing the illegal allocation and occupation of demand for housing, and the lack of planning land. regulations, aspiring landlords also engaged The single most important factor that sig- in housing construction for rent. These fac- nificantly affected the growth of Ashaiman tors account for the rapid increase in the popu- was the rapid growth of Tema and the conse- lation of the settlement, particularly in the quent shortage of affordable housing that oc- early 1970s. curred there. When the development of Tema The economic situation in Ghana and the Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 was planned, it was expected that its popula- -Tema area, in particular, in the 1980s tion would grow rapidly from the influx of also contributed to the growth of Ashaiman migrants, both unskilled and skilled, in search during this period. In 1982, with the World of jobs. An increased demand for housing Bank’s support, the government of Jerry was therefore expected. The population of Rawlings launched a structural adjustment Tema increased from about I 4 000 in I 960 to program (SAP)to adjust Ghana’s malfunc- almost IOO ooo by 1984 (Ghana Statistical tioning economy and promote greater eco- Service 1986). In light of this expectation, the nomic efficiency. Policies pursued under the Tema Development Corporation (TDC) was structural adjustment program have included, established in 1958 to provide housing and among others, the restructuring of the public other related urban services in Tema. The sector and state-owned enterprises by trim- TDC built a number of self-contained low- ming overstaffed bureaucracies, the encour- and high-income housing units to cater to all aging of privatization, the removal of govern- economic groups. ment subsidies, and the abolition of price By the early I~~OS,however, while the controls (Weismann 1990). From 1987 to 1991 number of migrants continued to increase, about 50 ooo workers, representing 15% of there was a steady decline in the number of total period public sector employment in housing units built by the TDC, due to a Ghana were retrenched (Rogerson 1997). The combination of economic and political fac- social and economic impacts of these policies tors. This marked the beginning of the hous- have been significant. In urban areas policies ing crisis in Tema. The TDC could not meet that were geared toward trimming govern- its annual construction target of 2 000 hous- ment bureaucracies were not compensated for ing units. For example, between 1956 and by adequate retraining or job placement pro- 1976 it only managed to build a total of 16 grams for the redeployed, leading to massive 779 housing units compared to a target of 40 unemployment, especially in the Accra-Tema ooo units. Thus by 1985 only I I of 19planned region, Ghana’s industrial heartland. Among residential communities had been completed. urban dwellers, wage restraint policies and Low supply of, and high demand for, housing salary freezes reduced the average worker’s stock helped raise housing prices and rents to purchasing power by 30% in 1985 (Frimpong- levels unaffordable by a large proportion of Ansah 1991). These economic policies, in incoming migrants. Under this circumstance, combination, adversely affected the already Ashaiman (and by extension other areas in precarious housing market position of many the Tema Disctrict including and low-income workers in Tema and probably ) became the logical choice as a resi- caused many of them to relocate to Ashaiman, dential area for many. Ashaiman attracted where the cost of housing was much lower. In migrants because of the lack of any land con- addition, Ashaiman offered comparatively trol and regulation, the availability of cheap more opportunities in the informal economic rental accommodation, and its proximity to sector, where many retrenched workers would Tema. Because of the lack of any housing probably have decided to make a fresh start or regulations, many migrants built their own seek supplementary incomes.

The Arab World Geographer I Le Ge‘ographe du monde arabe 2, no 3 (1999) The Growth of Ashaiman as a Squatter Settlement in the Tema District of Ghana 241

TABLE 1 Location of initial settlement by period of arrival in Ashaiman Initial location Before 1960 196Ck-1975 1976-1 990 Total (1 ) Ashaiman 2 (29%) 41 (74%) 93 (67%) 136 (68Yo) Tema 5 (71%) 14 (26%) 45 (33%) 64 (32%) Total (2) 7 (3.5%) 55 (27.5%) 138 (69Yo) 200 (100%)

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Note: Figures in parentheses under Total (1)are column percentages; those in Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 parentheses under Total (2)are row percentages Source: Author's survey

Movement Patterns to Ashaiman social and economic factors including income, educational background and skills, occupa- As mentioned earlier, the first known move- tion, personal preferences, perceptions of life ment of migrants to Ashaiman occurred in in the city and squatter settlement, and the 1959 when, following the acquisition of the strengths of ethnic and friendship networks. old Tema land, non-natives were asked by the Analysis of the arrival of migrants in the government to relocate there. Since then the settlement by period of time yields additional rate of the flow of migrants to the settlement insights. Table I indicates that before 1960, has varied. The majority of the respondents 71% of migrants to the squatter settlement are recent settlers in Ashaiman. As Table I were former residents of Tema. Despite the indicates, 3.5% of the respondents came be- small number of cases, the data would seem fore 1960, 27.5% came between 1960 and to suggest that, in its formation stage, a squat- 1975, and the majority (69%) moved there ter settlement would attract migrants mainly between 1976 and 1990. On the one hand, from the nearby city because of its proximity. these figures reflect the fact that earlier mi- During the 1960-1975 period, however, the grants may have passed away or migrated source regions of settlers to Ashaiman elsewhere as they aged. On the other hand, changed. A greater proportion of migrants the figures also reflect the increasing volume were from parts of the country other than the of in-migrants in the Tema region and the nearby city (Tema). Indeed, 74% of the total onset of the housing crisis in Tema in the number of migrants who moved to the settle- early I 97os, as described earlier in this paper. ment during this period came from other parts Awareness of the difficult economic condi- of the country. In the third period (1976- tions in the city may have caused some new 1989) it would seem that the settlement was migrants to settle directly in Ashaiman. still in transition. As it established itself as a The settlement patterns of migrants is worth township, more and more migrants omitted investigating,not only to provide insights into the nearby city (Tema) and moved directly the sources of urban growth, but also to the there. It is noteworthy that during this period, residential behaviour of urban migrants in the a higher number of migrants than in the fist city, and the economic, social, and cultural two periods also came to the settlement from factors involved. The majority of the respond- Tema. The settlement's proximity to Tema ents (68%) moved directly into the squatter may account for the large number of migrants settlement, while the remaining 32% initially it received from it during this period. This moved to Tema and stayed there for a period finding also provides some support for the of time before relocating to the squatter set- view, expressed earlier, that the severity of tlement. As will be shown later in this paper, the economic situation in urban Ghana in the this finding reflects the interplay of a range of 1980s following the implementation of struc-

The Arab World Geographer 1Le GCographe du monde arabe 2, no 3 (1999) 242 Thomas Y. Owusu

TABLE 2 Educational level by location of initial residence Tema Ashaiman No. % No. % Total No Education 9 33.3 18 66.7 27 PrimaqVelementary 33 25.8 95 74.2 128 Secondaty 8 42.1 11 57.9 19 Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 Technical 10 71.4 4 28.6 14 University 3 25.0 9 75.0 12 Total 63 31.5 137 68.5 200 Chi-square: 13.55157 D.F: 4 Significance: 0.0089 Each cell shows the observed values and the row percentages Source: Author’s survey

tural adjustment programs may have caused and the place of initial residential location some residents of Tema to relocate in (p < 0.05). Generally, respondents with a rela- Ashaiman where rents were much lower, and tively high level of schooling were more likely employment opportunities were available in to have moved first to Tema rather than the the informal sector. squatter settlement. For example, 71% of the While the time periods have been arbitrar- respondents with technical education went to ily defined, they are nonetheless a useful guide Tema first before moving to Ashaiman com- in the determination of the source region of pared with 33.3% of those with no education, migrants for the squatter settlement and of the 25.8% of those with primary education, and changing importance of these source regions 42. I % of those with secondary education. This over time. It is interesting to note that the suggests that migrants with skills and train- 1960-1970 period in which the settlement ing, especially those with technical training, recorded its highest population growth rate anticipate a higher probability of succeeding roughly coincides with the period when a in the city than those of other educational greater proportion of those migrating there groups. This finding is consistent with those were coming directly from parts of the coun- of other studies regarding the educational at- try other than Tema. tainment of actual and potential squatter dwell- ers in West African cities (Animashaun 1981; Factors Influencing Residential Location Gleen 1993; Mitullah and Kibwana 1988) Interestingly, however, about six percent Whether a resident of Ashaiman settled di- of the respondents were university and col- rectly there upon arrival to the region or lived lege graduates. A closer look at their back- first in Tema before moving to Ashaiman is grounds shows that they were young gradu- dependent on the characteristics of the person ates and moved to the settlement recently. involved. Analysis of the survey data indi- One plausible explanation for this trend is cates that level of education, income, and that, as the housing shortage in the city be- prior contacts in the city were the individual comes acute and housing becomes more ex- characteristics that best explain the observed pensive, relatively well-educated young men patterns of initial locational settlement of mi- and women who may be entering the labour grants. market for the first time might wish to take Table 2 indicates that there is a statistically advantage of the cheaper housing in the squat- significant relationship between education ter settlement. This trend may also be related

The Arab World Geographer f Le Giographe du monde arabe 2, no 3 (1999) The Growth of Ashaiman as a Squatter Settlement in the Tema District of Ghana 243

TABLE 3 Reasons for moving to Ashaiman by initial location of settlement Direct to Ashaiman Through Tema Total Housing shortage or high rents in Tema 56 (41.1Yo) 60 (93.7%) 116 (58%) Relatives in Ashaiman 71 (52.2%) 3 (4.6%) 74 (37%) Prefer Ashaiman 9 (6.6%) 1 (1.65%) 10 (5%) Total 136 (100.0%) 64 (1 00%) 200 (100) Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 Source: Author's survey to the economic difficulties faced by urban As mentioned earlier, the respondents had households in Ghana as a result of structural relatively low incomes. Their average monthly adjustment programs in the 1980s. income of 15ooo cedis was 30% lower than Prospective migrants often rely on a net- the national minimum monthly income of 25 work of contacts in the destination area for ooo cedis. Not surprisingly, therefore, 58% of information and assistance which in turn leads the respondents indicated that they decided to to chain migration. The data collected for this move to Ashaiman primarily because they study provides evidence for this assertion. could not find or afford housing in Tema About two out of every three respondents (Table 3). It is noteworthy, however, that a (66%) indicated that they had relatives and higher proportion of those previously living friends in Tema and/or Ashaiman. These con- in Tema cited the cost of housing there as a tacts provided them with information about causal factor than of those who moved di- employment and housing opportunities in the rectly to Ashaiman. For example, 93% of city and in so doing influenced their residen- those previously living in Tema mentioned tial choices. that they moved to Ashaiman because of the As Table 3 indicates, this is particularly housing situation in Tema, compared to about true for those who moved directly to the squat- 41% of those who moved to Ashaiman di- ter settlement. For example, of I 36 respond- rectly. ents who moved directly to the settlement, Respondents' initial location and initial over one-half (52.2%) indicated that they did accommodationin the squatter settlement were so because their relatives and friends lived also cross-tabulated to examine the relation- there. This suggests that chain migration has ship between them (Table 4). The data shows significantly contributed to the growth of the that 74.6% of the respondents who moved squatter settlement. A higher proportion of first to Tema rented accommodation in Ashai- those who moved first to Tema were influ- man when they relocated there; the rest stayed enced by ethnic and friendship ties. For ex- with relatives or friends. In contrast, the ma- ample, among the 64 respondents who moved jority (88%) of those who moved directly to first to Tema, 89% had relatives and/or friends the squatter settlement stayed with friends there. However, only 4.7% of those previ- and relations. Only I I .7% of them were able ously living in Tema moved to Ashaiman to rent houses. This relationship is statisti- because of the presence of relatives there. cally significant at the 0.05 significance level. The level of income proved to be the sin- The result confirms the earlier observation in gle most important factor influencing loca- this study that most of the respondents who tion in the squatter settlement. This finding is moved directly into the squatter settlement consistent with those of previous studies (see may have been influenced by friends and rela- Amis 1984; Animashaun 1981;Durand- tions already there. It may also be that those Lasserve 1998;Rempel1996; Seymour 1976). who went fxst to Tema had the time and

The Arab World Geographer I Le GLographe du mnde arabe 2, no 3 (1999) 244 Thomas Y. Owusu

TABLE 4 Initial location by type of accommodation Friend Relative Rented Built Total

~ Tema 4 (6.3%) 11 (17.5%) 47 (74.6%) 1 (1.6%) 63 (1 00.0%) Ashaiman 51 (37.2%) 70 (51.1%) 16 (11.7%) 0 (0.0%) 137 (1 00.0~0) Total 55 (27.5%) 81 (40.5%) 63 (31.5%) 1 (0.5%) 200 (100.0%)

~

Chi-square: 83.53518 D.F: 3 Significance: 0.0000 Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 Source: Author’s survey financial resources to rent accommodation in 1990s.Interestingly, there has been an expan- Ashaiman when they decided to relocate there. sion of urban agriculture (food growing and livestock rearing) by households on undevel- The Evolution of Ashaiman oped land in and around the settlement. Most of the agricultural produce is consumed by Since 1948Ashaiman has experienced a sig- the households, but part of it is sold to supple- nificant transformationnot only of its popula- ment family incomes. The increase in infor- tion and areal extent, but also of its economic, mal sector activities, including agriculture, in social, and physical characteristics. The more African cities is due largely to declining real significant aspects of this transformation are wages in the formal economy and to the loss discussed below, with particular reference to of formal sector jobs following from struc- changes in economic base, in housing, and in tural adjustment programs in the 1980s(Potts the state of facilities and services in the settle- I 997;Rogerson I 997). ment. In many ways Ashaiman functions as a satellite of Tema. The majority of Ashaiman’s Economic Changes residents engaged in informal sector activi- ties work in Ashaiman. However, most of The economic base of the settlement has those engaged in these activities obtain their changed significantly in the past four dec- inputs from Tema and, in turn, sell some of ades. In 1948 Ashaiman was primarily an their products to its residents. It should be agrarian community in that all of its 185resi- noted, however, that a large number of work- dents were engaged in farming and fishing. ers employed in the factories and port of Tema By the I~~OS,however, the economic base of live in Ashaiman. More importantly, Ashai- the settlement was characterized by a large man depends on Tema for all kinds of formal and growing informal sector, including petty services, including education, health, bank- commodity trading, masonry, tailoring, car- ing, administrative services, and shopping and pentry, dressmaking, plumbing, small-scale entertainment. These services are not ad- metal fabrication, and repair and maintenance equately provided in the settlement. As a con- services. In 1970out of 16ooo persons aged sequence, many Ashaiman residents commute over 15 years, about 79% were engaged in to and from Tema daily. Commuting is done informal sector activities, 8% were engaged through a variety of transport modes, includ- in fishing and farming, and 5% were em- ing private buses (trotro) and taxis, company ployed in formal activities. The remainder buses, cycling, and walking. were unemployed. (Peil and Sada 1984). As in many cities in sub-Saharan Africa, Housing Changes informal sector activities have continued to increase in the settlement in the 1980s and Perhaps the most significant transformation

The Arab World Geographer /Le Gdographe du monde arabe 2, no 3 (1999) The Growth of Ashaiman as a Squatter Settlement in the Tema District of Ghana 245

TABLE 5 Housing facilities at Ashaiman Proportion of units with given facility

Facility No YO Water Domestic 0 0 Buy from outside 100 100 Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 Toilet Domestic 14 7 Public toilet 166 93 Bath Facility Within house 84 42 Outside house 116 58 Kitchen Private 0 0 Open 100 100 Lighting . Electricity 187 93.5 Lamps 13 6.5 Source: Author's survey in Ashaiman relates to the structure of houses. houses being constructed were permanent Ashaiman has changed from a being a settle- structures. The TDC eventually came to terms ment of impermanent structures into one in with this reality in 1966 by recognizing the which most of the houses are made of perma- town as a permanent settlement, enforcing nent materials. This evolution is consistent more rigorously the building standards. As with findings for unplanned and squatter set- part of its effort to control development of tlements in Latin American cities (see Gilbert Ashaiman, the TDC established a sub-office and Gugler 1994; Mangin 1967). Evidence of its estate department there. This move, from Latin American cities shows that, over however, was seen by residents as an attempt time, spontaneous housing tended to improve by the TDC to intensify the collection of taxes and consolidate as inhabitants built outside and rates. Despite the TDC's involvement, walls, extra rooms, and a solid roof (Gilbert spontaneous housing continued unabated on and Gugler 1994). In the initial period of its the eastern side of the settlement. development growth, houses built in Ashaiman A survey of the types of material of which were made of impermanent materials such as houses are made provides evidence of the rusty galvanized iron sheets, cardboard, bam- change in housing noted above. Of the 200 boo and wood, and thatch. The rudimentary buildings surveyed, 76% had cement (or con- nature of the shelters, most of which were crete) walls; the remainder had wooden walls. self-built, may be due to the limited financial Almost all of the houses (92.2%) had asbestos resources of the residents. It may also be at- sheets for roofing. Most of the houses, how- tributable to the insecurity and uncertainty ever, were without many facilities (see Table regarding landownership and tenure and resi- 5). For example, none of the houses surveyed dents' fear that houses could be demolished had piped domestic water supply; residents without compensation, as the TDC had indi- use the few public stand pipes available, or cated. buy water from vendors at higher prices. Only For over a decade the TDC turned a blind 7% of the houses had domestic toilet facili- eye to developments in Ashaiman. By the ties. Most residents use the few public toilets early 1960s an increasing proportion of the (or latrines). About 58% of the houses had

The Arab World Geographer I Le Giographe du monde arabe 2, no 3 (1999) 246 Thomas Y. Owusu

their bath facility outside the house, typically opment of Tema set off a wave of urban constructed of either of wood or of old asbes- migrants in search of better economic oppor- tos sheets and used by all residents of the tunities, leading to a rapid growth of Tema’s house. None of the houses also had specially population. This growth, however, was not constructed kitchens. Typically, cooking is matched by an adequate supply of affordable done on charcoal pots in the open area of the housing. Consequently, urban migrants, par- house. Interestingly, the overwhelming ma- ticularly those with low levels of education jority (93.5%) of the houses had electricity and income, selected Ashaiman as a residen- Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 for lighting, while the remaining houses used tial area. This seems to have been a logical lamps. Those without electricity indicated that choice, given that as there were no planning they could not afford the cost of tapping elec- and building regulations, migrants could eas- tricity from the main lines into their houses. ily build their own houses or secure rental Surprisingly, the TDC’s presence in accommodation at prices far lower than was Ashaiman has led to little, if any, improve- available in Tema. Equally importantly, Ashai- ment in living conditions in the settlement. It man’s proximity to Tema enabled residents to still lacks most of what are considered as commute to work in Tema. normal urban services and facilities. There is Analysis of the primary data indicates that no regulated system of garbage collection and most of the migrants who came to Ashaiman disposal; in fact there no designated refuse in the early period were previously resident in dumps, leading residents to dispose of garbage Tema, but over time most of the settlers by- arbitrarily. The roads are in poor condition, passed Tema and moved directly to the settle- and there is a lack of a properly laid out drain- ment. They were young, with low educational age system. These conditions have contributed standards relative to the national population, to making the environment unsanitary and, for engaged primarily in occupational activities that matter, a continuous health risk. in the informal sector and making an average income well below the national minimum. Conclusion Analysis further reveals that the location of friends and relatives was a crucial determin- In a period of about four decades, Ashaiman ing factor for the location of migrants upon has developed and grown to become one of arrival in the city. the largest squatter settlements in urban West In the past four decades the settlement has Africa. Analysis reveals that its development evolved in several respects. It has changed is attributable to a set of political, economic, from an agrarian village into one dominated demographic, and social factors. First, it shows by a large and growing informal sector. Houses that both local and national governments have have also been improved and consolidated in contributed to Ashaiman’s development and terms of the materials of which they are con- growth. Ashaiman’s growth is directly linked structed, but most of them still lack domestic to the development of Tema in the 1950s as water supply, internal toilet, kitchen, and bath Ghana’s industrial and port city. The decision facilities. The settlement also lacks many nor- of the national government to move non-na- mal urban facilities and services such as a tives (migrants) in the Tema acquisition area regulated system of garbage collection and to Ashaiman, and to allow them to build their disposal, and a properly laid out sewage sys- own houses, without any building regulations, tem, good roads, schools, and hospitals. The was a critical turning point in the settlements’ poor state of facilities and services in development. Also important is the fact that Ashaiman is the result of neglect on the part the government made no plans for the future of the local and national governments. development of the settlement in terms of the While this paper contributes towards our provision of urban infrastructure. The devel- understanding of the processes that give rise

The Arab World Geographer I Le Gkographe du monde arabe 2, no 3 (1999) The Growth of Ashaiman as a Squatter Settlement in the Tema District of Ghana 247 to the formation and growth of squatter settle- it should be recognized that migration rates ments and unplanned settlements in West Af- and trends as well as urban growth rates in rican cities, further work is not only possible West Africa vary significantly from country but necessary. Breaking new ground on this to country. Second, and more importantly, topic will require effort in field observation residential property markets in the region ex- and data collection. New sample data col- hibit local, regional, and national variations. lected should increase the number of observa- For example, in cities where indigenous ten- tions to allow the use of multivariate analysis, ure was predominant, squatting was never Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/awg/article-pdf/2/3/234/1446363/arwg_2_3_ht57t477j78kr486.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 as opposed to the bivariate analysis used in widespread because low-income urban resi- this paper. Multivariate analysis will allow dents could have access to land for house the determination of the relative importance construction without resorting to illegal occu- of the factors identified in this paper. pation (Konadu-Agyemang 1991; Potts 1997; Subsequent studies should expand the list Rakodi 1997).The dynamics of the formation of variables to be able to capture a wider and growth of squatter settlements, therefore, range of factors that influence migration and and the factors involved will vary from coun- urban residential location. In particular, a try to country and from city to city. gendered analysis is necessary to provide The growth and development of Ashaiman insights into the differences between the resi- can be explained in terms of the influx of dential behaviour of males and females. The urban migrants, the lack of affordable hous- sample should also be broadened to include ing in the city, and the poverty of urban mi- migrants who have settled permanently both grants, as previous studies have clearly shown in the squatter settlement and in the city. This for other squatter settlements and unplanned will make for a comparative study of three developments elsewhere in Africa (see Amis groups of migrants: those who moved directly 1984; Gleen 1993; Obudho 1989; Seymour to the squatter settlement, those who settled 1976; Soliman 1996). While this set of factors in the city before moving to the squatter set- exists in different countries and cities in West tlement, and those who settled permanently in Africa, the political, economic, and social con- the city. This comparative study will obvi- texts within which they interact may not nec- ously help explain why some migrants reside essarily be the same. The development and in certain areas in the city. Further light can growth of Ashaiman is best understood in the be shed on these processes through the collec- context of the expropriation of land by the tion of longitudinal data, which require that a national government of Ghana for the devel- sample of migrants be followed for a number opment of Tema as an industrial and port city. of years during which repeat surveys are con- Clearly, it does not reflect the more usual ducted to assess change in housing, employ- process of land settlement in other West Afri- ment, and other socioeconomic conditions. can cities. Indeed, in this case, local and na- Future research on squatter settlements and tional governments did not just turn a blind unplanned developments in West Africa eye to developments in the settlement and should examine more thoroughly how struc- allow it to gain political legitimation, as was tural adjustment programs in the 1980s and the case in some cities in East Africa (Amis I 990s have influenced not only the growth of I 984; Rakodi I 997; Seymour I 976), but they these settlements but also the demographic, created the settlement and, subsequently, al- economic, and social characteristics of their lowed squatting in it to become widespread. residents. While the findings presented here provide How does Ashaiman’s experience, as pre- some insights into the development of squat- sented in this paper, conform to or differ from ter settlements in West African cities, com- other squatter settlements and unplanned de- parative case studies of these types of settle- velopments elsewhere in West Africa? First, ments in different urban and national contexts

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