Stature Trends in Ancient Maya Populations: Re-Examining Studies from Tikal and Altar De Sacrificios

TOTEM 13

Stature Trends in Ancient Maya Populations: Re-Examining Studies from Tikal and Altar de Sacrificios

Lindi J. Masur

Introduction whether or not this trend was a result of The causes for the collapse of the plastic response to environmental Classic Maya civilization in the tenth challenges, or whether it was a plastic century A.D. remain a highly controversial adaptation to a changing environment topic among historians and anthropologists (Beaton 1989, Messer 1989). The question today. Danforth (1999:103) stated that of whether such proposed adaptations would ecological hypotheses predominantly result in “small but healthy” individuals has emphasize a “health crisis” emerging in the been the topic of many debates in recent Pre-Classic period, therefore many years (Beaton 1989, Messer 1989). This anthropologists strive to find such evidence paper proposes that while there is evidence in the archaeological record. One method of to support the trend of decreasing stature in analyzing a potential “health crisis” is Haviland (1967) and Saul‟s (1972) studies, studying stature trends in Maya such trends are likely due to plastic archaeological contexts (Danforth responses to environmental variations, rather 1999:103). Larsen (1987:340) illustrated than plastic adaptation. This paper also that as the growth and maintenance of argues that Haviland (1967) and Saul‟s skeletal tissues are a reflection of the (1972) data cannot be used to infer a individual‟s environment, studying human regional trend because of differential access skeletal tissues can help make inferences to resources across the Maya region. about that individual‟s behaviour, and the Furthermore, too much variability exists relationship with their environment. Genetic spatially and temporally to conclude that this and environmental components must both be trend was widespread. considered when analyzing stature to make inferences about nutrition, but increasing Study at Tikal, Guatemala nutritional variability has also proved to Haviland‟s (1967) analysis of the result in increasing variability of stature skeletal remains excavated at Tikal provided (Danforth 1999:103). Therefore, analysis of some remarkable statistics with regards to stature change over time within genetic secular trends in stature, but the study is populations can help anthropologists infer hampered by sampling problems. Haviland‟s environmental conditions, including food (1967:316) sample was comprised of 55 availability during the Classic Maya time skeletons from Tikal burial sites, with a period, in hopes of shedding light on the temporal span from the Pre-Classic to the overall „big picture‟ of the cultural collapse Late Classic. Haviland (1967:316) stated (Danforth 1999:104). that the analysis of stature at this site cannot Haviland (1967) and Saul‟s (1972) only reveal information about nutrition, but studies on intertemporal stature trends were can also be used to make inferences about the first of their kind to show data that demography and social complexity over suggested increasing nutritional deficiencies time. Analysis of usable collected remains resulted in shorter stature. Human ecologists led Haviland (1967:316) to theorize that as well as anthropologists began to question Tikal was initially settled in Pre-Classic

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 14 times by a population of individuals of (1967:323) suggested that sexual moderate stature, and that stature remained dimorphism involves not only the biological stable throughout the Early and Middle notion that females are not as strongly Classic periods. However, his data showed affected by nutritional stress as are males, that in the skeletons from the Late Classic but also the fact that males might have period there was a statistically significant always had preferential access to more reduction in stature, which he believed was a nutritious foods; therefore women would result of nutritional stress, and a reflection of have always been experiencing a relative the deteriorating environment and the nutritional stress. Haviland (1967:319) collapsing Maya regime (Haviland stated that nutritional stress is directly 1967:316). related to the downfall of the Maya Between the Pre-Classic and Early civilization, and that decreasing stature was Classic periods, Haviland (1967:320) noted a direct result of environmental degradation. an increasing trend in differences in stature Haviland (1967:320) proposed that between skeletons found in tombs, and those the population density of southern Tikal not found in tombs. Those interred in tombs could have been as high as 136 people per were suggested to have been of higher status square kilometer, much higher than the and have better access to food resources. optimal range of 38-77 people per square This nutritional advantage allowed them to kilometer. He concluded that such a large maximize their growth potential. The noted non-farming population would have to rely difference between those individuals of heavily on the agricultural sector, and the higher status and the other individuals was combination of soil degradation, crop an average of seven centimeters (Haviland failure, and having too many mouths to feed 1967:320). Haviland (1967:231) stated that would lead to an overall nutritional stress one would expect to see this trend of that even the wealthy could not avoid increasing stature among the individuals (Haviland 1967:319). interred in tombs, but this is not the case. Haviland (1967:316) recognized The samples acquired from the Late Classic some factors that could affect the accuracy exhibit reduced stature in all individuals of his study, such as small sample sizes from regardless of status; the mean difference in each time period, and the disproportionate height still remained the same between the number of tomb bodies to other burials. two status groups, but they both seemed to Tomb remains were better preserved be getting progressively shorter (Haviland because they were not exposed to processes 1967:322). Haviland (1967:319) stated that such as acidic erosion from soils and by the Late Classic, the mean height for floralturbation, therefore they were more adult males was 157.4 cm, stature likely to be suitable for analysis (Haviland comparable to that of some pygmies. 1967:316). He also noted that women, even Haviland (1967:323) noted that in those of higher status, were not typically Pre-Classic Tikal there is marked sexual interred in tombs, except during the Pre- dimorphism, which fluctuates and then Classic period (Haviland 1967:323). This is decreases. Female height remains relatively unfortunate because no definite conclusions constant for all periods (an average of 147 can be drawn about the degree to which cm), while mean male height increases from females are naturally buffered against 164.5 cm during the Pre-Classic period to nutritional stress, since comparison between 167 cm in the Early Classic, then drops to higher status women who could maximize 157.4 cm by the Late Classic. Haviland growth potential and women without such

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 15 benefit is lacking. One can also conclude female stature (Buikstra 1974:456). He did that since Haviland‟s data of female note however, a high frequency of porotic specimens in general are so lacking, there is hyperostosis, osteitis, and subperiosteal little basis for his statement of continuing hemorrhages, which can indicate stability of female stature. Another weak considerable nutritional stress, such as iron point in his methodology is his purposeful and vitamin C deficiencies, and that exclusion of four burials (burials 23, 24, 38 treponemal infection would add and 144), which he deems “highly unusual” substantially to the disease load (Saul 1972, and “abnormal” (Haviland 1967:322). These cited in Buikstra 1974:456). His findings Late Classic burials were of individuals he therefore somewhat mirrored Haviland‟s deemed to be either extremely robust or (1967), and Buikstra (1974:456) noted that extremely gracile compared to the other Saul‟s data is “spotty” as well, but does not burials, which he reasoned was the result of elaborate. elitist endogamy: “close inbreeding can result in the expression of genes which Nutrition, Stature, and Plasticity would produce various anomalies […] in Poor nutrition causes depressed stature, [and would yield] a higher growth rates, which in turn have a negative frequency in later populations” (Haviland impact on adult stature (Larsen 1987:349). 1967:322). However, considering his sample Larsen stated potential nutritional deficits in is comprised of only 55 individuals, a total the ancient Maya as the result of the of four individuals (7.2% of his sample) transition to agriculture, where the primary cannot be considered anomalies. If elitist dietary staple was maize: endogamy results in what would be similar to the founder‟s effect (when an isolated Although maize will serve to meet group exhibits a higher occurrence of a caloric requirements, it contains only particular genotype and phenotype than the moderate amounts of raw protein and population as a whole), and the founders of is deficient in two essential amino Tikal were of moderate stature, the result acids, lysine and tryptophan, and a would have therefore been descendants who vitamin, niacin. […] If maize is not were also of moderate stature, not a range supplemented with another protein including both exceptionally robust and source, niacin deficien-cies are sure exceptionally gracile individuals. to develop. […] Clearly, then, a dependence on a limited food Study at Altar de Sacrificios resource like maize will have a The excavations at Altar de profound impact on growth and Sacrificios yielded 90 fragmentary skeletons development. (Larsen 1987:349) that spanned a two thousand year period from 800 B.C. to A.D 1000 (Saul 1972, However, protein and amino acids which are cited in Buikstra 1974:456). Buikstra lacking in maize can be obtained from other (1974:456) wrote, “given inherited genetic commonly cultivated plants in the stability, Saul interprets the (male) trend Mesoamerican region, such as beans towards stature decrease as an indication of (Kaplan 1973:75). In regions where these increased dietary/disease stress in more synergistic crops were both cultivated and recent populations”. His data, however, did incorporated into cuisine, they would have not illustrate tall stature among high status provided the ancient Maya with a “complete Maya males, nor did it propose trends in protein package” (Kaplan 1973:77).

Traditional alkali treatments of maize smaller stature would no longer be the increased its nutritional quality as well (Katz predictor of malnutrition and health et al. 1974, cited in Larsen 1987:349), problems due to chronic malnutrition, but suggesting other factors aside from rather becomes the outcome of chronic agricultural intensification of maize were malnutrition through time and multiple involved in the decrease in overall generations (Beaton 1989:32). nutritional quality. Messer (1989:40) also critiqued the Traditional debates on the secular “small but healthy” hypothesis, questioning reduction of size amongst the Classic Maya the validity of reduced stature as an adaptive question whether it is an example of plastic mechanism in the Maya region. Messer response or plastic adaptation. On one side (1989:40) noted that among the majority of of the spectrum are plastic responses, which ancient societies, robusticity symbolized are disadvantageous responses to an good health, strength, and wealth, and individual‟s environment (Beaton 1989:31). therefore she doubted that smaller stature Poor nutrition would result in poor growth would have been selected. She also and development, and an unhealthy indicated that greater stature and weight individual (Beaton 1989). On the other side would be the favourable trait to be selected of the spectrum are plastic adaptations, the among agricultural labourers (Messer responses from an environmental stress 1989:49). Therefore in Mesoamerican presenting a permanent shift in the adult regions with large agricultural stress and a phenotype (Bogin 1995:69). Stini (1981, large population of agricultural workers, the cited in Larsen 1987:349) described how most likely adaptations that would have size reduction could be a selection in arisen would have been a trend in increasing response to food shortages. Stini (1981, robusticity among commoners. This trend cited in Larsen 1987:350) hypothesized that would not have been as observable in the when nutrient availability is limited, smaller tomb burials because robusticity would not individuals would fare better than larger be necessary for the elite. Haviland (1967) ones, as they would require less food, and and Saul‟s (1972) data do not reflect this that a secular trend in decreasing stature sort of pattern by any means. would reflect an “optimization of growth Messer (1989:40) also stated that that permits a greater number of individuals under-nutrition leads to underproduction, to function under reduced dietary which in turn would lead to more under- resources.” Therefore, plastic adaptations nutrition. Therefore it can be illustrated that are advantageous, and result in increased agricultural stress and decreased nutrition survival at a population level (Beaton status would result in decreased energy 1989:31). levels, leading to a greater decrease in The “small but healthy” model of agricultural efficiency. Messer (1989:40) plastic adaptation in itself warrants further indicated that this alone is not indicative of review. The question of whether or not the inevitable adaptation, because with reduced development of smaller stature is actually nutritional requirements, a reduced beneficial is currently being investigated by reproductive capacity should also be many scholars (Beaton 1989). Beaton observed. Also, Messer (1989:43) suggested (1989:31) wondered if a smaller stature that adaptations favouring slower growth would actually protect individuals with poor rates resulting in shorter stature should nutrition from becoming malnourished. If reflect high neonatal and infant mortality in so, such an adaptation would mean that the population, as development of organs is

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 17 crucial in early years. In contrast to this expected result, Messer (1989:49) described Agriculture the cultural favourability for plump children, Wright and White (1996:148) which would result in maximized growth reported that widely accepted data show that potential. Messer (1989:49) believed that in the Maya region during the Classic period order to further disprove the “small but consisted of “a complex agricultural system healthy” hypothesis, anthropologists must […], and a diverse population of farmers, compile more data on the relationship traders, artisans, and religious specialists,” between food supply, productivity, and and that most studies do indicate trends in cultural ideology represented in body image. increasing population density throughout the Messer (1989:43) even stated that Classic periods. This implies that there was agricultural stress could have been marked variability between how individuals potentially dealt with by traditional made a living among differing social strata, equilibrium responses. In a Maya scenario, and also much variability spatially between this would most likely entail increased urban and rural areas. Wright and White population leading to increased agricultural (1996:148) stated that with increasing stress, which would result in famine, and a population density, farmers needed to leveling-off of the population. This in turn increase their annual yield of crops would reduce the aforementioned (typically maize) to support booming urban agricultural stress, returning the centers. Such population pressures would environment to a state of equilibrium. also exhaust hunting resources, reducing the amount of protein available (Wright and Mesoamerican Environment White 1996:148). Lentz (1999:14) stated If one is to believe that Haviland that paleo-ethnobotanical studies reveal that (1967) and Saul‟s (1972) claims are valid, the staple agricultural crop across the Maya nutritional stress on humans and increased region was indeed maize, but that squash, agricultural intensification should be peppers, beans, and possibly manioc and reflected in bioarchaeological studies of the other root crops were also popular. Wright Classic Maya period. Wright and White and White‟s (1996) study also yielded the (1996:147) stated that analysis of stature is same results. Wright and White (1996:149) not useful for directly making inferences took a closer look at the farmers in this about environment, and that instead it is scenario, and noted that the type of helpful to employ paleopathological and agriculture practiced in tropical regions, isotopic paleodietary analyses on skeletal called milpa farming, is a common factor in tissues. Wright and White‟s (1996:147) environmental degradation due to soil study proposed that if the Maya collapse erosion and nutrient loss which would result involved deteriorating diet, there would need in the decreased dietary quality and quantity to be evidence to support continual dietary of crops. Lentz‟s (1999:14) study illustrated changes during the Pre-Classic and Early proof of orchard farming at the site of Classic periods through the Terminal Ceren, where “avocado, hogplum, mamey, Classic. While their study does not focus on guava, nance, cacao, cashew, and calabash” nutrition and its role in stature development, trees were grown near homes. He stated that their hypothesis deals with similar trends, the inclusion of tree farming would also and therefore can be used as a comparative lighten agricultural stress, but revealed that study. apart from this site there is not much evidence to indicate this was a homogenous

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 18 practice across the Maya region (Lentz period where the Maya civilization rapidly 1999:14). Therefore evidence suggests that grew in complexity and social stratification while maize was the staple crop, many other (Emery 2007:191). The secular trends in crops were grown, and that there was much increased hunting were likely due to variation in agricultural production across increased hunting pressures, not just because the region. of nutritional needs, but for the use of animal products, such as skins and bones Hunting, Fishing, and Iron Deficiency used in ceremonies, and objects which Wright and White (1996:159) also reflected high status (Emery 2007:191). analyzed data pertaining to iron deficiencies Emery (2007:191) also indicated that in the represented in skeletal assemblages Late Classic, when social complexity was at throughout the Classic period, and spanning its peak, panthers, monkeys, and brightly the whole Maya region. They concluded that coloured birds were in very high demand the data varies greatly between sites, but that among the elite, although they were not there was a high prevalence of iron necessarily eaten. Shaw (1999:83) also deficiency: 77% of subadults, and 65% of noted that meat acquisition was typically adults were affected (Wright and White done by hunting and fishing, due to the lack 1996:159). However, iron deficiencies do of large domesticated animals. not always reflect deficiencies in the menu, A study done by Shaw (1999:83) at but may also be indicators of parasitism, the Colha site in Belize indicated that the which varied from region to region and was Maya in the area were exploiting a large quite common (Wright and White variety of fish and game during the Pre- 1996:159). Wright and White (1996:160) Classic period, before increasing agricultural also cautioned that while intensification of intensification. In the Middle Pre-Classic, maize production and its reliance in diet did Shaw (1999:88) stated that the Maya parallel an increased population density, this exploited several terrestrial and aquatic is not the only factor when accounting for species, with an emphasis on fish. She even iron deficiencies: a site comparison between suggested that hunting, fishing, and two sites with a high maize production rate collecting were the primary strategies for shows one site holding the lowest incidence food acquisition from the evidence found at of iron deficiency, and the other among the Colha (Shaw 1999:88). By the Late Pre- highest. Classic, however, long-term exploitation, Emery (2007) investigated the and therefore a decrease in faunal reliance on wild game in inland regions with availability, led to an increasing dependence little access to marine resources. She on crop procurement to meet increasing food indicated that between the Pre-Classic and stress in the growing population (Shaw Early Classic sites there is an increased 1999:92). To leave towns and cities for the reliance on hunting white-tailed deer, which sole purpose of hunting would not be an corresponded with an increased efficiency in efficient food acquisition strategy, and hunting large game (Emery 2007:190). This therefore she suggested that the Maya of this is followed by a decline in large game region practiced “garden hunting,” where hunting from the Late to Terminal Classic, only garden predators and nearby game were due to over-exploitation (Emery 2007:190). hunted (Shaw 1999:84). She stated that this Emery (2007:191) stated that the most change in the organization of food intriguing trend in the hunting of wild game procurement, rather than intensification, was during the Pre-Classic. This is the time would actually increase the diversity of

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 19 meats available (Shaw 1999:94). This can be probably have been more influenced by illustrated by a scenario where, instead of differential access to food resources, or even leaving to hunt specifically white-tailed deer parasites, rather than environmental resource and to fish, staying in the garden and availability (Glassman & Garber 1999:127). gathering any deer, rodents, or dogs that Glassman and Garber (1999) also come into the area increases the diversity of investigated the stature of the individuals, species consumed. which shall be addressed later on in this A study by Glassman and Garber paper. (1999:121) further illustrated the wide variability of food procurement strategies Discussion across the Maya region. Late and Terminal While there seems to be a secular Classic sites were excavated at Ambergris trend towards a decrease in stature among Cay, where highly acidic soils and swamps Haviland (1967) and Saul‟s (1972) samples, would have hindered agricultural production by reviewing the recent literature it can be (Glassman & Garber 1999:121). Individuals suggested that not only was there large in this region depended primarily upon variability within regions as to who had marine resources, wild animals, and plants, access to certain resources, but there was but also may have imported shelled maize also large interregional variability. The high from the mainland to supplement their diet degree of intra and interregional variability (Glassman & Garber 1999:121). This is suggests that the trend in decreasing stature quite a different scenario than for many was not necessarily widespread, and other sites of the Terminal Classic, where therefore does not reflect a plastic adaptation intensive agricultural production and among the whole Maya population. homogeneity of food sources were at their peak. This indicates that not only does Haviland (1967) and Saul (1972) resource exploitation vary spatially, but also Danforth‟s (1994) article on stature temporally. Glassman and Garber change outlined the many limitations of (1999:121) noted that protein-rich marine Haviland (1967) and Saul‟s (1972) resources were easily obtainable. The investigations, and the lack of evidence to evidence suggests that when marine and suggest such change in stature was a terrestrial animals are both available, there widespread phenomenon. First, she will be a preference for marine resources as indicated that only six sites in the Maya the staple food, and that terrestrial animals lowlands offer intertemporal comparisons, and imported maize would supplement this therefore there is great difficulty in trying to diet (Glassman & Garber 1999:122). acquire trends within regions over time Glassman and Garber (1999:130) also (Danforth 1994:207). She stated that small examined the skeletons to check for sample sizes within each site become even nutritional deficiencies that this type of smaller after the remains are divided subsistence practice might cause, but found between age, sex, and social status, which that the individuals were of good health, and limit accuracy (Danforth 1994:207). Along had nutrient-rich diets. Only two instances with the fact that there is poor preservation of porotic hyperostosis, a possible indicator of skeletons to begin with, Danforth of iron deficiency, were noted among the (1994:208) also stated that as sex entire sample, and these individuals determinants are not well preserved in the appeared to be from a lower social stratum. highly acidic soils of the Maya region, there Therefore, nutritional deficiency would could be methodological errors determining

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 20 sex. Robust and gracile characteristics can stated that the measurements were based on also be somewhat ambiguous, and therefore the same methodology used by Haviland classifying by these characteristics alone (1967) and Saul (1972), and therefore can be often proves faulty (Danforth 1994:208). compared. They suggested the difference in Danforth (1994:208) also pointed out a nutrition, such as the high protein diet of the discrepancy in Haviland (1967) and Saul‟s Ambergris Cay populace, would account for (1972) studies, which neither mention, such differences (Glassman & Garber specifically that the data actually support a 1999:129). slight increase in female stature over time. Plastic Response versus Plastic Adaptation Environmental Variability and Socio- Glassman and Garber (1999:129) political Factors stated that compared to other Maya Wright and White (1996:180) populations in the Late Classic period, suggested that other than marked variability because of environmental determinants, the of resources between regions, there is great Ambergris were more likely to achieve their variability of resources available within genetic stature potential. Because there is regions, and this is not always based on such variability among a whole larger Maya environmental constraints. “Tribute or population, it is more likely that stature taxation that was paid with agricultural variations are caused by plastic responses produce must have influenced the mixed due to varying accessibility to resources, and crops planted by farmers, thereby shaping not plastic adaptations. According to Beaton the diets of the populace at large,” (Wright (1989), if a plastic adaptation to a “small but and White 1996:180). They argue that social healthy” stature was taking place, one determinants can have a significant effect on should be able to observe a widespread the variability of resources between and decrease in stature among the whole within regions, and therefore they would population, but this is not the case. also affect nutrition (Wright and White Danforth (1994:209) pointed out that 1996:180). modern Maya are much shorter on average than prehistoric Maya, ranging from 153- Study of Stature at Ambergris Cay 157 cm for males, and 140-145 cm for The study of stature at Ambergris females. However, based on Bogin (1995), Cay by Glassman and Garber (1999) this is likely also a plastic response. Bogin produced very different results than (1995:71) stated that while modern Maya Haviland (1967) and Saul‟s (1972) studies. appear to be shorter, this is likely because of The Ambergris Cay sites, which were Late rampant “chronic undernutrition and and Terminal Classic sites, were populated disease,” and limited access to healthcare in by healthy individuals of moderate height, Guatemala. However, Bogin (1995:71) who were much taller than expected noted a marked increase in stature among (Glassman & Garber 1999:129). The the children of Guatemalan refugees. In this average height for an Ambergris male was instance, the restoration of proper nutritional estimated to be 165.2 cm, and 156.4 cm for conditions immediately increases growth females (Glassman & Garber 1999:129). potential. Great changes of stature from one Males were on average 7.8 cm taller than the generation to the next cannot result from Tikal sample, and females were between 9.4 plastic adaptation, as adaptations are cm and 14.4 cm taller (Glassman & Garber processes that take multiple generations. 1999:129). Glassman and Garber (1999:129) Had plastic adaptation been the case, the

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 21 succeeding generation would have been just Variability and Plasticity, eds. Mascie- as small. Therefore by comparing the rate of Taylor and Barry Bogin, 46-74. New plastic response in modern Maya, it may be York: Cambridge University Press. fair to suggest that plastic response is the likely process in the case of Tikal and Altar Buikstra, Jane. 1974. Book Review On Saul de Sacrificios. (1972). American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 40(3):455-456. Conclusion Many methodological factors, Danforth, Marie Elaine. 1994. Stature environmental variation in food availability, Change in Prehistoric Maya. Latin and differential access to food between American Antiquity. 5(3):206-211. social strata, lend to the argument that Haviland (1967) and Saul‟s (1972) data . 1999. Coming up Short. In Re- suggest that the trend of decreasing stature constructing Ancient Maya Diet, ed. among the Maya was not necessarily an White, 103-117. Salt Lake City: The interregionally nor intertemporally University of Utah Press. widespread phenomenon. It is argued that because of the nature of plastic adaptation Emery, Kitty. 2007. Assessing the Impact of and plastic response, Haviland (1967) and Ancient Maya Animal Use. Journal for Saul‟s (1972) data are likely the result of Nature Conservation. 15: Tikal and Altar de Sacrificios‟ plastic 184-195. responses to food stress in those particular regions. This data cannot be directly inferred Glassman, David and James Garber. 1999. to other regions, an investigation proves that Land Use, Diet, and Their Effects on the as the Maya region is not a homogenous Biology of the Prehistoric Maya of area; many different types of subsistence Northern Ambergris Cay, Belize. In practices exist interregionally and result in Reconstructing Ancient Maya Diet, ed. different nutrition statuses. Furthermore, White, 119-132. Salt Lake City: The skeletal tissues provide insight to an University of Utah Press. individual‟s environment, and small, unhealthy individuals suffering from Haviland, William. 1967. Stature at Tikal, nutritional deficiencies in the Maya Guatemala. American Antiquity. 32(3):316 archaeological record may lend credence to -235. ecological theories of the collapse of the Maya civilization, such as environmental Kaplan, Lawrence. 1973. Ethnobotanical degradation, and poor health in certain and Nutritional Factors in the political centers. Domestication of American Beans. In Man and His Foods, ed. Smith, 75-85. References Cited University: The University of Alabama Press. Beaton, George. 1989. Small But Healthy? Are We Asking the Right Question? Larsen, Clark Spencer. 1987. Bioarch- Human Organization. 48 (1):30-39. aeological Interpretations of Subsistence Economy and Behavior from Human Bogin, Barry. 1995. Plasticity in the Growth Skeletal Remains. Advances in of Mayan Refugee Children. In Human

Archaeological Method and Theory. 10:339-433.

Lentz, David. 1999. Plant Resources of the Ancient Maya. In Reconstructing Ancient Maya Diet, ed. White, 3-18. Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press.

Messer, Ellen. 1989. Small But Healthy? Some Cultural Considerations. Human Organization. 48(1):39-52.

Shaw, Leslie. 1999. “Social and Ecological Aspects of Preclassic Maya Meat Consumption at Colha, Belize.” In Reconstructing Ancient Maya Diet, ed. White, 83-100. Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press.

Saul, Frank. 1972. The Human Skeletal Remains of the Altar de Sacrificios. Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University. Cambridge.

Wright, Lori, and Christine D. White. 1996. Human Biology in the Classic Maya Collapse: Evidence from Paleopathology and Paleodiet. Journal of World Prehistory. 10(2):147-198.

Wright, Lori. 2004. “Osteological Investigations of Ancient Maya Lives.” In Continuities and Changes in Maya Archaeology, eds. Golden and Borgstede, 201-215. New York: Routledge Press.