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The Quaker Woman Minister and the Holiness Revival

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The Quaker Woman Minister and the Holiness Revival Evangelism, Feminism and Social Reform: Evangelism, Feminism and Social Reform25 The Quaker Woman Minister and the Holiness Revival fluence and authority normally reserved for male clergy in other denominations. The Quaker vision of sexual equality was diametrically opposed to the doctrine of separate spheres. After the Civil War, when women became more visible in public life, the concept of woman's Carole D. Spencer* separate sphere began to come under attack. Even though women lacked political power and few were trained in a profession or had access to "In our era, the road to holiness necessarily passes through the world higher education, they discovered that by joining forces and expan- of action" (Hammarskjöld 122). Although Dag Hammarskjöld penned ding domesticity into the political arena they could exert influence far these words in the late twentieth century, his dictum would have been beyond the narrow confines of home and family. The rise of feminism, heartily embraced by Quaker women transformed by the revival spirit or at the very least "proto-feminism," is so pronounced in the latter of the nineteenth century. A common presupposition among Quaker half of the nineteenth century that it has been described by historians theologians and historians is that the influence of the Holiness Revival as the apex of the "feminization of American culture."3 Gurneyite diluted the original radical insights of early Quakerism, and muted Quaker women in the post-bellum period both reflected and shaped the historic Quaker concern for social reform. ' To be sure, some strands this "feminization of culture."4 Even evangelical, revivalist women, of Quaker revivalism evolved into fundamentalism, privatizing salva- as I will show, became outspoken advocates of an egalitarian vision. tion and retreating from social concerns. But not all revivalism took The position of women in the Society of Friends was visualized as that course. Within the mainstream of Quaker revivalism, the evidence being "side by side" with men. This phrase spoken by Mary W. Thomas is clear that the quest for personal holiness went hand-in-hand with at the Richmond Conference in 1887 and echoed by George Gillett, a vision of a sanctified society. It is my contention that the interection a delegate to Richmond from London Yearly Meeting, clearly denotes of Orthodox Quakerism with the Holiness Revival, beginning around a horizontal position of equality and mutuality, not an auxiliary or 1860, unleashed a flood of creativity and energy in Quaker women subordinate one (Proceedings 93, 127, 128). And the principle extended that had been suppressed by a century of Quietism and a rigid legalism.2 beyond the spiritual realm to include not only preaching and teaching, The passive pietism of the eighteenth century that had shaped the self- but also an "equal place" and "equal voice" in "church councils and concept of Quaker women ministers as merely submissive and lowly deliberations." Nor was the "side by side" vision restricted only to instruments was replaced with a dynamic and aggressive spirituality the church, but was rather an extension of the Quaker concept of equali- which was soon integrated with social and political activism. In par- ty, unity, and consensus within marriage: "As in the counsels between ticular, the implicit feminism of seventeenth-century Quakerism was a truly united husband and wife, the one advises and suggests prob- enlarged and reinterpreted. ably as often as the other, and nothing is ever done until both are agreed, so should it be in the church" (Harris 739). To be sure, this statement The Quaker Vision of Sexual Equality and the Doctrine of Woman's by a Holiness advocate, Helen B. Harris, is an idealistic picture, but Separate Sphere it was a clearly articulated ideal, and revival-inspired Gurneyite women One of the dominant cultural myths about women in the nineteenth during this era made a visible attempt to bring reality into harmony century was the doctrine of "woman's separate sphere." According with the original Quaker vision. to this theory, society was divided into two separate domains: the domestic sphere of home and family, the domain of women; and the The Holiness Revival and the Awakening of Quaker Women public sphere of work and politics, the domain of men (L. Nicholson Until the publication of Thomas Hamm' s The Transformation of 43). Quaker women were not generally as bound by the doctrine of Quakerism in 1988, historians of religion had paid little attention to separate spheres as women in the dominant culture. They had been the profound influence of the Holiness revival upon Orthodox nurtured on values and behavioral patterns, and molded by an historical Quakerism. Hamm's work provides an excellent analysis of this signifi- tradition, that differed in at least one respect from those affecting cant gap within the historiography of Quakerism. However, I feel that women in other churches. In the area of ministry some of them had Hamm has minimized the role that Gurneyite Quaker women, influ- personally experienced the freedom to share that same sphere of in- enced by the Holiness revival, have played both in reinterpreting Quaker 26Quaker History Evangelism, Feminism and Social Reform27 tradition and in shaping the culture of that era. Hannah Whitall Smith, At a Sabbath School Conference of Friends in Cincinnati in 1867, for instance, one of the most prominent women of this era, is given however, she received in a mystical way the commission "Go work only a few lines in Hamm's book.5 And Hamm's conclusions that "most in My vinyard" (Hare 255). That night she had an experience which Gurneyite women were, at best, their husbands' partners" and "even she describes as "entering into solemn covenant with my Heavenly partnerships were the exception rather than the rule," (47) while carefully Father, henceforth to dedicate myself to Him and to His service in qualified, nevertheless tend to promote a misleading impression. While this direction [to labor among the poor and oppressed], as he was the women in this survey do not represent the majority of Gurneyite pleased to open the way before me" (Hare 256). "The way" gradually women, they are among the important exceptions, and represent the opened for her to engage in almost every reform activity of that era, many revivalist women who were not content to live "in their husbands' and she gained national prominence for her work with the "Freedmen," shadows" and were willing to challenge conventional notions about the ex-slaves who fled into Kansas after the Civil War. She became women's roles (Hamm 47). The Hicksite women, whom Hamm con- so identified with the refugees that her husband quipped that he was trasts with Gurneyite women as "battling their way into pursuits hither- afraid she was "getting a prejudice against white people" (Hare 429). to exclusively male" (47), were only the visible minority as well. This The holiness emphasis on women's gifts and virtues, and its defense paper hopes to correct the common misconception that Quaker of women's preaching proved to be a congenial environment for the feminists of the nineteenth century were exclusively Hicksite women. renewed aspirations and broadening visions of Gurneyite Quaker Neither the First nor the Second Great Awakening in America had women.7 much direct influence on Quakerism, yet the Holiness Revival by the The sense of a gradual constriction of women within the society late nineteenth century had spawned a revolution within the Society before the revival was not just Comstock's perspective, but was echoed that altered its structures and reshaped its theology.6 Certain characteristics of the Holiness Movement seemed to resonate within by other women as well. Rhoda Coffin, a minister from Indiana, ad- mitted that before 1860 men so thoroughly dominated all organiza- American Quakerism. One of these was women's freedom to preach. tional efforts within her Yearly Meeting that "The voice of a woman Although the influence of the Holiness Movement is often blamed for in church action was rarely heard in expression of a personal opinion" extinguishing the ministry of Quaker women, an examination of the (Johnson, Rhoda M. Coffin 215). She perceived that most women period from 1860 to 1900 reveals quite the opposite. In all facets of Friends in Indiana Yearly Meeting had become passive and deferred the Holiness Movement of the nineteenth century one of the most con- to the men. She aptly described them as ". ..earnest, but timid, ... sistent themes was the ministry of women (Dayton Heritage 96-98). and fearful to take hold and step out into a new field" (Johnson, Rhoda In fact, Quaker women found that the Holiness Movement not only M. Coffin 215). She was keenly aware that revivalism had kindled a echoed their normally solitary voice in that arena, but they also found fire within the women but its effects would quickly dwindle if the the movement to be a practical vehicle to extend their ministry beyond women were not organized for action. "Something must be done," the bounds of Quakerism into the larger culture. she wrote, or ". .the church and the world would be deprived of Elizabeth Comstock, for example, describes how she was inspired this vast amount of spiritual energy" (Johnson, Rhoda M. Coffin 215). by Elizabeth Fry as a child, yet was hesitant to forge any new paths in a complacent Society whose vision had narrowed: The beginning of revival in Indiana Yearly Meeting can be traced to a prayer meeting in the Coffins' home that resulted in a request to hold an unprecedented evening meeting for worship for young When the duties and responsibilities of a minister rested upon me, like Friends.8 During this meeting both Charles and Rhoda, along with hun- most others in our Society I devoted my attention to the meetings of dreds of others, spoke publicly for the first time.
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