British White Trash Figurations of Tainted Whiteness in the Novels of Irvine Welsh, Niall Griffiths and John King
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2018-03-14 14-33-37 --- Projekt: transcript.anzeigen / Dokument: FAX ID 0228487392249540|(S. 1- 2) VOR4101.p 487392249548 From: Mark Schmitt British White Trash Figurations of Tainted Whiteness in the Novels of Irvine Welsh, Niall Griffiths and John King March 2018, 312 p., 39,99 €, ISBN 978-3-8376-4101-1 “White trash” is a liminal figure that dramatizes the intersection of race and class. Contemporary British novelists like Irvine Welsh, Niall Griffiths and John King use this originally US-American stereotype to interrogate the racializing discourse of class in British society. Their novels are interdiscursive reflections of the figurations of race and class that still haunt the British cultural imaginary. “British White Trash” is the first analysis to comprehensively examine the adaptation of the “white trash” stereotype in major British novels. The study thus contributes to a critical understanding of racism and classism, its cultural representations and its un- derlying social processes. Mark Schmitt is a postdoctoral Stuart Hall Fellow at TU Dortmund University, where he teaches British Cultural Studies. His research interests include British and Irish literature and film, cultural theory as well as discourses of social and racial abjection. For further information: www.transcript-verlag.de/978-3-8376-4101-1 © 2018 transcript Verlag, Bielefeld 2018-03-14 14-33-37 --- Projekt: transcript.anzeigen / Dokument: FAX ID 0228487392249540|(S. 1- 2) VOR4101.p 487392249548 Contents Acknowledgements | 7 Introduction Whiteness and the C Word | 9 Critical Whiteness Studies and the European-British Context | 15 Tainted Whiteness, Class, Neoliberalism | 20 (Tainted) Whiteness in Contemporary British Literature | 23 Chapter Overview | 28 I What Happened to the British (White) Working Class? Theoretical and Methodological Framework | 31 The Disappearance and Return of Class | 31 Being Too White? The Murder of Stephen Lawrence | 40 Becoming Black: The 2011 English Riots | 44 Figurations and Inscriptions of Race and Class | 50 Literary Figurations of Race and Class | 73 II “The trash ay Europe” Abject Working-Class Whiteness in the Novels of Irvine Welsh | 77 II.1 Trainspotting | 81 Challenges to the White Self in Multicultural Britain | 86 Uncanny Thatcherism: The Past in the Present | 91 II.2 Marabou Stork Nightmares | 96 A “Genetic Disaster”: The Strang Family | 97 Spectres of Thatcher | 100 The Continuum of White Privilege | 105 Masculinity, Abject Sexuality and Whiteness | 115 II.3 Filth | 125 From the Pits to the Top | 126 The Uncanny Politics of Passing | 130 “Chasing Dirt”: The Unruly Body | 141 III How Southern Gothic Came to Wales Race, Class and Post-Britishness in the Novels of Niall Griffiths | 149 III.1 Grits | 156 Post-British Plurality of Voices | 156 Race in the Devolutionary Discourse | 161 White Trash and the Trans-British Community | 165 The Body, Decay and Grotesque Poetics | 173 III.2 Sheepshagger | 181 Postcolonial Monstrosity | 181 Hybrid Bodies | 192 Transatlantic Southern Gothic: Niall Griffiths and Cormac McCarthy | 199 From Pastoral to Capitalism | 202 Race, Gothic, Politics | 210 IV Trashing the National Centre England’s Human Waste in the Novels of John King | 219 IV.1 The Football Factory | 224 Ways of Looking at Trash | 224 The Aftermath of Empire | 241 White Male Impotence | 252 IV.2 White Trash | 258 Policing the Underclass | 258 Social Contamination | 269 Adapting the American White Trash Aesthetic | 283 Conclusion | 293 Works Cited | 297 Primary Sources | 297 Literary Texts | 297 Films | 297 Secondary Sources | 298 Acknowledgements This book is a slightly revised version of my doctoral thesis submitted at the Faculty of Philology at Ruhr-University Bochum. I am indebted to a number of people without whom the present book would not be the same. First, I would like to thank my supervisors Anette Pankratz and Sarah Heinz for their support and encouragement throughout the years of writing. Their academic advice and feedback as well as their help during critical phases and beyond the call of duty have been invaluable. This book took shape during my employments at the English Depart- ments at the University of Mannheim and TU Dortmund and was signifi- cantly influenced by their respective intellectual and academic environ- ments. I would like to thank my colleagues in Mannheim and Dortmund for their support and for providing an inspiring working atmosphere. In particular, I would like to thank the Dortmund team of British Cultural Studies for having my back during the final months of writing: Julia Becker, Marie Hologa, Christian Lenz, Sophia Möllers, Cyprian Piskurek and Gerold Sedlmayr. I would like to thank Ariane de Waal, Johannes Fehrle, Kai Fischer, Evangelia Kindinger, Igor Krstić and Solvejg Nitzke for patiently and competently commenting on my drafts, for suggestions, inspiring in-depth discussions and for their friendship. Conferences, colloquia and workshops in Bochum, Leuven, Leeds, London, Mannheim and Maynooth offered the opportunity to present and discuss the results of my research. I am particularly indebted to John Bran- nigan, Shona Hunter and Clive James Nwonka for sharing their expertise and offering crucial suggestions during these occasions. I would also like to thank Niall Griffiths for providing me with material in the final phase of writing as well as for his kindness and intellectual generosity. During my time as a B. A. and M. A. student at the Departments for English and Comparative Literature at Ruhr-University Bochum, I was 8 British White Trash lucky to meet instructors whose guidance proved to be instrumental in my decision to move forward with my ideas for a doctoral research project. For their support and mentorship, I would like to express my gratitude to Uwe Lindemann, Monika Schmitz-Emans and Claus-Ulrich Viol. I would like to thank the FAZIT Foundation for supporting my work with a transitional grant during the final stages of writing. I am grateful to Kristie Kachler for the thorough copy-editing (I am solely responsible for all mistakes you might still find in the present book). Beyond academia, my heartfelt thanks go to my friends who have met both my fits of euphoria as well as bouts of self-doubt and moaning throughout the years with equal patience and empathy: Vilim Brezina, Christof Danielsmayer, Valentin Gube, Celia and Neil Hickey, Marcel de Oliveira, Anika Simon and Andreas Warneke. Finally, I would like to express my immense gratitude to my family for their unconditional support on all levels: Gabi, Paul-Gerhard and Miriam Schmitt. Introduction Whiteness and the C Word In January 2009, almost a decade after it had commissioned the Parekh Report on the “future of multi-ethnic Britain”, the Runnymede Trust pub- lished a collection of analyses with the provocative title Who Cares about the White Working Class? This question might at the time have prompted the instinctive answer: not too many. As the Runnymede Trust’s vice- chair, Kate Gavron, anticipates in her foreword, such a question might surprise readers for a number of reasons. Most importantly, for an organi- sation which has dedicated its work and its resources to “promot[ing] a successful multi-ethnic Britain by addressing issues of racial equality and discrimination against minority communities” to put their focus on “the grievances of a part of the white majority is not an obvious development” (Gavron 2009: 2). In addition, in a supposedly post-class and post-indus- trial time, the mere mention of the working class must for many British people seem to be oddly out of touch with contemporary society. In fact, in September 2008, only a few months before the publication of the Run- nymede Trust’s study, Harriet Harman, then deputy leader of the Labour Party, caused media outrage by mentioning “the c word”, as the Telegraph contemptuously put it, in an advance script for a talk about the social and economic factors influencing an individual’s life chances in contempo- rary Britain to be held at the Trade Union Conference (Pollard 2008). “The class war is over – do tell Labour”, proclaimed the Telegraph, and in a knee-jerk reaction to the backlash in public discourse, she eventually skipped the contentious term in her actual talk (Pollard 2008, Sveins son 2009b: 3). Yet, despite media backlash and criticism of Harman’s alleg- edly anachronistic focus on class, which, as the Telegraph venomously commented, supposedly echoed the concerns of “Old Labour” (Pollard 2008), other policymakers have also called attention to class as a decisive 10 British White Trash factor of social inequality. Similarly, class is increasingly being regarded in its intersections with race and other identity factors such as gender and age in public discourse. Even before the discourse on the white working class escalated when historian David Starkey reacted to the English riots in August 2011 with the comment that “black gangster culture” was to blame and that the “whites have become black” (BBC Newsnight), speaking about class in Britain had conspicuously retreated to a vocabulary of racialisation. This was most prominently documented in BBC Two’s The White Season, which aired in early 2008 with the aim “to shine the spotlight on the white working-class in Britain today” (The White Season). Featuring films which examined the origins of xenophobia and cultural alienation amongst the white working class, starting with Enoch Powell’s “Rivers of Blood” speech in 1968 and moving on to the growing popularity of the British National