Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Tirol

The cities and cemeteries of Etruria

Dennis, George

1883

Chapter XVIII Norchia - Orcle?

urn:nbn:at:at-ubi:2-12107 THE TKMPLE-TOJIBS, NORCHIA.

CHAPTER XYIII.

NORCHIA.—ORGLE?

Quid sibi saxa cavata— Quid pulchra volunt monumenta ?— Prudent u;3. There is a temple in ruin stands, Fashioned by long-forgotten hands.— Byron.

At the same time, and by the same parties that Castel d’Asso was made known, there was brought to light another Etruscan necropolis, of even greater extent and higher interest. It lies more to the west, about fourteen miles from Viterbo, among the wooded glens which here intersect the great Etruscan plain, and in the neighbourhood of a ruined and desolate town, known by its mediaeval name of Norchia. Besides numerous rock-sepulchres, similar to those of Castel d’Asso, this necropolis contains two of a more remarkable character—imitations of temples, with porti- coed facades and sculptured pediments, thought to be unique in Etruria , until the discoveries of Mr. Ainsley, at Sovana. It is a spot which should not fail to be visited by every one who feels interest in the antiquities of early Italy. Norchia is reached with most ease from Vetralla, from which it is six or seven miles distant. The road from Viterbo to Vetralla skirts the base of the Ciminian, but has little of the picturesque beauty of that from Viterbo to Bomarzo. The village of San VOL. i. o 194 NORCHIA. [CHAP. XVIII.

Martino is passed on the left, high on the slope of the mountain. At S. Ippolito, half-way between Viterbo and Vetralla, a line of low aqueduct and other remains of Roman buildings are passed, which mark the site of ancient baths, and probably also of a station on the Via Cassia, which, after crossing the shoulder of the Ciminian, in its way from Sutrium, and passing through Forum Cassii, hard by Vetralla, turned northward across the great plain to Volsinii. The road, for the rest of the waj' to Vetralla, follows the line of the ancient Cassian, fragments of whose pavement were visible when first I travelled this road. Vetralla stands at the western base of the Ciminian, and its position on a cliff-bound ridge between two ravines, the ancient rock-cut road by which you approach it, and numerous grottoes in the cliffs around, are so many proofs that it occupies the site of an Etruscan town. The antiquity of the place seems implied in its name, which has been supposed to be a corruption of Vetus Aula,—the derivation of the former part of the word at least can hardly be gainsaid. Forum Cassii, as already stated, was a station on the Cassian Way, eleven miles from Sutri, and twelve from Aquae Passeris, lying about a mile to the E .N.E . of Vetralla, and its position is marked by the church of Santa Maria in Forcassi, corrupted by the peasantry into “ Filicassi .” There is nothing to be seen on this spot beyond two Roman vaults, and a mass of opus incertum.1 Vetralla is a place of some importance, having 6000 inhabitants. Viterbo is celebrated for its beautiful women, but verity good looks are more abundant at Vetralla—

“ CTno ha la voce, L ’altro mangia la noee .”

This town is forty-three miles from Rome, eleven or twelve from Sutri, nine from Viterbo, twelve from Monte Romano, twenty- one from Corneto, thirty from Civita Vecchia, and eighteen from Toscanella. All these roads, save the last, are carriageable. The sole interest of Vetralla, to the antiquary, consists in its being the best point whence to lionise the two Etruscan sites of Norchia and Bieda, which are each about six miles distant. Not that the osteria, for it is nothing more, of Vetralla, has very inviting quarters ; it lacks many things—comfort more than all;

1 Canina places Forum Cassii at Vetralla , though recognizing this as an Etruscan site . Etruria Marit. II., p. 54. chap , xviii .] VETRALLA , AN ETRUSCAN SITE. 195 but it is the best accommodation the neighbourhood for miles round can afford. Yet I may not do the place justice , for on three several occasions I have spent some days there in the month of November , when the weather was either extremely wet or lowering ; and after a long day’s work, often in rain , always in mud , cold, and gloom, the want of comfort at night may have been more severely felt. I have visited it also in the height of summer , but being caught in a thunder -storm , my reminiscences of the Vetralla hostelry were not brightened . A guide to Norchia or Bieda may be obtained at the osteria of Vetralla. Norchia lies W.N.W. from Vetralla . For the first three miles you follow the high road to Cometo . Here , in a glen to the right of the road , may be observed many traces of sepulture, indicating the existence of some Etruscan town, wrhose name and memory have perished , unless these tombs belong to the necropolis of Norchia , three miles distant , to which the path here turns to the right . It is more likely, however, that they mark the necropolis of some town near at hand . Canina takes that town to be Cortuosa , which, with Contenebra , was captured by the Romans in the year 367 (b.c. 387), ten years after the fall of Veii. Contenebra he supposes to be no other than Norchia. 2 For the latter half of the way, the road dwindles to a mere path , or vanishes altogether as you cross the wide desert heath, or dive into the deep glens with which it is in every direction intersected . Nothing can be more dreary than this scenery, on a dull November da}\ The bare , treeless , trackless moor has scarcely a habitation on its broad melancholy expanse , which seems unbroken till one of its numerous ravines opens suddenly

2 Etruria Marittima, II. , p. 50 . He reach this spot the Romans must have founds this opinion on the statement of already passed Vetralla, an undoubted Livy (VI. 4) from which he infers that Etruscan site , which, as nearer Rome, has these were the first towns that were at¬ a better claim to be regarded as Cortuosa. tacked hy the Romans on entering the Livy, moreover, ascribes the easy conquest territory of Tarquinii. Cortuosa, as the of that town to its being attacked hy sur¬ nearest, was the first assailed, and offered prise ; and he represents Contenebra as no resistance, which he attributes to the being compelled to surrender on account of inferior strength of its position, the cliffs the paucity of its inhabitants , they being in this neighbourhood having no great unable to resist the continuous attacks of elevation . Contenebra made more resist¬ the Romans, who, dividing their forces ance, and kept the Romans at bay for into six bodies, kept up the assault with several days, being protected , he asserts, fresh troops, night and day, till they hy strong fortifications , and was of more wearied the citizens into a surrender. Of importance, being mentioned by Livy as a the fortifications on which Canina bases “city, " while Cortuosa was a mere “ town ." his opinion that Norchia was the site of This opinion of Canina, however, will not Contenebra, I shall have occasion to speak bear examination . He forgets that to presently. 196 N'OEOHIA. [CHAr. xviit. at your feet. The mountains around, which, in brighter weather, give beauty and grandeur to the scene, are lost in cloud and mist ; even Monte Fiascone has shrouded his unaspiring crest. In the ravines is always more or less of the picturesque; yet their silence and lonesomeness, their woods almost stript of foliage, and drip¬ ping with moisture, have a chilling effect on the traveller’s spirits, little to be cheered by the sight of a flock of sheep pent in a muddy fold, or of the smoke of the shepherd’s fire issuing from a neighbouring cave, suggestive of savage comfort. Little heeded we, however, the dulness of the weather. Hastily we threaded these glens, eager to reach the famed necropolis. The few tombs we did see here and there in the cliffs, served but to whet our appetite. At length we turned a comer in the glen, and lo ! a grand range of monuments burst upon us. There they were—a line of sepulchres, high in the face of the cliff which forms the right-hand barrier of the glen, some two hundred feet above the stream—an amphitheatre of tombs ! for the glen here swells into something not unlike that form. This singular glen is perhaps the most imposing spot in the whole compass of Etruscan cemeteries.3 The eye, as it ranges along the line of corniced sepulchres, singles out one of the most remote—one, whose prominent and decorated pediment gives it, even at a distance, an unique character. In our way towards it, we passed huge masses of rock-comice, split from the cliffs above, and lying low in the valley. We found that what looked like one tomb at a distance, was in fact a double tomb, or rather a tomb and a half, seeing that the half of one of the pediments has fallen. Its peculiarity consists in this—that while all the sepulchres around are of the severely simple style of Castel d’Asso, approximating to the Egyptian, these two are highly ornate, and with much of the Greek character. Instead of the bold horizontal cornices which surmount the other tombs, here are pediments and Doric friezes, supported on columns; and , what is to be seen on the exterior of very few other Etruscan monuments, the tympana are occupied with figures in high relief. The inner wall of the portico is also adorned with reliefs, at least under the remaining half of the mutilated facade.

8 It ia said by Lenoir (Annali dell*Instit . and a half high . I could perceive no traces 1832 , p. 291 ) that the slope from the base of them ; but if they existed they must of the tombs down to the banks of the have greatly increased the resemblance of stream was cut into steps, about two feet the glen to an amphitheatre. G. Dentltd 198 NOBCHIA. [CHAP. XVIII.

Our first impression was the modern date of this double tomb, compared with those of archaic character around ; and then we were naturally led to speculate on its origin. Who had made this his last resting-place? Was it some merchant-prince of Etruria , who had grown wealthy by commerce—or, it might be, by piracy—and who, not content with the simple sepulchres of his forefathers, obtruded among them one on the model of some temple he had seen and admired in his wanderings through Greece or Asia Minor ? Was it a hero, renowned in Etruscan annals—some conqueror of Umbrians and Pelasgians—some suc¬ cessful opposer of that restless, quarrelsome city, that upstart bully of the Seven Hills ? There, in each pediment, were figures engaged in combat—some overthrown and prostrate— others sinking to their knees, and covering their heads with their shields—one rushing forward to the assault, sword in hand— another raising a wounded warrior. All this, however, may have been the ornament of the temple from which this double-tomb was copied; or it may have had a symbolical meaning. Yet that he had been a warrior seemed certain, for in the relief within the portico were shield, mace, and sword suspended against the wall, as if to intimate that he had fought his last fight ; 4 and beneath was a long funeral procession. Could he have been a Greek, who, flying from his native land, like Demaratus of Corinth, became great and powerful in this the home of his adoption, yet with fond yearnings after his native soil, raised himself a sepulchre after the fashion of his kindred, that, though separated from them in life, he might in some sort be united with them in death ? No—he must have been an Etruscan in blood and creed; for this same procession shows certain peculiarities of the Etruscan mythology—the -winged genius of Death, with three other figures in long robes, bearing twisted rods—those mysterious symbols of

4 It was the custom of the Greeks and but curious instance of this is seen in the Romans, on retiring from active life , to baker’s tomb at the Porta Maggiore of dedicate to the gods the instruments of Home, and another in the cutler ’s monu¬ their craft or profession . Thus Horace ment in the Galleria Lapidaria of the (Od. III . 26 ) proposed to suspend his arms Vatican . Another , more analogous to this and lyre on the wall of the temple of Venus. Norehian sepulchre , is seen on a vase , de¬ The temple -form of this tomb is suggestive scribed by Millingen (Peintures de Vases of such an explanation ; though , on the Grecs, pi. XIX .), where within an cedicula other hand, it was not uncommon to indi¬ or shrine stands the figure of the deceased, cate on the sepulchre itself the profession with his shield and greaves suspended above of the deceased by the representation of his head. The custom is still retained in his implements or tools , or by scenes de¬ the East . I have observed frequent in¬ scriptive of his mode of life . well -known stances of it in Armenian burial -grounds. CHAP. XVIII.] THE TEMPLE -TOMBS. 199 the Etruscan Hades—conducting the souls of two warriors with funeral pomp, just as in the Typhon-tomb at Corneto. I have spoken of columns. None are now standing,5 hut it is evident that the heavy projecting entablatures have been so sup¬ ported—that of the entire tomb by four, traces of whose capitals and bases are very distinct—that of the broken one, whether by four or six it is difficult to say; more probably by the latter . In neither case do they seem to have been more than plain square antes, the inner ones similar to those at the angles of the portico. They were all left in the rock out of which the fa9ades are hewn, and the softness and friability of the tufo accounts for their destruction. The entablatures at a distance seem Doric, but a nearer ap¬ proach discloses peculiar features. The pediments terminate on each side in a volute,6 within which is a grim, grinning face with prominent teeth, a Gorgon’s head, a common sepulchral decora¬ tion among the Etruscans. Over two of the three remaining volutes is something, which from below seems a shapeless mass of rock, but on closer examination proves to be a lioness or leopard,—specimens of the acroteria, with which the ancients were wont to decorate their temples.7 Other peculiarities may be observed in the guttce, the triglyplis, the dentilled cornice above them, and the ornamented fascia of the pediment—all so many Etruscan corruptions of the pure Greek.8 The tomb whose fa9ade is entire, is more ancient than its fellow, as is proved by the bas-relief in the portico of the latter encroaching considerably on the wall of the former. Yet with some trifling exceptions they correspond.9 Indeed the sculptures

5 The pillar at the right -hand angle of entrances of tombs, or painted within them the entire tomb was standing when Orioli over the doorway—and are sometimes found first visited these monuments . Ann . Inst. in a similar position as acroteria to porticoes, 1833 , p. 36. as in a temple -like sarcophagus at Chiusi, 6 The pediments to these tombs prove which bears a relief of a death -bed scene. them to be imitations of temples , or of very Micali. Mon. Ined . tav. XXII . They are distinguished houses—if we may judge also often found carved on the lids of from the analogy of the Romans, among sarcophagi, one at each angle, as if to whom pediments were such marks of dignity, guard the efligy of the deceased . Panthers that Cicero says (de Orat. III . 46 ) if you or leopards are also sepulchral emblems, could build in heaven, where you have no and are frequently represented in the pedi¬ showers to fear, yet you would never seem ments of painted tombs. to have attained dignity without a pediment. 8 The ffuttcc are inverted , having the Julius Caesar, as a great mark of distinc¬ points downwards, and they are only three tion, was allowed a pediment to his house. in number. The triglyphs are without the Flor. IY. 2. cf. Cic. Phil . II. 43. half -channels on their outer edges, and are 7 Lions were symbolic guardians of sepul¬ therefore more properly diglyphs. chres ; and as such were often placed at the 9 The pediment is rather higher in the 200 NOKCHIA. [chap . XVIII.

in the two pediments are by some considered as relating to the same subject ; though what that may be, it is not easy from the dilapidated state of the figures to decide. One has conjectured it to represent the contest for the body of Patroclus ; another the destruction of Niobe’s children ; one has seen in it an interment, or games of chance, and the gladiatorial combats which the Etrus¬ cans held at their funerals ; while a fourth regards it as the representation of some dispute about peace or war at the Fanum Voltumnse. The attitudes of the figures alone—and in some cases not even these—are distinguishable. All the details which would give character and meaning are effaced. The broken half of the pediment does not serve to clear up the mystery, though it was discovered, half buried in the earth, with the figures in ex¬ cellent preservation, and was removed to Yiterbo, where it is still to be seen in the possession of Signor Giosafat Bazzichelli .1 Whatever be the subject of these sculptures, they have not the archaic Etruscan character displayed in the bas-relief beneath the portico. The surface of this rocky wall is so much injured, that doubt must ever hang over certain parts of this relief. Thus much is clear and unequivocal—that there is first a large, circular, convex shield,2 like the aspis of the Greeks, and then a mace, both sus¬ pended against the wall. Next is a figure, now almost effaced, which from its large open wings must be that of a genius.8 Over this is a plumed helmet, either worn by a figure behind the genius, not now distinguishable, or more probably suspended.

older tomb. This has no guttce like the phylia, as well as on city-walls. See Fellows’ other. The portico is loftier in the imper¬ Asia Minor, pp. 175, 192, where Ezek. fect monument. xxvii. 11, is cited in illustration. They 1 A plate of it, with the rest of the relief, were also suspended by the Greeks in their is given in the Mon. Ined. Inst . I. tav. sepulchres ; as in the pyramid between XL VIII. Argos andEpidaurus,described by Pausanias 2 Orioli(Ann. Inst . 1833, p. 38) thinks (II. 25, 7). From the frequency of them here was originally a boss of metal in the painted or sculptured in the tombs of centre of the shield, but there are now no Cervetri and Cometo, they seem to have traces of such an ornament. In the rock- had a votive meaning among the Etruscans, hewn temple-tombs of Phrygia, the shields as well as among the Greeks and Romans. found on the architraves or pediments are The latter people used to emblazon them bossed. Those represented in Etruscan with the portraits of their ancestors or with monuments have very seldom a boss, and their heroic deeds. Pliny (XXXV. 3). One are always circular, like the Argolic shields 3 wing is most distinct. There is a and the cunriSss cvkvkKoi of the Homeric corresponding arched ridge where the other heroes ; Diodorus (Eclog. lib. XXIII . 3) ought to be. Orioli (Ann. dell’ Inst . 1833, says the Homans at first used a square p. 53) thinks this figure represents Venus shield, but afterwards exchanged it for the Libitina, the goddess who presided over aspis of the Etruscans. Similar shields funerals. It is certainly a female, for the are found sculptured on tombs in Pam- prominence of the bosom is manifest chap , xviii .] RELIEFS IN THE PEDIMENTS AND PORTICO . 201

Another figure seems to have followed, and above it hangs by a cord a short curved sword4; a second helmet succeeds, which seems to be worn by a figure; then a straight sword suspended; and three draped figures, about the size of life, probably repre¬ senting souls, each bearing one of the mysterious twisted rods, close the procession.5 This may have been continued in the former half of the relief, now utterly destroyed. It is clear that the ground of the whole has been originally painted red, and traces of the same colour, and of yellow, may be observed here and there about the figures; and from the same on the fallen half of the pediment, it is certain that the reliefs of both tympana and of the portico—and probable that the architectural portions of the tombs also—were thus decorated. This is one among numerous proofs in tombs, sarcophagi, and urns, that the Etruscans, like the Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans, had a polychrome system of decorating their architecture and sculpture. Various are the opinions of archaeologists as to the date of these monuments. All are agreed on one point, that both the architec¬ ture and sculpture are decided imitations of the Greek. They have been considered as early as Demaratus, the father of Tar- quinius Priscus, to whose time belongs the first historical mention of the influence of Greek over Etruscan art ; but the spirit and freedom of the sculptures in the pediments, do not indicate so early an age; while the somewhat archaic stiffness and quaint¬ ness of the three figures which close the procession in the portico, seem to show, that art had not entirely thrown aside the con¬ ventional trammels of its infancy. I think then we shall not be far from the truth in referring them to the close of the fourth century of Rome.6

4 Similar curved swords are represented loco), or that they may have an affinity to on several Etruscan monuments . A curved the sacred and golden bough —fatatis mrga steel sword, with the sharp edge on the —torn from the grove of Proserpine, inner side, as in a scythe, found in an and borne by TEneas into hell as a gift to Etruscan tomb, was formerly in the Cam- that goddess. Yirg. Ain. VI. 136, 406, pana collection at Rome. 636 . Ovid. Met. XIV . 114. Urlichs 5 Such rods as these have been found (Bull . Inst . 1839 , p. 45) suggests that represented on only two other Etruscan they may be magisterial rods. It is possi¬ monuments , the Typhon-tomb of Tarquinii, ble they are emblems of supplication ; as where they are borne in a procession very Orestes sat at the altar with a topmost similar to this , and the Tomb of the branch of olive wound round with much Reliefs at Cervetri. Their precise meaning wool. Aschyl . Eumen. 43. is unknown. Orioli (Ann. Inst . 1834 , p. 8 Gerhard sees no rigidity in the reliefs 161 ) suggests that they may be either nf the pediments such as might be expected funalia, links used at funerals, made of iu monuments in the midst of others of so papyrus or rope twisted and covered with very ancient a character ; and thinks the wax or pitch (Virg. 2En. I. 731 . Serv. in design shows rather the decadence than 202 NORCHIA. [CHAP. XVIII.

There are no moulded doors in the facades of these tombs, as in those adjoining, and at Castel d’Asso; but the resemblance to temples is sufficiently obvious. The analogy is strengthened by a depression in the stylobate of the unbroken tomb, which seems to indicate the steps leading up to the portico. In the porticoes being araeostyle, or having very wide intercolumniations, and in some minor particulars, these monuments may illustrate the temple of the Tuscan order, described by Vitruvius;7 but in most points the facades have more of a Greek character.8 Of the proportions and adornments of the columns nothing can now be said. The external magnificence of these temple-tombs raises anti¬ cipations of a corresponding degree of adornment within. But these are soon destroyed. The tombs, which are entered as usual by narrow, steeply-descending passages, are like the plainest at Castel d’Asso—large chambers rudely hollowed in the rock, utterly devoid of ornament, and containing a double row of sar¬ cophagi sunk in the tufo, with an economisation of space which quite dispels the notion of their being the burial-places, each of an illustrious hero or Lucumo. They are, in fact, like most of those around them, family sepulchres. Let not the traveller suppose that in these tombs he has seen all the wonders of Norchia. The glen which contains the temple- tombs opens to the "west on a wide area where four glens meet. Immediately opposite, as you emerge on this space, are a few fine detached tombs, almost at the foot of the cliffs. To the left, on a tongue of land which projects into the hollow between two other ravines, stands the ruined and picturesque church of Norchia, infancy of art ; yet considers tliem prior they so constructed to free themselves from to the Roman conquest of Etruria (Bull, the confusion and annoyance of crowds of dell ’ Inst . 1831 , pp. 84, 89). Urlichs attendants . Diod. Sic. V. p. 316. views them as of a subsequent period 8 The Cavaliero del Rosso is said to have (Bull , dell’ Inst . 1839 , p. 45). Their proved that the dimensions of these tombs similarity to the reliefs of the sarcophagi are on the scale of the Greek cubit . Ann. and urns is noticed by several writers. Inst . 1833 , p. 56. Their general dimen¬ 7 Yitruv . IV. cap. 7, cf. III . 3. Lenoir sions may be learned from the woodcut at (Ann. Inst. 1832 , p. 290 ) points out the p. 193, by the figures under the portico, correspondence of these facades with the which are nearly the size of life ; but to arasostyle temples of the Etruscans— he more explicit , the length of the broken barycce, barycephalce, humiles, latw. When fajade is 15 ft . 6 in. ; of the entire one, I speak, in the text , of the resemblance to 25 ft . 6 in. The portico is about 9 ft. temples , I refer to the apparent character high , and projects 4 ft . The height of the of these tombs, for it is possible that they entablature is 8 ft . 6 in ., and of the entire are imitations , not of temples , hut of mere fa9ade, 17 ft . 6 in., exclusive of the stylo- houses; seeing that the Etruscans are known hate, which averages about 5 ft . in height. to have had porticoes to their abodes, which CHAP . XYIII .] THE ETRUSCAN NECROPOLIS. 203

marking the site of the Etruscan town. The glen to the west of this contains very few tombs, but that on the opposite side abounds in them, especially in the cliffs facing the town, where they rise in terraces or stand in picturesque groups, half hidden by wild luxuriant foliage. A few may also be seen on the opposite side of the stream in the cliffs which are terminated by the III ancient town. Altogether the monuments in this glen are very m

numerous—twice as many as are jllll to be found at Castel d’Asso, and more interesting from their variety ; for though in general character they resemble the tombs SI of that necropolis, in their details they are often dissimilar, and ' I differ also more widely from each other. It may suffice to state that the variations are observable Fig. 1. Fig. 2 . Fig.

rather in the fagades and mould¬ MOULDINGS OF TOMBS AT NORCHIA.9 ings than in the open chambers or the tombs beneath. No other example is there of a temple- tomb at Norchia ; yet high above the detached monuments in the open area just mentioned, is a portico recessed in the cliff. It is scarcely intelligible from below, and is rather difficult of access. It is composed of three recesses, separated by prominent pilasters rounded in front like half-columns, and having curious fluted capitals. Each recess is stuccoed, and seems to have been coloured. It is obvious that this elevated portico was not a mere tomb-stone, like the monuments around, but a sepulchre itself, each recess serving as a niche for the deposit of a sarcophagus. It bears a strong analogy to some Greek tombs in the island of Thera, recessed in the cliffs in a similar manner.1 The tombs at Norchia are more numerous than at Castel d’Asso. There must be at least fifty or sixty with distinct sculptured fagades, besides many others in ruin. I sought in vain

9 The mouldings of Fig. 1 are most com- woodcut at page 186 ) are to be found at mon at this site. Those of Figs. 2 and 3 Norchia, but less frequently, are varieties . Those also most common at 1 Mon . Ined. Inst . III . tar . 25 , 3. Ann. Castel d’Asso see Figs. 1 and 2 in the Inst . 1841 , p. 17. 504 NORCHIA. [chap , xviii.

for one described by Orioli 2 as having a trapezium cut in the rock above its facade , in all probability to represent the roof to that sort of cavcediuwi which Vitruvius terms displuviatum . Nor could I find another , said by the same antiquary to have a sphinx in prominent relief on each of the side -walls of the fin^ade .3 It is singular that not a single Etruscan inscription has been found in this necropolis . Excavations have been made on this site by Signor Desiderio of Rome , but ' nothing of value was brought to light. The Etruscan town of which these tombs formed the necropolis, occupied the site of the ruined church of Norchia . Its position on a sharp point of land at the junction of two glens , and in rela¬ tion to the tombs around , would alone tend to indicate this as the site of ancient habitation . But there are also remains of ancient gateways cut through the cliffs ; though no vestiges of Etruscan walls are visible — all the ruins on the height belonging to the middle ages . The size of the ancient town was very small, scarcely larger than that at Castel d’Asso , though the number and magnificence of its sepulchres indicate a place of some importance . Its name is involved in obscurity . We know that in the ninth century it was called Orcle ;4 but that such was its original appellation it is impossible to determine , as no mention 6 is made of it by ancient writers .5 Canina takes it to be Con- tenebra , and so marks it on his map , but has no authority for this

2 Ap. Inghir. Mon. Etrus. IV. p. 199, Orcus, as Mantua was so called from Man- tav. XLII. 2. Ann. Inst. 1833, p. 30. tus. But seeing that it was called Orcle as 3 Annalidell’Inst. 1833, p. 29. So also early as the ninth century, it is quite as Lenoir (Ann. Inst. 1832, p. 295), who probable that it derives its name from speaks of but one, a colossal sphinx, cut in Hercules, who was worshipped by the the rock among the tombs. Etruscans as Ercle—just as Minerva gave 4 In an epistle of Leo. IV., “ to the her name to Athens, and Neptune his to good man the Bishop of Toscanella,” given Posidonia or Psestum. by Orioli (Annali dell’ Instit . 1833, p. Orcle was partly deserted in early times 20), which, singularly enough, mentions on account of the unhealthiness of the site, the “petra ficta ” without the city—most and the emigrants removed to Vitorchiano probably referring to the temple-tombs. In (Vicus Orclanus), whither in 1435, under the same letter are also mentioned “cava the pontificate of Eugene IV., the rest of scamerata ”and ‘‘ cava caprilisi”— .e. a the inhabitants removed, and the town was •cave with chambers, and one where goats destroyed. Orioli, Ann. Instit . 1833, p. 21. were kept. Though Orioli lays claim to the discovery 6 Orioli (op. cit. p. 22) suggests that it of this site, it was indicated as Etruscan a may be identical with Nyrtia, mentioned by century before his time by Mariani (Do the ancient scholiast on Juvenal (X. 74) as Etrur. Metrop. p. 46, compare his map), a town, the birthplace of Sejanus, giving who speaks of ‘‘Horcliia. Sic appellabatur its name to or deriving it from the goddess dea Etruscorum ibi culta. Norchiam nunc Nurtia or Fortuna, spoken of by the Satirist dicunt, ut Nannium pro Annio, Nannam pro in the text, or that it derives its name from Anna.” CHAP. XVIII.] THE ETRUSCAN TOWN. 205- nomenclature, which is mere conjecture.6 In its present state of utter desolation, it has charms as much for the artist as for the antiquary. Who that has visited this spot can forget the ruined church of Lombard architecture, wasting its simple beauty on the stupid gaze of the shepherd, the only frequenter of these wilds ? Who that has an eye for the picturesque, can forget the tall cliffs on which it stands—here, perforated so as to form a bridge,7 there, dislocated, and cleft to their base, —the rich red and grey tufo half- mantled with the evergreen foliage of cork, ilex , and ivy ? Who can forget the deep glens around, ever wrapt in gloom, where the stillness is broken only by the murmurs of the stream, or by the shriek of the falcon—solitudes teeming with solemn memorials of a past, mysterious race—with pompous monuments mocking their very purpose ; for, raised to perpetuate the memory of the dead, they still stand, while their inmates have for long ages been forgotten ? He who has visited it must admit, that though name¬ less and unchronicled, there are few sites in Etruria more in¬ teresting than this—none which more imperatively demand the attention of the antiquary.

6 In his map he places the ancient town and if it protected anything, it was the on the broad platform between the Fosso tombs in the cliffs above it . (See Canina’s clelle Pile and the Fosso dell’ Acqua Alta, illustration, tav. XCII.) It can have and thus represents it as a place of first- formed no part of the city-walls. I see no¬ rate size, which we know Contenebrawas reason to alter my opinion that the Etrus¬ not, for it had but a scanty population can town stood on the height, now occupied (Liv. VI. 4). Canina founds his opinion by the Lombard church. on a piece of ancient walling on the spot 7 Orioli (Ann. Inst. 1833, p. 20) says marked h in my plan, which he takes to there is an ancient Roman bridge of regular be a portion of the walls of the Etruscan masonry over the Biedano, below the town ; town, and he thereon pronouncesit to have but I did not perceive it . He also mentions been “ strongly fortified in most ancient a road cut in the rock, and called the “ Cava times,” so as to have been able to resist Buja,” on whose wall is carved a Latin in¬ the Romans for several days (Etr. Marit. scription. The only instance of a rock- II ., p. 51). But this bit of wall is not on hewn road that I could perceive is near the the brow of the cliff as the fortifications natural bridge, and it is now choked with, would be, but in the valley at their feet; fallen masses of rock. NECROPOLIS.HOUGIIPLANOFBIEDAANDITS