WEST GERMAN ANTI-NUCLEAR MOVEMENT

The following is an abridged version of an article by a West German socialist about the anti- movement in that country. It shows both the size of the movement there and the repressive actions of the state against it. This repression is a clear outline of what the future nuclear society will be like should atomic power become the main source of energy for the industrialised world. WEST GERMAN ANTI-NUCLEAR MOVEMENT 41

The Federal Republic of is the many buildings or plants near big cities second biggest exporter of atomic power threatens the lives of large numbers of generating stations (the United States being people. A deathroll of 1 million could the largest). Firms operating in the industry result from an atomic catastrophe. here are broadly similar to those in the Government plans for coping with United States. But the FRG has virtually no catastrophes are already known, from uranium of its own and, because Australia is which it is clear that this problem, like one of the countries capable of exporting others, will be solved at the cost of the uranium (along with South Africa, Canada, working people. The stricken area will be Brazil and the USSR), the Australian cordoned off by the military and government has shown considerable attempts to flee will be prevented. interest. Despite this sort of prospect, popular The Australian government wants to do unrest is still relatively limited. This is business and the German firms want to because, while the risk of great accidents ensure supplies of raw materials for their has certainly increased, major accidents atomic technology. The decision of the have not occurred. Also, it is well known Australian government to lift the ban on that damage hitherto caused is future uranium exports is, therefore, extremely difficult to prove later. inextricably bound up with the interests of West German capital. There are three important aspects about the nuclear industry in West Germany: a) More than all other capitalist countries (except Japan) the FRG is geared to TO - P E O P L E ’ S export. But competition in this field in INITIATIVES the world market has become much harder in the last 2-3 years. This is why there is greater export of atomic energy When the first big was built technology by Siemens, and why in 1963 almost everybody regarded it as a weapons export has become such a great pointer to future technology. Only with the issue. This is also shown in the gigantic successful peasant protests at Wyhl, orders already achieved this year: 12 and Fessenheim (France) did a milliard Deutsch marks worth of atomic broadening out of anti-nuclear protest begin. plants will be supplied to Brazil and 20 Previously the highlight had been the occupation of the building site near Wyhl on milliard Deutsch marks to Iran. Atomic February 23, 1975 by a demonstration of co-operation could also move in the same direction with South Africa. 28,000. The majority consisted of village people, winegrowers, workers, small business b) A further aspect of atomic technology in people, etc. A month later a court at the FRG is the production of large ordered a preliminary building control. The quantities of plutonium - the basis of fight of the people around Wyhl in the atomic weapons. The growing war extreme south western district of the FRG danger consequent upon the acquisition was a model for future resistance against of atomic weapons by increasing nuclear technology. But so far there has not numbers of countries (e.g., Israel, South been a comparable broad participation. Africa, Brazil and Iran) is well known to most active atomic weapons opponents, but this is not a dominant factor in the The storming of the nuclear plant near movement. , 70 km west of Hamburg, has great significance because, after two big demonstrations during late 1976 and early c) The FRG is one-fiftieth the size of 1977, everywhere in the FRG, especially in Australia and has more than four times the northern areas, small People’s Initiatives the population. An accident in one of the (PI Groups) took place. (In Wyhl the conflict 42 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW No. 65

remained limited to the district. Yet the The demonstration in Itzehoe, somewhat people could continue to harass the plants, further from the building site, was supported the place was still in the hands of the PI by the left social democrats and the Groups. In Brokdorf, however, the state Communist Party, while most of the small authorities had also learnt.) left groups supported the protest against the Before resistance in the fairly thinly site in the neighbourhood of Wilster. There populated district could solidify (about 200 were solidarity declarations between the two members of PI Groups had existed in villages demonstrations, to each of which 30,000 for three years), the building sites were people came. fenced off with barbed wire surrounded by a The press worked up enormous agitation great posse of police. The site had been against the demonstration in Wilster. It was transformed into a military camp. On forbidden twice and then permitted. “ The October 30,1976, in the face of massive police anarchists seek confrontation with the measures, the first great action by the PI state” , they cried. About 15,000 heavily Groups took place. About 8,000 protesters armed police and defence garrison soldiers moved to the site. A number of them stood prepared. They only awaited an succeeded in occupying part of it temporarily opportunity to move against the protesters but were shortly afterwards driven off. Many who, however, were careful and did not allow were injured. themselves to be provoked. At the first big The next day the PI Groups called the police roadblock, they moved a few village folk to a silent march from “hotheads” back. They then decided to Wewelsfleth to Brokdorf. 3,000 to 4,000 march back to Wilster. Those who expected protesters came together in a few hours. The attacks from the right and from atomic site had been further militarily fortified. The energy supporters stayed away. . moat had been widened to 8 metres. A 4- metre high reinforced-concrete wall topped On the return march there were only a few with iron bars and barbed wire had been police provocations, so the demonstrators’ erected. A strong police and Federal defence peacefulness made the gigantic police garrison enclosed by an asphalted path exercise appear ridiculous. The other provided for the quick entry of water cannon. demonstration at Itzehoe was also peaceful, but many participants were dissatisfied On November 13,1970 the PI Groups called because those in front had drawn back from for a great protest. Over 30,000 came from Hamburg and other big cities. Many of the the powerful roadblock. The previous evening, Reich Chancellor Schmidt had demonstrators tried to storm the building site and broke through in three places. requested all citizens not to take part in the Helicopters threw teargas down into the demonstration in the vicinity of the building site, and others stressed legal aspects. crowds. At nightfall an orderly withdrawal was called for. Then came a brutal police The heart of the atomic program of the attack and about 500 demonstrators were FRG is the reprocessing plant for burnt-out arrested. combustible elements. The only plant of this A few days later a new demonstration at kind operating at the present time is in Cap La Hague in France. The treatment of light the site was decided for the beginning of water reactors has still not been undertaken. February. But in the following weeks In the meantime, the Federal government massive attempts began to dampen the has decided to build on the site, protest, to criminalise it, to attribute it to the which is enclosed on three sides by the work of communists. At the end of January German Democratic Republic (with 1977, there were signs that, under the heavy prevailing east winds). First tests should pressure of advocates of the atomic energy begin shortly. industry, sections of the protesters were no longer prepared to demonstrate directly at In March 1977 the first big demonstration the building site for fear of being dubbed against the proposed site took place with aggressors, violent criminals and so on. Thp about 15,000 people. The local PI others did not want to completely abandon Group(about 200 members) had to contend free assembly and the right to protest with many difficulties in this extremely against the danger to humanity from atomic conservative district. Most of the plants. inhabitants thought nothing could be done WEST GERMAN ANTI-NUCLEAR MOVEMENT 43 about it. The authorities, the provincial building site to stamp them as violent and government of Lower Saxony, tried again criminal terrorists. In the summer months of and again by negotiation and seemingly 1977 the movement declined almost friendly pleas to weaken opposition by everywhere. Often, those who had regarded stressing the hope of a “realistic”, peaceful the anti-nuclear struggle as an expression of and “technical” solution. This led to new the necessity to change the system, doubts and divisions within the movement. withdrew. Despite this, the majority of the groups remained intact Just after the two Brokdorf demonstrations there was a growth of PI The relative strength of the movement vis- Groups. In addition to preparations for these a-vis the overwhelming strength of a police protests, their information kiosks were state opposing a movement not yet supported maintained, with projects demonstrating by the working masses has been clearly solar and wind power; a children’s play demonstrated by recent protests. For centre in Gorleben built anti-atom villages example, there is a “fast breeder” of about and celebrated city festivals; scientific 1,000 megawatts at Kalkar on Niederrhein groups worked on further itemising dangers near the German-Netherlands frontier, but which have been published from time to time activity by people in the neighbourhood of by the atomic energy industry (AEI) the plant (as also in Grohnde, Brokdorf and advocates, and energy alternatives. Many other sites) has now become relatively small. groups have theatre and music groups and In connection with the Kalkar dozens of new songs. demonstration, one of the biggest police The movement has been characterised by actions in the history of the FRG took place. many successes. It has also brought to many Almost all the state police apparatus and a lessening of long-standing personal sections of the defence forced were involved. isolation. Through the success at Wyhl and A belt had been drawn around all the big the encouraging broadening of the autumn cities in order to confine the anti-nuclear movement in Brokdorf, sections of AEI protesters to their local areas. Many had to opponents prepared to occupy a building site submit to intensive searches of their cars at at Grohnde on the Weser. They apparently ten control points. 5,000 protective helmets, ignored the possibility that the hundreds of protective spectacles (against overwhelming majority of the people would teargas), benzine cannisters, iron stakes and not understand this. Over 15,000 anti- dozens of other weapons could be seen. nuclear protesters moved to the . site on Thousands left disappointed after hours of March 19, 1977. At the site occupation in night watching. Motorways were closed, Wyhl, there were only a few rolls of wire and trains were held up and searched a la Wild a wooden fence to overcome. Brokdorf was West, by military police. In Hamburg and fortified for the first time. In Grohnde Hanover there were protests by measures were undertaken for protection of demonstrators who had been prevented from the private property of the owners. Each time protesting. On the frontiers with Denmark, this costs many millions of Deutsch marks. the Netherlands, France and Switzerland, thousands of anti-nuclear protesters were at first not allowed into the FRG. Those who To foil the attempts of the protesters, 5,000 were identified as anti-AEIs were seized and police moved in. Dozens were arrested and recorded on central computer cards. some manhandled. Several hundreds were injured - some seriously. According to official Then in Kalkar about 55,000 people met reports, 230 injured police were receiving and carried out a disciplined and peaceful hospital treatment for two days afterwards. demonstration. Over 10,000 were dispersed The local people remained largely passive and hindered from participating in the and did not show solidarity with the city biggest anti-nuclear protest ever held in the demonstrators. FRG. 146,900 people and 74,485 motor The Grohnde demonstration showed vehicles were searched in a few hours. These many protesters that they could not carry out police actions were clearly preparatory a propaganda campaign without activising measures to ensure future identification of a large section of the people. But this became political “unrest” amongst the people. They more difficult in succeeding months. The have completely tabulated the origins and media used the attack on the Grohnde constitution of the groups. 44 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW No. 65

In the mainly thinly populated areas The development of the working class in surrounding the atomic plants live peasants the FRG has been determined by the long- and priests, teachers, small business owners, lasting period of the so-called “economic young workers and apprentices. In the cities miracle” . Between World Wars 1 and 2, the the predominating elements in most actions German working class movement was very are people with socialist leanings, but in advanced, and the German Communist many city actions these socialists are Party was the second biggest party after the admittedly very isolated. Soviet Communist Party. The decline of this To understand the current political movement and this party had a very situation from which the environmental demoralising effect. With the advent of groups have developed, one must keep in fascism, a large proportion of active, class­ mind the development of both FRG capital conscious workers simply died out, were and the working class. rooted out or intimidated, with the exception of a few illegally functioning groups. The The FRG is a product of the occupation FRG was hailed as the capitalist country politics of the victorious powers of the Second with the least number of strikes per year. World War. During the western powers’ occupation, while all acted in the interests of rejuvenating German capital (e.g., Marshall One individual consumer dream after Plan), the Soviet Union, in its zone, worked another could be fulfilled even if often for an economic plan which it controlled. The through working overtime. With blue and Federal Republic has been built up as one of white collar workers and also with with some the most important show window states other sections satisfaction of this dream facing the Soviet-influenced zone. The often means considerable inroads into occupying western powers hindered the savings, more than one breadwinner in the German people from coming to terms with family and so on. Politics was left almost nazism. For instance, they restored the old entirely to professional politicians. From trade union leadership which, even before being class parties, political parties became 1933, and the victory of fascism, no longer coalitions, so-called people’s parties; the enjoyed any authority with the workers; they trade unions became insurance associations took under their wing the big enterprises for periodical peacefully attainable wage which had supported the fascist movement increases. Unemployment disappeared for a and spoke of the collective guilt of all few years during the period of capitalist Germans for fascism. growth. Against this background, individualism spread. Even the political organisation of the big concerns for a time, For the western part of Germany they contrary to their image, allowed the decreed “free democracy” and a capitalist undisturbed establishment of individual economy - the society which had brought businesses. fascism to power, and said the people had to The workers’ movement of the FRG had to be protected against the “totalitarianism” of start again. The first great strike wave the right (fascism) and left (communism). occurred in September 1969. After the first Their ideologies fell on fruitful soil. short economic crisis (for the first time over The FRG made the mistake, in the first 500,000 unemployed), over 100,000 workers, years after 1945, of accepting the western mostly from the metal industry and without powers’ version of bourgeois democracy. In leadership from the trade unions, demanded some provinces, for instance, they appointed a bigger share of the economic recovery. In as ministers members of the then ruling the summer of 1973, the industrialists government. As capitalist foundations and ignored most of these demands. development were assured and permanent Parallel with, and similar to, other control began, the Communist Party of advanced capitalist countries there began, at Germany was banned.In 1955, the the end of the sixties, a political movement rearmament of the FRG began. Meanwhile among students caused inter alia by strife the Federal armed forces had become the with fascism, with the “ middle ages” fourth strongest in the world. The FRG had structure of the universities which opposed also risen to be the strongest industrial and the democratic demands, and the aggression economic power in Europe. of the US in Vietnam - in short, the WEST GERMAN ANTI-NUCLEAR MOVEMENT 45 contradiction between the democratic seek to solve all the problems of society bourgeois image and bourgeois reality. through their professional politicians. In the Today the state and the capitalists are beginning, when circumstances were trying to take precautions against the favourable, formerly passive people were looming crisis. Some investment programs beginning to be concerned about social of billions of Deutsch marks - presents from issues. With this experience went a quick the state - have not been able to set the learning process in which the participants economy going. Export of capital is growing began to understand the insoluble problems strongly, unemployment has remained and of the capitalist system. is tending to rise. Just as blue and white collar workers were While the working class has no leadership disappointed by the social democratic trade for these new problems, unrest in the ruling union leadership, so they were in the PI class deepens. Through a whole range of Groups, though these people were seldom in a laws against an eventual emergency, majority. Despite the PI Groups’ recognition against crime and against terrorists, it is of this weakness they remained isolated from preparing for future class conflicts. the masses of the trade union membership and from the reality of the workshops. The PI The People’s Initiatives movement is part Groups tried mainly with new forms of of the growing contradictions of FRG information and explanation, to broaden capitalism. At the end of the fifties, after the consciousness of the anti-atomic movement rearmament of the FRG had been completed among the population. Yet the readiness of (with the support of the social democrats) the people to come to the groups has declined and the Federal government tried to acquire since the summer of 1977. For workers, there atomic weapons, there came into being an were other more pressing problems with anti-atom movement which, however, did which they were more directly confronted not oppose the ‘58-‘61 rearmament. But this (pressure of jobs, wages, rents, etc.). The anti- political peace movement soon broke up nuclear movement is now on the verge of because it did not penetrate all sections of current possibilities in the FRG. The society. bourgeois parties and the state have applied themselves to the problem. The Socialist Today things are different. Together with Party no longer opposes the building of fear of the danger of accidents threatened by atomic plants. Certainly a small number of atomic energy technology, particularly active SP members and atomic energy among young people, and a uni versa! fear for opponents are becoming more and more the economic and political future of our alienated from their own party but they have society, the time of quiet economic growth not yet left it. has passed; rationalisation under capitalism (e.g., with the help of computer technology) Within the framework of the terrorist hunt, threatens the livelihoods of white and blue some democratic rights were further eroded collar workers alike and the tendency in autumn 1977 and discussion on the towards a police state is strengthened. So reintroduction of the death penalty has once although the anti-atomic energy movement again hotted up, as well as a general appears narrowed in its effectiveness, the campaign against so-called “sympathisers” activists remain tenaciously together and of the terrorists. This campaign aims at all are discussing other social problems. In their those who look for causes of the social crisis helplessness, for all bourgeois parties, in the FRG, especially against liberal including the Socialist Party of Germany intellectuals like Heinrich Boell, Gollwitzer, and the trade union leadership, are Luise Rinser and many university integrated into the building of atomic professors, but also against the anti-nuclear energy, some groups are turning towards movement. communal and country life. The PI Groups were blamed for In their confusion over the social tasks of threatening jobs in the atomic and allied the workers’ movement and its class industries and for the economic crisis. They consciousness, the small PI Groups have a were also slated as advocates of force and concept of a party embracing all parties in terrorism because of their occupation of the FRG, while the Socialist Party and the building sites and because they worked Christian Democrats, as people’s parties, against the state. 46 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW No. 65

The ruling class tried to isolate the anti- activists who have been threatened with jail nuclear movement from the new forces in the for many years; for instance, some of the working class movement. Anxiety about trials against Hamburg citizens connected their jobs is keenest amongst those directly with the Grohnde demonstration over 200 or indirectly employed by the atomic plants. km from Hamburg, are being held in The massive criminalisation of the Hanover in the daytime. Those who work movement (over 500 jailed and subjected to cannot attend. So far, the understanding of investigation processes) is linked with the people about the trials has not grown. intention to extend the atomic industry; as Neither can new members be won through well there is the question of the cutting down work on the trials. of jobs. Mass movements are considered in Often judges, state authorities and police that light and they want to smash all anti- (believing themselves not to be observed by atomic activity before it succeeds in uniting the public) commit massive infringements of the masses. Still, some of the PI Groups try the law. Police speak openly about their court together, partly to approach the unions, depositions. Disproportionately hard partly to acquire and spread more methods are used; for example, arrest knowledge. Many know and understand the warrants are issued against those charged laboriousness of the work. They would like to with allegedly kicking police on the shinbone support the workers’ movement and they (which later are proved false). Judicial find this a transforming and enlightening openness is invariably confined to few process. The anti-nuclear protesters, also, persons, passes for observers are all photo have no connections with the trade union copied, police are heavily armed in the activities of workers. courtroom, although everyone has been thoroughly body-searched beforehand. In recent months (since mid-February Every visitor to a trial is registered and dated 1978), the decline of the anti-nuclear and his/her particulars as a potential movement has been continuous. In lawbreaker are fed to a computer. A loud Hamburg, the centre of the movementup till voice often reaches to outside the court now, the groups have melted away. A large ordering the courtroom to be cleared in order part of those still active, busy themselves to pronounce new fines and jail sentences. In (unfortunately not very successfully) with the press and on TV almost nothing is endeavours to defend the numerous accused reported of trial proceedings. *********

A Critique of Arms, by Regis Debray, REVIEW! Penguin Books, 1977. $5.95; pp. 315. Regis Debray’s book A Critique of Arms is one Associated with the Latin American guerrillas, of the most interesting I’ve read for some time. and Regis Debray personally, was an approach to Many of the questions he raises, and answers, are revolution which said: similar to those being discussed in the Australian left today. Revolution = the armed road For many people in the ’sixties and ’seventies, Reformism = the peaceful road. guerrilla warfare was a heroic symbol of struggle against imperialism — and rightly so. Yet there were at least two kinds of guerrilla warfare: thatof As Debray says in this book, this metaphor the Vietnamese and that of the Latin American “with its suggestion of travelling leaves out not guerrillas whose chief symbol was Che Guevara. only the cost of the journey and its value in terms