Travel, Identity and Educational Arguments of the Gentry Women in Late Qing China a Case Study on Zeng Yi 曾懿 (1852-1927) and Shan Shili 單士厘 (1863-1945)

WANDERING BETWEEN THE INNER AND THE OUTER: TRAVEL, IDENTITY AND EDUCATIONAL ARGUMENTS OF THE GENTRY WOMEN IN LATE QING CHINA A CASE STUDY ON ZENG YI 曾懿 (1852-1927) AND SHAN SHILI 單士厘 (1863-1945)

Yuan Xing 苑星

Abstract: Through a case study on Zeng Yi and Shan Shili, this article explores the transitional characteristics demonstrated in the late Qing gentry women’s arguments on women’s travel, identity and education. As it reveals, though these women travelers physically crossed the inner-outer boundary and considered travel as a means of self-cultivation and education for women, they simultaneously insisted on women’s social role at home and devotion to the household duties. According to their arguments, women were encouraged to travel out for learning and to concern the national affairs, but were forbidden to step into the social occupational and political domains. They also advocated the gender segregation and the traditional Chinese feminine virtue, which were highly evaluated as protection of the “superior” Chineseness. In summary, these gentry women had traveled from the spatial inner chambers to the external world, but had not “traveled” from the “inner” family to the “outer” society. On the contrary, the contemporary heralds urgently propelled women from family to society and anticipated them to undertake profitable professions for the nation’s prosperity. Keywords: Zeng Yi; Shan Shili; travel; identity; women’s education; the inner; the outer; late Qing China

1 Preface: Women Travelers in out of the physical inner chambers) were never absent Late Imperial China throughout China’s history. Especially during the Ming Qing dynasties, a noticeable number of women traveled As admonished in the Chinese classics, women should from their boudoirs into the outside world and wrote only occupy the inner sphere, forbidden to step out of their extensively about their extraordinary experiences. The sig- boudoirs; they should also conceal their words within nificance of their stepping out might be read as an aberrant the domestic realm, not approved to speak of the outside phenomenon or even a breakthrough of the tradition. In affairs.1 Consequently, a strict gender segregation was addition, their travel writings extend the motifs of wom- established, not only at the spatial level: women were en’s literature which is always criticized as restricted fixed in the inner chambers while men in the outer, and within a narrow boudoir theme. Whereas, if we closely they were not permitted to go beyond the boundary and examine these women’s motivations for traveling, as have intrude into the opposite side,2 furthermore, such a separa- been summarized into eight categories by Yanning Wang,5 tion was equally embodied in the traditional Chinese house we will notice that the first three reasons of following a form and design;3 but also at the social level: women were male family member to his official post indeed represent responsible for all kinds of household work at home, espe- the womanly virtue of Three Obediences (sancong 三從),6 cially the weaving, which was expected to represent their and additionally, when visiting their natal family or escort- female virtue which was key to the preservation of social ing the corpses of their deceased husbands back to home- order,4 while men were involved in outer work such as town for burial, the women travelers were actually fulfill- farming, handicraft, trading, and political management. ing their daughterly duty of filial piety or wifely duty of However, the discrepancy between ideal principles and reality indicates that women travelers (who stepped 5 That is: (1) Following father as maiden; (2) Following husband as spouse; (3) Following son as widowed mother; (4) Visiting the natal family; (5) Escorting corpses; (6) Moving forward in exile; (7) Embarking 1 Zheng and Kong 1999, 849-871. on pilgrimages; (8) Mingling with poet friends. See Wang 2014, 69-114. 2 Ebrey 1993, 21-44. 6 As Dorothy Ko argues, Three Obediences are not totally subor- 3 Bray 1997, 59-90. dination and oppression, rather, they more imply that women’s social 4 Bray 1997, 242-252. identification and status should follow the men’s. See Ko 1994, 6-7.

Journal Asiatique 307.1 (2019): 135-148 doi: 10.2143/JA.307.1.3286345 136 YUAN XING chastity. Therefore, judging from their motivations, in a social level, as well as the fixation of women’s identity at large proportion of cases, women’s travel might be inter- home. Overall, they demonstrated apparent transitional preted as a behavior to practice the female virtue. characteristics and were wandering between the inner and The context of women’s travel became more complex the outer. during the transitional era of late Qing. As we will see, in the travel writings and educational arguments of the two late Qing gentry women: Zeng Yi and Shan Shili, who 2 Travel as a Means of Self-cultivation and are the protagonists of this article, travel was associated Education for Women: their Travel and with various gender issues, especially women’s identity Travel Writings and education. Although they still traveled as accompanying wives, travel, in their belief, was not merely a 2.1 Zeng Yi behavior of obedience, but more served as a means of Zeng Yi, courtesy name Boyuan 博淵 or Langqiu 朗 self-cultivation and education for women. They encour- 秋, was born to a scholarly family and well cultivated in aged their female peers to step from the inner chambers the traditional mode with the classical womanly learning. into the outer or even international world to open eyes Her father Zeng Yong 曾詠 (1813-1862) was a Qing loy- and acquire new knowledge. alist who obtained his jinshi degree in 1844 and was later The attitudes women travelers held towards travel, appointed the prefect of Ji’an 吉安 in Jiangxi province. whether positive or negative, were also complicated and After the Taiping Rebellion broke out, he was appreci- determined by the specific circumstances. When taking a ated for his military talent by the Viceroy of Liangjiang tour for sight-seeing and pleasure – especially as the cour- Zeng Guofan 曾國藩 (1811-1872) and then invited to tesans usually did, or traveling towards home, they would serve as the latter’s assistant. Unfortunately, he shortly be in a relatively cheerful mood. On the contrary, when died of exhaustion in his resistance against the rebellion traveling away from home, or escorting their husbands’ in Anqing 安慶, Anhui province. Then, Zeng Yi’s coffins through hardships, or taking refuge in exile, they mother Zuo Xijia 左錫嘉 (1831-1896), a renowned poet would tend to regard travel as suffering and reluctance, and painter, escorted his coffin and brought their chil- and convey a strong desire to return to the peaceful and dren back to Zeng’s hometown in Huayang 華陽 county comfortable life in the boudoir. Yet, generally speaking, (nowadays Chengdu) by traveling along the Yangtze the late Qing gentry women’s attitudes towards travel River for thousands of miles. Zuo painted a long scroll turned out to be much more positive, though occasionally as a description of this hard journey and her devotion to they would express homesickness. They not only traveled the Zeng family was highly eulogized by her contempo- across much wider territories and contributed unusual rary literati.7 As Binbin Yang points out, Zeng Yi posi- writings to the travel literature, but also merged arguments tively inherited her “family learning” and emphasized on gender issues, such as the new concept of gender equal- her “receiving instructions from my mother” (cheng ity, women’s patriotism and understanding of citizenship, muxun 承母訓).8 Her father’s loyalism and her mother’s and women’s education as the foundation of the nation’s chastity and filial piety were the most admired traditional prosperity, into their travel writings. Chinese morals, which became her code of behavior and Needless to say, all these women travelers had tres- were advocated throughout her educational arguments. passed across the physical inner-outer division, however, She was a prolific writer: in addition to the four juans as for women’s social role at home – their devotion to of shi and ci-lyric poems, which contain her remarkable household affairs and family duties, most women writers quantity of travel writings, she also produced three profes- cast no doubt on it, instead, they firmly insisted on their sional works respectively on traditional Chinese medicine identity in the inner sphere as well as the labor segrega- (“Yixue pian” 醫學篇, Treatise on medicine), culinary tion. This is similarly true for the late Qing gentry women. skills (“Zhongkui lu” 中饋錄, Instructions on cooking), Believing that women’s innate ability best fit the inner and most importantly, women’s education as well as business, they insisted on women’s adherence to the family several relevant gender issues (“Nüxue pian” 女學篇, work and disapproved of women’s involvement into pol- Treatise on women’s learning). In the study of these itics and social occupations. In their opinion, travel served works, Binbin Yang has elaborated Zeng Yi’s expecta- as a means of education, but after traveling, the educated tion of women as “Guardians of Family Health” and her and qualified women were requested to return home “Purpose of Medicine under a National Agenda”.9 Yet and carry on all the inner duties once again. For them, the ultimate purpose of women’s travel and education 7 For a more detailed narration and study of Zuo’s story, see Yang was to cultivate women as eligible wives and mothers 2016, 62-84. who would maintain the family in good order. There- 8 Yang 2014, 520; Yang 2016, 138. fore, they still insisted on the gender segregation at the 9 Yang 2014, 522-532; Yang 2016, 139-153. TRAVEL, IDENTITY AND EDUCATIONAL ARGUMENTS OF THE GENTRY WOMEN IN LATE QING CHINA 137

Yang does not mention Zeng Yi’s travel and its connec- clouds, which was described by Li Daoyuan as “layers tion with women’s education, which would be the focus of peaks, ridges upon ridges, hide the sky and block out of this article. the sun.”14 Second, large corps of water currents ran rap- When her husband Yuan Youan 袁幼安 (19th c.), the idly and turbulently so that a boat would journey for one son of her maternal aunt Zuo Xixuan 左錫璇 (also a poet, thousand and two hundred li-miles in one day, even “rid- 1829-after 1891), was appointed to an official position in ing a swift horse or flying with the wind cannot match Fujian province, Zeng Yi travelled as an accompanying such a speed.”15 Third, the perilous Yanyu Reef16 (Yanyu wife from her place of origin in Sichuan to Fujian with dui 灩澦堆) stood solemnly in the water, chilling the most of the journey taken on boat along the Yangtze travelers who feared their boats would get crashed on the River eastwards. Her depiction of the outer world is dis- rock. As the local ballads sing, “The Yanyu Reef is as tinctive from the ordinary boudoir writings. When trave- big as an elephant, so that the upstream travel from the ling through the renowned Three Gorges (Sanxia 三峽),10 Qutang Gorge is prevented; The Yanyu Reef is as big as she produced poetic records of the magnificent natural a horse, so that the downstream travel to the Qutang landscape and historical sites. One representative of her Gorge is prevented.”17 However, all these scenes have poems, “Wushan gao” 巫山高 (The height of Wu Moun- disappeared today. The construction of the Three Gorges tains11) reads: Dam has heavily changed the natural surroundings along the Yangtze River: the water level was raised sharply so The Wu Mountains tower beyond the sky: that the riverside mountains no longer look very towering; even the flying birds cannot reach their very icy summit. The clouds float around the mountains’ waist; and the river is more like a huge reservoir now, flowing and when it becomes sunny, the wind blows the clouds very slowly with no swift currents any longer. In addition, dispersed. the Yanyu Reef was removed by an explosion in 1959 for The currents run rapidly washing the cliffs which rise safe voyage, leaving behind an eternal memory. There- sharply above the water; fore, Zeng Yi’s poem finds its significance in the mul- and the flow of water is like the surge of thousands of tiple fields of literature, geography and history. troops. The motivation of Zeng Yi’s travel was somewhat What a tremendous rock is the Yanyu Reef; old-fashioned and represented her wifely obedience. At and the roaring waves beating the rocks make a sky-shak- the same time, she vented the sentiment of homesickness ing sound.12 in some of her poems just as other female or male trav- In his influential article “Lun nüxue” 論女學 (On elers did. However, apart from these conventions, the women’s education), Liang Qichao 梁啟超 (1873-1929) more noteworthy significance in her travel writings is her devalued the talent of cainü 才女 (talented women) as emphasis of travel’s positive influence and her cheerful useless, and criticized their writings as nothing more than emotion towards travel. She took travel as a way to broaden “poems on the sadness of spring and the pain of parting, her horizon and release her spirit. As she wrote, and chants of the moon and the wind, the flowers and the 13 Throughout my life, I love traveling so much; grass”. Nevertheless, depicting an enormous scene of As if I owe a debt of mountains and waters. the natural landscape, this poem by Zeng Yi totally dif- I extricate myself from the constraints and overlook the fers in style from the feminine writings of restricted sub- wilderness in all directions; jects, on trivial matters, and within the inner chambers. Thus, I open my eyes in the enormous space between the It also captures the environmental features unique to the earth and the sky.18 Three Gorges in response to the portrayal in the famous She also highlighted that it was the experience of geographic work The Commentary on the Water Classic traveling across all the provinces in southeastern China (Shuijing zhu 水經註) by Li Daoyuan 酈道元 (466/472- that let her observe the national crisis personally, and as 527), who accomplished this monumental book heavily a result, she deeply felt it was urgent to carry out social based on his personal field investigation. reforms and revitalize women’s education.19 Unfortunately, There are three noticeable points in her record: First, most Chinese women, as she declared, were ignorant and the mountains along the river were towering into the

10 The Three Gorges are three adjacent gorges along the middle 14 Li 2013, 756. reaches of the Yangtze River, consisting of the Qutang Gorge (Qutang 15 Li 2013, 756. xia 瞿塘峽), the Wu Gorge (Wu xia 巫峽), and the Xiling Gorge (Xiling 16 The Yanyu Reef was a tremendous rock in the western mouth of xia 西陵峽) from the west to the east. the Qutang Gorge. It was notorious as a threat to boats and frequently 11 The Wu Mountains are a range of mountains located along the recorded in Chinese literature. banks of the Yangtze River. 17 Li 2013, 752. 12 Zeng 1907, “Shiji”: 2.5b. 18 Zeng 1907, “Shiji”: 3.17a. 13 Liang 1989a, 37-44; Zurndorfer 2008, 30. 19 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: zixu 4a. 138 YUAN XING to be abandoned by the transitional era. She attributed in Hakone, she saw the tram for the first time. Pleased those women’s failure to the fact that they were restricted with the comfort and convenience of this new transpor- within the narrow boudoir.20 A similar argument is found tation, she praised it “never loses its way” and “is safe in Liang Qichao’s article “Ji Jiangxi Kang nüshi” 記江 and fast”. What’s more, to make the depiction more eas- 西康女士 (A biography of Ms. Kang from Jiangxi), in ily acceptable to Chinese readers, she used two classical which Liang argued that Ms. Kang’s success was credited allusions: one is the legendary “cloud carriage” (yunping to her traveling to and studying in the US, on the con- 雲軿), which is fast yet unreliable, in contrast, the tram trary, the ordinary women (changnü 常女) were deprived is not only fast, but also real and safe; the other is “to of the opportunity of learning and they even did not drive a deer” (wanlu 挽鹿), an abridged term for “(a know there is an international world because they never virtuous couple) to drive a deer-drawn-barrow together” stepped out of the boudoir.21 Therefore, traveling out of (gongwan luche 共挽鹿車), which is derived from the the boudoir to the outside world was logically considered story of the Han dynasty scholar Bao Xuan 鮑宣 and as a remedy for the confined Chinese women. his wife,23 and is to praise the couple’s righteousness in poverty, yet she interpreted the allusion in a different 2.2 Shan Shili way by indicating that the virtuous couple – implying herself and her husband – no longer bother to depend Born to an elite family in Xiaoshan 蕭山, Zhejiang on the shabby deer-drawn-barrow thanks to the inven- province, Shan Shili was also well educated in the tradition of tram.24 tional way as a learned gentry woman. Different from The combination of new images and classical poetic Zeng Yi who received instructions from her mother, Shan form is reflected not only in the depiction of modern missed the “mother’s instructions” due to the early death objects, but also in the portrayal of exotic scenes. When of her mother. It is Shan’s father Shan Dihua 單棣華 observing the local peasants were burning the wildlands (19th c.) and maternal uncle Xu Renbo 許壬伯 (19th c.), for reclamation on her train journey across the vast Sibe- both of whom were erudite scholars in traditional learn- ria, Shan discussed the diverse uses of fire by citing the ing, who were responsible for Shan’s education during well-known allusions to Zhou Yu 周瑜 (175-210) and her girlhood, thus Shan was still able to inherit a good Tian Dan 田單 (active in the Warring States period), “family learning”. Shan was also a prolific writer whose both of whom defeated their strong enemies by using works cover a wide range of subjects with three pieces fire-attack. In comparison, she believed the use of fire for relevant to her travel: (1) Guimao lüxing ji 癸卯旅行記 exploiting wildlands was more beneficial to the people (A travelogue of the year 1903), the most famous and and thus commendable. As she anticipated, “From now influential travelogue which records her extensive journey on, on the ten thousand acres of Siberian lands, people will across Eurasia; (2) Guiqian ji 歸潛記 (Writings on return- diligently farm and chant a full harvest. Turning barren ing to a life of seclusion), which is also an academic work lands into fertile soil, the use of fire is supplementary to consisting of several independent articles on the Western the nature’s feat.”25 culture; (3) Shouzishi shigao 受茲室詩稿 (Poetry of the Moreover, Shan combined her advocating for female Shouzi studio, Shouzi 受茲 being her courtesy name), education with her traveling experience. After visiting which is a collection of poems written throughout her life- the scenic spots in Japan and observing the successful time, including those about her travel. education of Japanese women, she became worried for Analysis of some of Shan’s travel poems has been the absence of women’s education in China and urged conducted by Yanning Wang.22 Here, this article aims to her compatriots: highlight the new/modern aspect of Shan’s poetry writing. To tell my fellow women secluded in their boudoirs; Although its format is still classical, her poetry encom- It is urgent to have a remedy for modifying the outdated passes a lot of new/modern elements unparalleled by custom. the works of previous women writers. Firstly, she wrote In this new century, we must study hard; about various new objects, such as tram, bus, aircraft, Since such a good time will not reappear in the future.26 museum, and Western food. These new things reflect the advanced modern technology and greatly draw the trav- Shan frequently made comparisons between China eler’s interest. But whether are they compatible with the and Japan. Touched by the view that a group of Japanese classical poetic style? Shan’s practice offers a positive answer. For example, when traveling with her husband 23 Fan 1965, j. 84: “Lienü zhuan”: 2781-2782. 24 Shan 1986, 24. For a whole translation of this poem and its analysis, see Wang 2014, 151. 20 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: 1a. 25 Shan 1986, 38. 21 Liang 1989b, 119-120. 26 Shan 1986, 27. Wang 2014, 153. My translation is a little different 22 Wang 2014, 148-158. from Wang’s. TRAVEL, IDENTITY AND EDUCATIONAL ARGUMENTS OF THE GENTRY WOMEN IN LATE QING CHINA 139 children lively sang songs during a bus tour, she wrote a Confucian ritual of nan nü dafang 男女大防 (a strict seg- poem entitled “Qichezhong wen ertong changge” 汽車 regation between men and women), Jin’s wife refused 中聞兒童唱歌 (Hearing the children singing in a bus): to follow him to the alien world. Only Jin’s concubine 彩雲 How natural and pure is the sound, which is delivered out Caiyun got accustomed to the Western lifestyle, but of full freedom! she was interested in social intercourse and romances 29 And what a clear and lively voice it is from the children’s rather than new knowledge acquisition. singing! In contrast, Shan Shili’s family were enthusiastic in In what restriction and oppression our Chinese children the new learning. Shan not only actively joined the circle are born！ of Japanese women elites herself, but also brought her They bury their heads in the studios, just like prisoners.27 junior family members to Japan to study on their own Here, the comparison is on the education of children, expense. Qian Xun was in full support of Shan’s trave- which was considered as affiliated to women’s education. ling and composing travelogue so that he contributed She admired the Japanese way of teaching in which chil- the following inscription to her influential work Guimao dren were granted a free environment so that they grew lüxing ji: up naturally full of energy. Unfortunately, the Chinese Shan has traveled for over twenty thousand li-miles, and way loaded children with too much burden and restraint. recorded her travels in more than thirty thousand words, This poem leads its reader to a contemplation on the this being an accomplishment that no Chinese women had cultural level: Chinese culture’s preference of prematu- ever managed before. Today, women’s education is pros- rity and decorous behavior had in fact always resulted pering and they are being enlightened, so there must be some women fond of reading her travelogue.30 in oppression on children’s instincts. Shan was probably also anxious about this. In similarity, such a topic was Here, Qian not only highly praised the groundbreaking discussed in Zeng Yi’s arguments on raising children as significance of Shan’s travel, but also, more importantly, well. Zeng proposed the right way: “It is the children’s consciously associated travel with women’s education, nature to be active rather than stay still. It is like that they and confidently believed that Shan’s travelogue would are exercising all the time, and this most benefits their contribute to the enlightenment of women. It is perhaps health. Therefore, we must not suppress their vitality, nor for the first time that travel and women’s education were restrict them too tightly. Otherwise, they would become so closely intertwined. sluggish in activity and dull in intelligence.”28 In her travelogue, Shan Shili expressed a strong con- While Shan Shili mastered the “traditional knowledge” sciousness of stepping out and set herself as a pioneer through her “family learning”, she acquired the “new example to inspire more women’s aspiration for trave- knowledge” under the positive influence of her husband ling. What shocked her most was Japan’s success in Qian Xun 錢恂 (1853-1927), who was an open-minded female education. As she observed, the Japanese women scholar-official at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and were all well-educated and very concerned about the pros- imported new learning to his family. Qian’s appointment perity of their nation. However, to her disappointment, in Japan, and later in Europe, granted Shan the excellent most of the Chinese women only had narrow horizons opportunity of traveling across Eurasia, though her as a and were even unaware of the existence of their nation. following wife too. To illustrate the significance of the Similar in opinion to Zeng Yi and Liang Qichao, Shan husband’s influence on the wife and the family, whether also attributed the reason to the boudoir constraint, and in positive or negative way, it might be necessary to put consequently recommended travel as a therapy.31 To intro- into comparison the conservative Jin Wenqing 金雯青 in duce her female compatriots more knowledge of Western the novel A Flower in a Sinful Sea (Niehai hua 孽海花). civilization, in another work, the Guiqian ji, Shan wrote Wenqing was erudite in Chinese classics and achieved the on various topics, including the Western-styled construc- highest score zhuangyuan 狀元 in the imperial examina- tions and sculptures, the history of Christianity and its tion. However, he had little interest in the new learning. spread in China, Greek and Roman mythology, and the When serving as the ambassador in St. Petersburg – the story of the great traveler Marco Polo (1254-1324), all same position and city Qian Xun worked in, he secluded of which she learned from personal traveling experience. himself in the embassy and got buried into the kaozheng In this sense, it resembles the woyou 臥遊 (recumbent 考證 (evidential research) study of the Yuan history. travel) tradition, in which those who lack the opportunity Adherent to women’s identity in the inner chambers and to travel in reality would carry out an imaginary “travel” afraid that the Western custom would contradict to the by appreciating the pictorial or textual description of the

27 Shan 1986, 23. Wang 2014, 156-157. My translation is a little 29 For a more detailed study of this novel, see Hu 2000, 21-66. different from Wang’s. 30 Shan 1981, Qian Xun’s inscription: 21. 28 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: 18a-18b. 31 Shan 1981, 74. 140 YUAN XING outside world from those who have taken a real travel.32 Zeng Yi’s insistence on women’s identity in the inner Whereas, what Shan intended to offer was for horizons- sphere shaped her view on some other relevant gender broadening and new knowledge acquisition other than issues, especially women’s marriage and occupation. merely curiosity-satisfying and entertainment-enjoying, She doubted the practicality of the new-styled marriage, which were always pursued by many real or woyou instead, believed that the traditional arranged marriage travelers. suited the Chinese society better. As she elaborated, in Compared with the gentry women of previous gener- Europe, men and women were free in their social inter- ations who traveled mainly to practice their female virtue, course, so that they were able to choose spouses at their to earn a living, to escape the war, to take pilgrimages, own will. In contrast, the gender segregation in China or to enjoy the leisure time, the late Qing gentry women was so strict that, staying in their inner chambers, women travelers like Zeng Yi and Shan Shili excavated the new were deprived of the opportunity of participating in social function of travel as a means of self-cultivation and edu- activities. As a result, she thought Chinese women lacked cation for women, stressing its benefits of enlarging hori- the “wise eyes” to recognize a Mr. Right and therefore zons and importing new learning. The spatial boundary recommended the arrangement of marriage by the expe- between the inner chambers and the outer world was thor- rienced parents, which, in her view, was more reliable oughly broken and women were free, and even encour- in choosing a right spouse.36 Women’s economic con- aged, to travel out of their boudoir. tribution to the family was also stressed in Zeng Yi’s arguments. Their primary responsibility, she advocated, was to manage the household affairs well at home in 3 staying in the Inner while Concerning order to achieve a perfect balance between income and the Outer: their Arguments on Women’s Identity expenditure, rather than to take on social occupations and Education to immediately earn money. The only exception was that some manual crafts like needlework, spinning, weaving 3.1 Staying in the Inner and sericulture, which were inappropriate for men in her opinion, were open to women. And women’s engagement It is apparent that the late Qing gentry women had in occupations was merely assistant to men’s, so by no physically stepped out of the boudoir and optimistically means should they surpass men in the social occupational traveled into the external world. However, if “the inner” arena.37 is defined at the abstract and social level as women’s role Women’s identity in the inner sphere, as Zeng Yi at home – their engagement in the domestic affairs and argued, was rooted in their innate quality which made their family duties, the gentry women still firmly insisted them only suitable for the domestic work. As she stated, on women’s identity in “the inner” sphere. As Zeng Yi women’s bounden duty was to manage housekeeping wrote in her educational discourses, affairs, which exactly fit their nature; as for politics, that After marriage, women should give priority to their hus- was not women’s business, and women were absolutely bands. Their right identity is located in the inner sphere. ineligible by their nature to take it on. Similarly, she Then, the great righteousness is to be achieved. They must claimed men were neither qualified for the inner business be gentle and tranquil, and maintain a harmonious relation- such as feeding children, dressmaking and preparing ship in the family. They must be modest and respectful, meals.38 Thus, in her viewpoint, the labor division was 33 and devoted to household affairs. determined by the respective inborn abilities of men and Based on such a comprehension of women’s iden- women: men fit the outer and women the inner, so the tity and duty, she concentrated the educational contents gender / inner-outer division also found its legitimacy. for women on the inner subjects (neixue 內學), such as However, at the same time, she diverged from the con- classics, history, poetry, dressmaking, embroidery, and ventional admonishment which emphasized the inner / culinary skills.34 And the educational purpose was to cul- women’s inferiority and obedience to the outer / men. She highly raised the importance of the inner respon- tivate women as “wise wives and good mothers” (xianqi 39 liangmu 賢妻良母) who could “assist their husbands so sibility, making it match the outer one. As she antici that the housekeeping would be in good order; raise their pated, society consisting of various families, so if women children so that the education would thrive.”35 could maintain every family in good order, then the whole society would prosper. In this sense, women were

32 For a detailed study on the recumbent travel of the late imperial women, see Wang 2014, 3-30. 36 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: 4a-4b. 33 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: 6b. 37 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: 26a-26b. 34 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: 20b-21a. 38 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: 7b-8a. 35 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: 1b. 39 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: 7b-8a. TRAVEL, IDENTITY AND EDUCATIONAL ARGUMENTS OF THE GENTRY WOMEN IN LATE QING CHINA 141 making great contributions to the nation in an indirect women for their lack of learning and Western women manner. Women’s role at home was fundamental and for their lack of good behavior, while in contrast, Shan essential, echoing the “Correct beginning” (zhengshi lauded Japanese women who combined learning and 正始) advocated by the mid-Qing female scholar and proper virtue to achieve the balance and so regarded poet Yun Zhu 惲珠 (1771-1833).40 them as paradigm from whom Chinese women need to Although Shan Shili exhorted women to physically learn.44 travel out for the enlargement of their scope of knowl- Actually, this paragraph deserves further exploration edge, she more approved Chinese women’s identity in the for a comprehensive reading of Shan’s characteristic: not inner sphere and the traditional female virtue too. She only her clever negotiation and justification, but also wrote the following words to admonish her daughter-in- her conservativeness. There are at least three key points. law after they had visited the Osaka Exposition of 1903: First, Shan defensed women’s proper identity in the inner sphere by clarifying that their traveling out was merely Today’s trip was only to expand our knowledge. Although an adjustment to rather than a violation of the rules of we tramped about in the rain, we did not trespass against the rules of decorum. Moreover, you were waiting upon decorum, therefore, she did not openly challenge the tra- your mother-in-law. But when you go back to Tokyo, ditional rules on women’s position and the gender seg- you must scrupulously obey the rules of your school. Do regation. Second, Shan emphasized the escort of family not go out frivolously. I say, China has a superior sense members which guaranteed a gentry woman’s qualities. of womanly virtue; what is regrettable is women’s lack While Shan’s daughter-in-law performed her filial duty by of learning. Japanese women are able to hold to the rules accompanying Shan, she was simultaneously escorted by of wifely virtue while increasing their learning. In this the elder family member (Shan herself) as well – a proper they are admirable. I often hear your father-in-law say that, manner for the gentry women to travel. Shan also clearly whereas Western women do not lack a sense of virtue, exhorted her daughter-in-law not to go out frivolously in those who transgress the rules are numerous. In public, normal conditions. It is also noticeable that in both China such women’s conversation is elegant. When they play music, paint, and dance, they display their excellence and and Japan, public women’s schools set strict regulations beauty. Yet, whereas the display may be excellent and to prevent their students to step out of the campus and to 45 beautiful, inwardly they are the opposite. Beware of fol- associate with men. Third, Shan persisted in the gender lowing their example! Contemporary discussions slander division by discussing the female virtue. One reasonable the East and praise the West. Feminine virtue is no excep- explanation for her judgement of Western women that tion. Please avoid delusion on this matter.41 they were outwardly beautiful but inwardly opposite should be that, according to her belief, once women crossed the This paragraph catches the attention of several gender boundary and participated in social intercourse researchers. Hu Ying emphasizes Shan’s “negotiation of with men, they would easily fall lascivious. Therefore, the traditional feminine code of conduct” and “justifica- the gender division was considered as a protection of tion for this unconventional behavior” (tramping out in the women’s chastity. The Chinese propriety, which taught rain), and points out two reasons behind Shan’s explana- women to maintain the division and their identity in the tion for their unconventional behavior: (1) to acquire inner, would guide women to be morally good, so it was new knowledge (for both Shan herself and her daughter- better than the Western one. Confident enough, she antici in-law); (2) to fulfill the filial duty of accompanying the pated that, if well educated, Chinese women would be mother-in-law (for Shan’s daughter-in-law).42 Yanning the best in the world, since they had already possessed a Wang repeats Hu’s opinions and takes Shan as a reformer superior female virtue. who “attempted to take advantage of the old traditions to validate and thus promote the new ways”.43 Both scholars notice Shan’s “new” / “positive” aspect. And Ellen 3.2 Concerning the Outer Widmer’s statement reveals that Shan chastised Chinese Also judged at the social and abstract level, “the outer” refers to social affairs and activities. Although the late 40 For a more in-depth and comprehensive study on Yun Zhu, as Qing gentry women persisted in women’s identity in well as her compiling project The Anthology of Correct Beginnings by the family and disapproved their direct involvement into Inner-Chamber Talents of the Present Dynasty (Guochao guixiu zhengshi ji 國朝閨秀正始集), see Mann 1997, 94-120; Li 2012, 52-85. In short, society, they did expect women to concern the outer the “Correct beginning” means that women’s right morals in the inner affairs. Zeng Yi denied women’s participation in politics, quarters would progressively improve the social morality and influence but supported their concerns for it. She declared that the the state affairs in a positive way. young girls should be taught what closely relates to the 41 The original text is from: Shan 1981, 31. The translation here is from: Widmer 2006, 772. 42 Hu 1997, 90-91. 44 Widmer 2006, 772. 43 Wang 2014, 156. 45 Xia 2014, 76-84; Zhou 2007, 15-25. 142 YUAN XING current events. As for the classics, she preferred The that “Russia is so different from a civilized nation”.51 Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu 春秋) because it Actually, it is possible that her real purpose was to sati- would teach girls the principle of competition between the rize the even worse Qing government by using Russia as international powers.46 Here, I summarize her “four-step” a mirror. As a mingfu 命婦 (a lady honored by the impe- proposal on how women’s education would contribute to rial court) and the wife of a high official, Shan had the the nation’s prosperity: women ought to (1) nurture them- privilege to enjoy a comfortable journey. If she had just selves both physically and mentally; (2) manage the behaved as a narrow-minded gentry woman, she would not housekeeping well to guarantee that their husbands are have spoken too much about the outer affairs which were free of domestic worries so that will be more efficiently beyond the range of her boudoir life. However, identify- devoted to the outer business; (3) raise the children in the ing herself as a citizen, she felt it responsible to express right way so that they will grow up as healthy and eligi- her opinions on the national affairs. In addition, her criti ble citizens; (4) when all the families thrive, the whole cism responded the Anti-Russia Movement (ju E yundong nation will naturally thrive too. Following her strategy, 拒俄運動), which was organized by patriotic intellectu- women would “accomplish the educational purpose on als to resist Russia’s invasion into Northeastern China in the national scale without leaving their home.” (buchu jia the same year of 1903. er chengjiao yu guo 不出家而成教於國)47 This proverb The Qing dynasty saw several most violent catastro- is original from The Great Learning (Daxue 大學), one of phes in Chinese history: the Ming-Qing transition, the the Confucian classics, and praises a gentleman’s moral Opium Wars and the Taiping Rebellion. During these influence.48 Here, she interpreted it as her anticipation for times of chaos, the gentry women were thrown into the the success of women’s education. outside world when their physical inner chambers were Instead of producing an independent and systematic destroyed. To flee their homes because of war became work on women’s education as Zeng Yi did, Shan Shili the incentive for their travel and these women travelers merged her arguments on this topic into her travel writ- of early times had also presented their concerns for the ings. She highlighted women’s awareness of the citizens’ outer affairs in their writings. However, what is the dif- obligations and concerns for the national affairs, and ference between the concerns of the late Qing gentry what’s more, she did act as a responsible citizen herself. women and those of their early sisters? The early-mid She placed great emphasis on the importance of educa- Qing women refugees moved to the spatial outer with tion to a nation-state and keenly pointed out that the right reluctance. They recollected the past peaceful and com- purpose of modern education was to produce eligible fortable boudoir life and longed for returning to stabil- citizens for the nation, rather than affiliated officials for ity. In their poems, a spiritual boudoir was created as an the government – as China’s outdated education did. She imaginary shelter from which they drew consolation and frequently compared China with Japan, and believed that strength to empower themselves in adversity.52 There- Japan’s outstanding status among the Western Powers fore, they still adhered to the boudoir although it had resulted from its advanced education, while China’s fall- been ruined and only existed as a conceptual one in their ing behind was to a great extent due to the absence of a minds. They had not yet developed an enterprising con- modern civil education.49 In contrast with her favoring of sciousness of stepping out to observe the external world Japan, Shan’s attitude towards Russia was quite negative. as the late Qing women did. Moreover, their concerns for When traveling on the border between China and Russia, the outer were always aroused automatically from their she was indignant for Russia’s invasion and the Qing personal sufferings. Once when the chaos was settled officials’ surrender. She also insightfully warned the Qing down and they returned to a peaceful and comfortable government Russia’s treacherous strategy of building enclosure, even temporarily, they would draw their atten- two railways across northern and southern Xinjiang by tion back to the inner quarters. I will illustrate these points indicating that, together with the already-built railway by taking two women poets before the late Qing time as across Yingkou 營口 and the will-be-built railway across examples. Zhangjiakou 張家口, these two sets of railways would The first one is Li Yin 李因 (1610-1685), whose travel act as two pairs of pincers threatening China eastward and poems have been studied by Grace Fong. Here, I need and westward.50 She also assailed the Russian govern- to stress three pieces of information: (1) When accompa- ment’s autocracy and corruption, and even openly stated nying her husband Ge Zhengqi 葛徵奇 (d. 1645), a Ming loyalist, on their journey from Beijing back to their hometown Haining 海寧, Zhejiang province, Li Yin observed 46 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: 20b. the disasters caused by Manchu invasion and peasant 47 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: 1b. 48 Zhu 1983, 9. 49 Shan 1981, 24-25. 51 Shan 1981, 85. 50 Shan 1981, 90. 52 For more detailed case studies, see Li 2012, 115-144. TRAVEL, IDENTITY AND EDUCATIONAL ARGUMENTS OF THE GENTRY WOMEN IN LATE QING CHINA 143 rebellions. As Fong points out, in her limited number of this herself.58 In this sense, the woman poet not only of poems with the subject of social disorders, Li Yin concerned, but also actually impacted the outer events demonstrated her frustration and gendered inability of with her writings. And different from Li Yin’s silence on taking action.53 Yet, although she failed to act, she did her virtues, Chen designedly wrote down her relation to indignantly present a desire to rescue the refugees and the outer, which she approved as women’s right business. pacify the turbulence – that is her active intention to Later, however, when escaping from Tianjin and taking interfere in the outer affairs.54 (2) Li Yin sacrificed her- refuge in Shengfang 蕂淓 county (in present Hebei prov- self for the safety of Ge Zhengqi and even the preser- ince), which was a pacific isolation from outer troubles, vation of his poetry manuscripts in cases of danger. As she felt so pleased to find such a shelter, and then, she Fong notices, Li herself was absolutely silent about this shifted her attention and subjects of writing back to the and her modest silence became another one female virtue inner personal life. Yanning Wang has studied a set of of hers (in addition to her self-sacrificing). It is the male eleven poems under one title Chen composed when settled literati Ge Zhengqi, Ge’s disciple Wu Bentai 吳本泰 there. The first four poems depict the beautiful natural (17th c.) and the well-known Ming loyalist scholar Huang environments and as Wang argues, “convey a tendency Zongxi 黃宗羲 (1610-1695) who highly praised and of holding herself aloof from the chaotic world”, as well recorded her virtues of both self-sacrificing and modesty.55 as her “hidden anxiety” and “fear of reality”. Yet, the Whereas, in comparison with Qian Xun who enthusiasti- other seven poems make a sudden transition to the bitter cally evaluated Shan Shili’s travel and travel writings, reality by recording bad news of the war, so “the tension none of those male scholars mentioned Li Yin’s travel or between the poet’s personal desire for peace and tranquil- her concerns for the outer. Probably in their eyes, engage- ity and in contrast the bitter social reality” was clearly ment in the outer should by no means be a womanly reflected.59 The “utopian” shelter was fragile and tran- virtue. (3) Li Yin’s later life deserves exploration too, sient. When it was broken, the female poet was thrown to because her concerns shifted from the outer to the inner the outer once again. We can see that, her involvement in in those days. Since Ge Zhengqi’s death – only two years and concerns for the outer originated not from her con- after their return to hometown, she stayed in the boudoir sciousness and voluntariness, but from the uncontrolled as a chaste widow for almost forty years, and no longer circumstances and her personal encounters. If she were traveled, nor cared too much about the outer affairs. She permitted to make a choice between the two lifestyles: the wrote, “With the door closed, I will not ask about any inner in enclosure or the outer in exile, she would defi- events in the secular world; I prefer taking a noon- nitely choose to live in the tranquil and relaxed inner one. nap and having a nice dream on my stone pillow and Even in the first four poems, she had already conveyed an rattan bed.”56 “The closed door” symbolizes an obstacle obvious desire of detaching from the chaotic world instead between the inner and the outer, implying that her con- of caring for the continuous wars. cerns for the outer had faded away and she felt satisfied The precedent gentry women’s concerns for the outer with an enclosed boudoir life. seem to be reluctant, conditional and temporary. However, The second one is Chen Yunlian 陳蘊蓮 (19th c.), a in the late Qing reform movement, extensive and ever- talented woman poet native to Jiangyin 江陰, Jiangsu lasting changes in women’s personality occurred. Their province. When her husband Zuo Chen 左晨 (19th c.), positive intention to travel, enthusiasm for new knowl- a native of Changzhou 常州, Jiangsu province, went to edge, and patriotic awareness, once nurtured as their take his official position in Tianjin, she followed and then intrinsic qualities, would be sustained whether they lived stayed there for several years. She survived the attacks in chaos or peace. Also, the education was carried out on to Tianjin during the Second Opium War and the Taip- the national scale and aimed at all the women, not as in ing Rebellion. As Li Xiaorong argues, she expressed her the previous times when only the elite women were taught frustration on gender restriction in time of chaos,57 just to read and write, and so were able to demonstrate their as Li Yin did. In addition, she recorded the details of bat- concerns for the outer with their writings. The purposes tles and swore her loyalty to the emperor. Whereas, what of women’s learning in early-mid Qing were for their is more noticeable should be that, as she declared, her self-cultivation of morality and for their properly serving poems once encouraged the Qing soldiers to fight bravely the family. Although such purposes were equally empha- until they defeated the enemies, and she was very proud sized in the late Qing time, another higher social and national purpose was raised as well, so that “for women themselves”, “for the family” and “for the nation” con- 53 Fong 2008, 109-110. stituted a step-by-step educational strategy. 54 Li 2003, 22, 25. 55 Fong 2008, 111-112. 56 Li 2003, 91. 58 Chen 2014, 744. 57 Li 2012, 133-134. 59 Wang 2014, 96-97. 144 YUAN XING

We might conclude that, on the one hand, the late Qing 人權與女權 (Human rights and women’s rights). In this gentry women educators adhered to women’s role as article, he proposed three sequential steps to achieve housekeeping managers at home; on the other hand, they true equality between genders: (1) the equality in edu- also highlighted women’s concerns and obligations for cation and learning – this is the very foundation aimed the national affairs. Hence, in their anticipation, women at cultivating women’s equal ability with men’s; (2) the should concern the outer while stay in the inner. equality in social occupations – meaning that after obtaining professional knowledge and skills, women will rival men in the occupational arena and become econom- 4 rethinking and Reanalyzing their Identity ically independent; (3) the equality in politics – meaning in the Inner Sphere that women will have the equal rights to participate into politics on the basis of economic independence. Only 4.1 From Family to Society when all these three steps are fulfilled, women’s rights, and 62 The late Qing gentry women’s educational discourses also the more general human rights, are to be achieved. on the new concept of gender equality seem reasonable In comparison, Zeng Yi’s arguments only partially involve at first glance, but are in fact oversimplified and contro- Step 1 and seem idealistic by predicting that educa- versial if analyzed thoroughly. As Zeng Yi predicted, tional equality will directly lead to gender equality. Liang’s women would match men in knowledge and wisdom stress on Step 2 might also explain his controversial if they competed with men in learning. Afterwards, they denouncement of the cainü culture: in his eyes, those cainü would rival men in ability, and consequently and natu- neither made economic contribution to the nation’s pros- rally, they would acquire equal rights with men. Further- perity, nor promoted gender equality by establishing them- more, when women and men competed with each other selves in the social occupational field, so they were use- in learning, they would make progress neck and neck, less to a modern nation-state and therefore outdated. and then the whole Chinese race would become stronger The emphasis on women’s engagement in social and stronger. Therefore, the development of women’s occupations is also found in the works of Liang’s con- education would benefit not only women themselves, but temporary heralds. For instance, Qiu Jin 秋瑾 (1875- also the whole nation.60 However, her arguments expose 1907) appealed in her speech that women ought to master a question on the interrelationship between education the skills of self-supporting as the foundation of self- and gender equality. As she believed, women would enjoy establishing in society. She encouraged women to learn equal rights with men once they obtained equal education science and crafts so as to take teaching positions or and learning. But is this practical? What’s more, in her operate factories. In this way, they would not only shake arguments, even the contents of education and learning off the notoriousness of incompetence, but also win 63 were in reality different: men were taught the “outer sub- respect from men. Similarly, in his feminist manifesto jects” while women the “inner subjects”. As a conse- Nüjie zhong 女界鐘 (The bell in the women’s society), quence, women were not granted the potential to under- Jin Tianhe 金天翮 (1873-1947) systematically championed take a profitable occupation in society. women’s rights to education (with the same educational In contrast, Liang Qichao offered an alternative solu- contents as men’s), employment (in social occupations) tion in his “Lun nüxue”. The most significant point in his and livelihood, political participation, and human digni- 64 arguments drawn from the theory in Timothy Richard’s ty. All these rights are directed to women’s identity in (1845-1919) “Shengli fenli zhi shuo” 生利分利之說 (Pro- the outer society. Jin particularly stressed the importance ductive and nonproductive methods), in my opinion, is the of “operating a business” to women, arguing that with- emphasis on the necessity of women’s ability to undertake out a business, women would only consume the profits productive and profitable social occupations. When the and be dependent on men, harmful to both the outer / 65 once nonproductive population were engaged in pro- public and the inner / private. Also, in sharp contrast to duction, as he suggested, much more profits would be Shan Shili, who took Japan’s female education as the most made immediately and the nation would become wealthy successful model because in her viewpoint it advanced quickly61 – this is what the reformists urgently antici- both women’s learning and virtue, Jin Tianhe censured the pated. Moreover, only by self-supporting, would women Japanese way of teaching women to be submissive and no longer economically depend on men and then acquire dependent, and believed there was nothing valuable in the real independence. The importance of women’s occupa- historical development of Japanese women’s rights. As a tional engagement to gender equality is further illustrated in Liang’s another article entitled “Renquan yu nüquan” 62 Liang 1989c, 81-86. 63 Qiu 2013a, 154-157. 60 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: 2a-2b. 64 Liu, Karl and Ko 2013, 7. 61 Liang 1989a, 37-44. 65 Jin 2003, 51. TRAVEL, IDENTITY AND EDUCATIONAL ARGUMENTS OF THE GENTRY WOMEN IN LATE QING CHINA 145 result, he exhorted the Chinese students who studied in a gender chaos – men and women behaved casually in Japan to avoid the negative influence of Japan’s education social intercourse, which not only caught these pioneers’ for women and to resist its import into China.66 attention, but also aroused their contempt.72 The gender On the contrary to the gentry women educators, these segregation, the Chinese literati believed, was an advanced reformists denied women’s restriction in the family and ritual principle that guaranteed the uniqueness and supe- urged them from the family to the external social occu- riority of Chinese civilization. Therefore, the mainte- pational domain. As today’s researchers have indicated, nance of gender segregation was so essential to the pro- the reformists attempted to transplant the Western femi- tection of China’s cultural independence from the Western nism into China to solve the nation’s urgent social prob- assimilation. lems and so their arguments are full of utilitarianism; Such a belief directly influenced the advocators’ view on the other side, the gentry women treasured their on women’s education. In his renowned work Quanxue identity and womanly virtue, which, they insisted, would pian 勸學篇 (An exhortation to learning), the influential still have value in the new era.67 Anyway, the ultimate goal scholar-official Zhang Zhidong 張之洞 (1837-1909) of these two groups is the same: to strengthen the nation claimed that “the five ethical relations” (wulun 五倫)73 through advancing women’s education. They both, more were the guidance of Chinese people’s behavior and or less, applied Western (or modern) ideologies into their remained undisputed and unchanged for thousands of discourses and loaded women with a utilitarian responsi- years. They also explained why China is China – in other bility for the nation. They diverged on the identification words, they assured the Chineseness. According to the of women’s role (at home or in society) and the spe- right gender relation, husband was to lead wife, so equal cific approach to this goal: How will the nation thrive? rights between men and women were not applicable in When women manage housekeeping well at home, or China.74 Thereupon, as announced in the educational regu when they undertake profit-generating occupations in lations which he, together with Zhang Baixi 張百熙 (1847- society? Scholars have also observed that reforms were 1907) and Rongqing 榮慶 (1859-1917), drafted, women carried out ultimately not for the sake of Chinese women were to be educated only at home for the purpose of but for the sake of national wealth and power.68 It might managing housekeeping and raising children, and they be a Chinese characteristic that under a particular histor- should by no means be taught to discuss or intervene in ical background, the improvement of women’s education the outside affairs.75 Zhang’s view seems even more con- and status, and the prosperity of the nation were so inti- servative than that of the gentry women educators: it mately connected and complementary that women would restrains women within the spatial inner chambers, and benefit when they were needed. also disapproves their concerns for (needless to say participation into) the outer affairs. 4.2 Insistence on the Chineseness Compared with Zhang’s conservatism, the gentry women had made a step forward; however, they still failed In her study of the inner-outer division and the late to break either the gender or the Sino-barbarian segrega- Qing women travelers, Hu Ying touches upon two con- tions. As mentioned above, Shan Shili eulogized the supe- cepts: nan nü dafang and Yi Xia dafang 夷夏大防 (the riority of Chinese women’s virtue and identity, although distinction between Chinese and barbarians).69 Actually, regretted their lack of learning. Zeng Yi upheld a similar the gender segregation was considered by a large number viewpoint, arguing: of late Qing intellectuals as an important symbol of the Chineseness which maintained the Sino-barbarian dichot- Our China is a reputed nation with an advanced civiliza- omy. For a long time, the Chinese imagined that the bar- tion. All of the Chinese women, no matter the celebrated ladies or the ordinary countrywomen, are devoted to chas- barian men and women lived in a promiscuous manner tity and filial piety. These womanly virtues are superior to without a distinction between genders, which was uncivi 70 any other female qualities held by women from other lized and shameful judged by the Chinese criteria. Even nations around the world.76 in the travelogues composed by the first group of Chinese pioneers who traveled to Europe during the late Qing period,71 the Western world was always depicted as in world: from East to West, Chinese travelers before 1911) which were published in modern version during the early 1980s. 66 Jin 2003, 23. 72 Wang 2016, 55-60. 67 Qian 2003, 399-454; Li 2014, 185-192. 73 They refer to the right relations between (1) monarch and 68 Cheng 2000, 113. minister, (2) father and son, (3) husband and wife, (4) brothers and 69 Hu 1997, 72-99. (5) friends. 70 Gong 2001, 283-284. 74 Zhang 2002, 12. 71 Most of these works have been compiled into a series of books 75 Cheng 2000, 117. with the title Zouxiang shijie congshu 走向世界叢書 (Forwarding the 76 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: zixu 4b-5a. 146 YUAN XING

Chastity and filial piety (jiexiao 節孝), recognized by as he described, would spur the yin 陰 (the inner / Zeng Yi as the highest womanly virtue, are closely linked women) to invade the yang 陽 (the outer / men), so that to women’s identity in the inner quarters: chastity defines the womanly virtue would be lost and the social ethics their loyalty to their husbands while filial piety defines be ruined. Hence, to achieve a balance, he praised Zeng their serving their parents and parents-in-law. As for Yi’s arguments as the right path.80 the specific educational methods, she recommended to sustain the superiority (the Chinese feminine virtue and identity) and compensate the disadvantage (lack of 5 conclusion: their Transitional Characteristics learning).77 In reality, the gentry women’s view might be explained as the practice of Zhang Zhidong’s influential In general, there were three types of prospective roles statement “Chinese learning for the fundamental princi- for women in the late Qing period: “wise wives and ples and Western learning for the practical applications” good mothers”, “mothers of citizens” (guomin zhimu (Zhongxue wei ti, Xixue wei yong 中學為體, 西學為用) 國民之母) and “female citizens” (nü guomin 女國民).81 on women’s education. The representation of Chinese- Actually, these three roles were not separately independ- ness – traditional female morals, gender segregation and ent, but mutually transformable. The conception of “wise women’s identity in the inner – must be upheld to guar- wives and good mothers” was originally imported from antee China’s superiority, yet simultaneously, practical Japan and stressing women’s role in the family. When adjustments, for example the approval and support of those wives and mothers developed a patriotic conscious- women’s travel, learning and patriotic concerns, should ness and the qualification to educate their children as be made for the nation’s prosperity. eligible citizens, they would become the “mothers of In addition, the contents of women’s learning were citizens”, whose definition demanded women’s respon- extended during the late Qing period. Western knowledge sibility for both the family and the nation. These roles of and even some professional skills were considered to “wise wives and good mothers” and “mothers of citi- be what women should learn as their talent. The gentry zens” were what the gentry women educators expected women educators no longer worried that women might women to play, and meant women’s indirect contribution neglect their virtue due to their indulgence into literary to the nation. When the “mothers of citizens” stepped activities, as the early-mid Qing male and female schol- out of the family and undertook social, occupational and ars did,78 rather, they were anxious that women would even political activities in the outer society, then they forget the “superior” Chinese female virtue as a result of would by themselves become capable “female citizens”, blindly following the Western manners. Consequently, whose meaning emphasized women’s participation into they were very selective in the Western learning. They the external affairs and direct contribution to the nation. approved women’s acquisition of knowledge in literary, Such a role of “female citizens” was what the radical artistic and scientific fields, but firmly forbade women’s reformists and revolutionists expected women to play. learning of free social interaction with men, new-styled The transformation of the roles from “wise wives and marriage and political participation. good mothers” to “female citizens” also constituted a The late Qing gentry women educators, together with process of women’s “traveling” from the inner family to the scholar-officials, also condemned the reformists’ the outer society. agenda of propelling women to the outer occupational The gentry women representatives Zeng Yi and Shan domain, which, in their view, would disrupt China’s cul- Shili had “traveled” to the roles of “wise wives and good tural and social order. Zeng Yi criticized that the “new mothers” and “mothers of citizens” with their identity women” who appealed for equal rights and independence still located in the family; simultaneously however, some only had an empty political ambition but neglected the women heralds “traveled” even further and illustrated urgent obligations (family duties) in front of them.79 In travel’s new significance. The late Qing women revolu- his preface to Zeng Yi’s work, Wu Qingdi 吳慶坻 (1848- tionists interpreted travel as a way to escape the family 1924), the Governor of Education of the Sichuan and constraints and to get trained for revolutionary activities. Hunan provinces, pointed out the harm of abandoning This is demonstrated in Qiu Jin’s tanci 彈詞 work Jingwei women’s education, but he was far more anxious about shi 精衛石 (Jingwei’s stone). Although she failed to com- the harm of the “radical” education for women, which, plete this work, we are still able to infer its general plots based on its table of contents. The story is in reality a reflection, or an expectation, of her own life. Resentful 77 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: zixu 5a-5b. of the family-arranged life, the female persona Huang 78 For a study on the contradiction between female virtue and talent during the early-mid Qing time, see Mann 1992, 40-62; Ho 1995, 191- 223. 80 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: xu 2.1a-2.2a. 79 Zeng 1907, “Nüxue pian”: zixu 5a. 81 Judge 2008, 107-138; Xia 2016, 84-102 TRAVEL, IDENTITY AND EDUCATIONAL ARGUMENTS OF THE GENTRY WOMEN IN LATE QING CHINA 147

Jurui 黃鞠瑞, together with her female peers, fled to an Cheng, Weikun. 2000. “Going Public through Education: island country (alluded to Japan) and studied there. After Female Reformers and Girls’ Schools in Late Qing Beijing.” equipped with new knowledge and modern ideology, Late Imperial China, 21.1: 107-144. they returned to their country and launched a revolution. Ebrey, Patricia Buckley. 1993. The Inner Quarters: Marriage Finally, they expelled the ruling barbarians (alluded to and the Lives of Chinese Women in the Sung Period. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press. the Manchus) and established a democratic Chinese dwards 82 E , Louise P. 2008. Gender, Politics, and Democracy: republic. Here, Qiu Jin indicated the interdependence Women’s Suffrage in China. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Uni- of women’s fate and nation’s fate: women were loaded versity Press. with the responsibility of participating in, or even lead- Fan, Ye 范曄. 1965. Houhan shu 後漢書 (Book of the Later ing, a national democratic revolution, not only to revive Han), vol. 10, annotated by Li Xian 李賢 et al. Beijing: the Chinese nation, but also to liberate themselves; on Zhonghua shuju. the other hand, it is only in a Chinese republican nation- Fong, Grace S. 2008. Herself an Author: Gender, Agency, state that gender equality and women’s independence and Writing in Late Imperial China. Honolulu: University were able to be fully achieved. She also emphasized the of Hawai’i Press. 龔鵬程 Chineseness, but it is a modern one of national and dem- Gong, Pengcheng . 2001. You de jingshen wenhua shilun 遊的精神文化史論 ocratic significance. The new Chinese women should be (On the spiritual and cultural history of travel). Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe. productive and self-establishing, and also have equal Ho, Clara Wing-Chung. 1995. “The Cultivation of Female identity in the outer society. 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