When Being Deaf is Centered: d/Deaf Women of Color’s Experiences With Racial/Ethnic and d/Deaf Identities in College

Lissa Stapleton

Journal of College Student Development, Volume 56, Number 6, September 2015, pp. 570-586 (Article)

Published by Johns Hopkins University Press

For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/595557

Access provided by Iowa State University (26 Oct 2017 00:12 GMT) When Being Deaf is Centered: d/Deaf Women of Color’s Experiences With Racial/Ethnic and d/Deaf Identities in College Lissa Stapleton

Approximately 30% of d/Deaf students are Amy and her mother, a small-framed Asian successfully completing college; the reasons for woman with a bright red jacket and large such a low graduation rate is unknown (Destler tan purse, knock on my door, apologizing & Buckly, 2011). Most research on d/Deaf college for disturbing me. I quickly stand up to greet them and ask them to please come students lack racial/ethnic within the in and have a seat. I have had several one- study; thus, it is unclear how d/Deaf Students on-one interactions with Amy over her of Color are faring in higher or what two years at the institution. She struggled experiences they are having. It is no longer with shifting identities between her life appropriate or socially just to conduct research at home and school. At home, her family that does not intentionally seek out the voices of treated her like a hearing person; she spoke d/Deaf Students of Color. Using a fundamental her ethnic language, participated in all her descriptive qualitative methodology, this paper ethnic cultural practices, and used hearing aids. When she came to school, she only sheds light on a population of students, d/Deaf signed and did not interact with other Asian Women of Color, who are often invisible within students, as most of the d/Deaf students the mainstream higher education literature and on campus were White. She did not feel expands our understand of the types of experiences hearing, Asian, or d/Deaf enough to fit into they are having related to their racial/ethnic and the residential or campus community. She d/Deaf identity while attending college. struggled. Afraid, because of cultural taboos, to tell her parents that she needed counseling and unable to find a counselor to meet her Reflexive Statement of communication needs (simultaneously the Problem signing and speaking), she started to shut It is about 2:00 p.m., and I am expecting down. The lack of congruency and peace she Amy and her mother to drop by my office felt affected her schoolwork, her friendship at any moment. Amy is an Asian American circles, and now her ability to stay at d/Deaf* student who lives in one of my school because her behavior had become residential halls. She had been struggling unpredictable and distant. with identity issues, and her mother, who I share this story as a way for readers to was deeply concerned about her daughter’s change in behavior, was coming to my under­stand the tensions that may come from office to discuss resources. As I hurry to negotiating the intersection of d/Deaf and finish a few random administrative tasks, race/ethnic identities. As a Black hearing

* The upper case D in the word Deaf refers to individuals who connect to Deaf cultural practices, the centrality of American (ASL), and the history of the community (Johnson & McIntosh, 2009; Mitchell, 2005; Woodcock, Rohan & Campbell, 2007). The lower case d in the word deaf refers to the audiological condition or medical severity of the person’s (Trowler & Turner, 2002; Woodcock et al., 2007). In this study d/Deaf is used because the differences are not always clearly identified in the literature or among the participants.

Lissa Stapleton is Assistant Professor of Deaf Studies at California State University Northridge.

570 Journal of College Student Development When Being Deaf is Centered woman, I worked at West Coast University the reasons for such a low graduation rate for three years in student housing. I interacted is unknown (Destler & Buckly, 2011; Lang, with a diverse population of d/Deaf students. 2002). Most research on d/Deaf college Some students struggled with their racial/ students lacks racial/ethnic diversity within the ethnic and d/Deaf identities, whereas others study or does not use race as a variable; thus, gravitated toward one or the other, unaware it is unclear how d/Deaf students of color are or choosing not to navigate both identities. I faring in higher education or what experiences never forgot Amy or the influence she had on they are having. my professional commitment to examine the There are several reasons why this research college experiences of d/Deaf women of color is important. First, d/Deaf students matter. (women of color referring to self-identified d/Deaf students’ attendance in our colleges women who also identify as Black/African and universities is continuing to grow (Lang, American, Latina/Hispanic/Chicana, Native 2002; Woodcock et al., 2007). As of 1993, American/Indigenous, Asian American/Pacific there were more than 25,000 d/Deaf students Islander, Middle Eastern, multiracial and (National Center for Education Statistics, biracial) and the intersections of their racial/ 1994) attending colleges and universities, and ethnic† and d/Deaf identities. in 2000, there were 468,000 d/Deaf students enrolled (Schroedel, Watson, & Ashmore, Introduction 2003). Higher education practitioners and faculty must understand the college Approximately 1 in 20 individuals identifies experiences of d/Deaf students in order to find as d/Deaf in the United States (Mitchell, ways to support and better work with d/Deaf 2005). The d/Deaf community is dynamic students. Second, d/Deaf experiences and the and members of this community are very d/Deaf community have been essentialized, diverse in their range of hearing loss, cultural fixed, or stereotyped to mean White or White connections, and the methods they use to people, and this must change. Parasnis (2012) interact with the dominant hearing world. stated, “The experiences of white American Historically, hearing people have remained Deaf ASL users has created a perception of in power positions relative to d/Deaf people’s as a monolithic overarching lives, thus labeling them as disabled. This trait of all deaf people and has suppressed power has played out within family life and recognition of the demographic diversity of during the fomative years of schooling (Trowler individuals within the Deaf community itself” & Turner, 2002). There are connections (p. 64). The voices and perspective of d/Deaf between early education preparation, family people of color have been left largely invisible involvement, and identity development that (Foster & Kinuthia, 2003). Finally, there is influence the success of d/Deaf college students limited research on the college experiences of (Lang, 2002). Approximately 30% of d/Deaf students of color with and even less students are successfully completing college; about the intersection of d/Deaf experiences

† In an initial questionnaire, participants were asked how they racially identified, and throughout the interviews, some participants revealed and talked about their ethnic identity. For this study, race was defined as socially constructed categories loosely based on skin color, facial features, hair, and family background (Walker, 2011). Ethnicity was defined as a group of people who share attributes acquired through genetic, cultural, and historical inheritance, which are believed to be associated with their family’s descent (Walker, 2011). The breakdown of the participants’ race and ethnicity can be seen in Table 1.

September 2015 ◆ vol 56 no 6 571 Stapleton and race (Foster & Kinuthia, 2003) within Literature Review higher education literature. It is no longer appropriate or socially just to conduct research There has been research focusing on the college that allows the reader to assume unconsciously classroom experiences of d/Deaf students that all d/Deaf students are White or to (Boutin, 2008; Convertino, Marschark, conduct research with only White d/Deaf Sapere, Sarchet, & Zupan, 2009; Foster, Long, participants. In order to best serve their & Snell, 1999; Lang, 2002, Stinson, Scherer, needs, improve our higher education practices, & Walter, 1987), but most studies have and encourage their success, the voices, failed to acknowledge or address the multiple experiences, and stories of d/Deaf students identities of d/Deaf students, specifically with of color must more visibly and intentionally reference to race. Kersting (1997) focused show up in the literature. on the social interactions of d/Deaf college The verarchingo study explored the college students who attended mainstream institutions experiences of d/Deaf women of color and and had no previous contact with the d/Deaf what they perceived as salient to shaping community. Seven men and three women their college experiences as it related to their participated in this study, and only their families, their college classroom experiences, gender and age ranges were given. Students their extracurricular lives, and the role of their in the study ultimately found ways to connect identities, specifically racial/ethnic and d/Deaf to a community (d/Deaf, hearing, or both) identity. It was conducted at a 4-year public and were satisfied but not without a struggle institution on the West Coast of the United and moments of isolation, loneliness, and States that serves approximately 200 d/Deaf rejection. The types of communities students undergraduate and graduate students and were trying to connect with is unclear (i.e., will be referred to as West Coast University communities of color, White communities, (WCU). This paper focuses on a portion of or multicultural communities) as was if that the overarching study and uses a fundamental information would have made a difference descriptive qualitative methodology. There in the findings. At this point, there is “no were two primary purposes: first, to shed light empirical data available regarding the campus on a population of students, d/Deaf women comfort level and educational satisfaction of of color, who are often invisible within the racial/ethnic minority deaf students” (Parasnis, mainstream higher education literature; and Samar, & Fischer, 2005, p. 48). second, to understand the types of experiences College and career programs for Deaf d/Deaf women of color were having as it Studies have identified several thousand 2- and related to their racial/ethnic and d/Deaf 4-year institutions that serve d/Deaf student identity while attending WCU. populations and offer support services (Lang, This paper starts with a literature review, 2002). Many institutions are serving small followed by the research design. The research numbers of d/Deaf students and often do not design incorporates the methodology, a more have racial diversity within the d/Deaf student in-depth description of the participants, the population. Parasnis et al. (2005) studied guiding research questions, and data analysis. d/Deaf students’ attitudes toward racial/ethnic The summary of findings concentrates on diversity, campus climate, and role models at the participants’ voices and experiences, the Rochester Institute of Technology. One flowing directly into suggestions for future hundred and fifty-seven d/Deaf students research and practice. participated in the quantitative study, and the

572 Journal of College Student Development When Being Deaf is Centered ethnic breakdown was 34 African Americans, to rely on gesturing and writing notes at home. 29 Asian Americans, 18 Latinos, and 76 Because of communication barriers within Whites (Parasnis et al., 2005). The notion of their family, understanding their culture and “critical mass,” or having several individuals heritage was challenging. Some students did from the same d/Deaf racial/ethnic group not have a connection to their culture, but was addressed in the study. A critical mass of one Black student said, “[I learned] myself students of color was seen as both affirming . . . watch[ed] Black entertainment. Read and problematic, because all d/Deaf women magazines” (Foster & Kinuthia, 2003, p. 278). of color do not experience and/or embrace This particular participant relied on the media their race and ethnicity in the same way. One and pop culture to learn about her race, student commented, “It is a very positive which can be problematic because of the gross experience to belong to both a minority group portrayed in the media regarding and the deaf community since it enhances people of color (Aramburo, 1989). We have my sense of identity.” Offering a contrasting to look deeper at the ways in which d/Deaf perspective, another student observed that women of color understand their racial and “subgroups make me feel uncomfortable. The ethnic culture in order to understand how and lack of education about multiculture [sic] if it influences them as they holistically develop. disappoints me deeply” (Parasnis et al., 2005, The findings from the study showed that p. 56). There are multiple truths illustrating identity “is conceptualized as an interaction how d/Deaf women of color experience and between the self and the surrounding social embrace their race and ethnicity. Having a structures” (Foster & Kinuthia, 2003, p. 286) critical mass of racially diverse d/Deaf students and that identity salience changes depending allows d/Deaf women of color to have options on d/Deaf students’ of color environment. to explore the intersections of these two d/Deaf students are diverse and come particular identities whereby the student does to college with a variety of experiences. not have to be d/Deaf or a person of color but They need to have support services, such as has a community in which both identities are interpreters, captionists, note takers, and acknowledged. The study concluded that race tutors, in order to be successful, but that is not and ethnicity matter in regards to influencing all students need to thrive academically. The the perception of campus climate and that academic experience is just one component all minoritized d/Deaf student communities of the college experience. Foster (1989) cannot be grouped together or assumed to said, “Social/personal factors play a critical have the same experiences, needs, or support role in the success of deaf students in higher (Parasnis et al., 2005). education. . . . Qualities [such as] persistence, The importance of not essentializing all self-identity, self-efficacy, perseverance, ability d/Deaf women of color’s experiences can be to accommodate oneself in an integrative clearly seen in Foster and Kinuthia’s (2003) environment, and general maturity” (p. 269) qualitative study, which explored how d/Deaf all need to be further developed for student college students of color think about and success in higher education. Unfortunately, describe their identities, specifically their most research on d/Deaf students and higher d/Deaf and racialized identities. Most of the education has painted a broad and essentialized college participants attended mainstream picture of who d/Deaf students are; thus, this K–12 schools, had families who did not know study was the beginning step of exploring and, as a result, had how d/Deaf women of color understood and

September 2015 ◆ vol 56 no 6 573 Stapleton experienced their racial/ethnic and d/Deaf fulfill the purpose of this study. It raises identities while attending WCU. awareness about d/Deaf women of color and the experiences they had with their racial/ Research Design ethnic and d/Deaf identity. In addition, this methodology is congruent with Deaf Methodology epistemology. Deaf epistemology is a Deaf- This was a fundamental qualitative descriptive centered perspective that has been influenced study, which is “a descriptive summary of a by critical and cultural theories (Paul & Moores, phenomenon, organized in a way that best 2010). This epistemology is anti-essentialist contains the data collected and that will be and makes no claims that there is one Deaf most relevant to the audience for whom it way of knowing (Parasnis, 2012). Deaf is written” (Sandelowski, 2000, p. 339). The epistemology believes knowledge is socially purpose of this study was to understand the constructed and centers d/Deaf voices and experiences d/Deaf women of color were ways of operating in the world, using personal having as it related to their racial/ethnic and accounts to document knowledge (Holcomb, d/Deaf identities while attending WCU and 2010; Paul & Moores, 2012). This study to shed light on a population of students who consciously privileges d/Deaf over hearing often are invisible within higher education ways of knowing, and this methodological and mainstream higher education literature. approach “produces a complete and valued Sandelowski (2000) stated that the goal of this end-product in itself. . . . [It] entails a kind type of study is “to stay closer to the surface of interpretation that is low-interference”; of the data” (p.336) and to accurately convey thus, allowing d/Deaf women of color to the story or events as well as the meaning really speak for themselves. Deaf epistemology given by the participants. Fundemental was used throughout the data collection and qualitative descriptive studies use conceptual analysis process, as it justified why the women and philosophical frameworks as a way should have communication options during to organize and look at the data, but not their interviews, stressed the importance of necessarily to analyze, as they are not highly the women speaking for themselves, and interpretative (Sandelowski, 2000). This study centered and valued the perspectives of all the has phenomenological overtones, meaning it women, including the minority or differing touches on the experiences of the women, but the voices. The following sections address the four purpose is not to produce “phenomenological components of the research design including renderings of the target phenomenon” (p. 337) participants, data collection, analysis, and re- nor were phenomenological methods and presentation techniques. analysis used. Sandelowski (2000) stated that this is a common practice because Pai rtic pants “qualitative descriptive studies are different from phenomenological, grounded theory, Fundamental qualitative descriptive studies ethnographic and narrative studies; [however] use purposeful sampling (Sandelowski, 2000). they may, have hues, tones, and textures from Patton (2002) stated, “The logic and power of these approaches” (p.337). purposeful sampling derive from the emphasis This methodology is appropriate for this on in-depth understanding and selecting study because descriptive summaries and information-rich cases whose [perspectives] accurate accounts of the women’s experiences will illuminate the questions under study”

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(p. 46). For this study, the participants had to was mostly their mothers who communicated identify as d/Deaf and a person of color as well with them through American Sign Language, as attend WCU at the time of interviewing. Signed Exact English, or signing and talking. The hope was to recruit a group of diverse Each woman also had varying degrees of ethnicities and gender; however, eight d/Deaf contact with d/Deaf people and culture before female students initially volunteered, and attending college, ranging from no exposure seven completed the full study. Students were to deeply connected. They all attended K–12 recruited through flyers hung on bulletin mainstreamed schools, but their mainstream boards, e-mailing d/Deaf students and d/Deaf experiences were very different. Some were in student organizations’ listservs, interacting small all-d/Deaf classes of one to two people with students while visiting campus, and and signed, whereas others were in hearing contacting WCU’s academic advisors and staff classes with an interpreter and some women interpreters. Students received a $20 bookstore were in oral programs. Most of the participants gift card for their participation. Participants’ applied to more than one college, but most names were changed to protect their privacy. selected WCU because it was close to home Each woman was asked to describe her life and had resources for d/Deaf individuals. growing up and her educational experiences before college. As seen in Table 1, the women Data Collection were diverse in regards to race/ethnicity, d/Deaf identity, majors, year in school, and The data collection process within a funda­ preferred communication methods. All but mental qualitative descriptive study focuses two lived off campus. Five of the women were on “discovering the who, what, and where of from California, one lived in multiple states events or experiences, or their basic nature and growing up, and one was from out of state. shape” (Sandelowski, 2000, p. 338), which All the women had siblings but were the only in this study was guided by the following d/Deaf people in their families. Most of the research questions: participants were raised by two parents (male 1. What experiences are d/Deaf women of and female), but two were raised by single color having at West Coast University mothers. Most of the participants’ parents did as it relates to their racial/ethnic and not sign, but in the families that did sign, it d/Deaf identity? Table 1. Participant Demographics

Year in Deaf/Hard of Communication Name School Race/Ethnicity Hearing Major Category Preferencea

Deidra 3rd Chinese/Vietnamese Hard of hearing Deaf Studies SS Jodie 3rd Korean Deaf Deaf Studies ASL Mel 5th Black ASL Joyce 3rd Asian American Deaf Deaf Studies ASL Chloe 3rd Korean Deaf Liberal Arts ASL/SEE Tiara 3rd Black Hard of hearing Education SS Sunny 2nd Mexican Hard of hearing STEM ASL a SS = signing and speaking; ASL = American Sign Language; SEE = Signed Exact English.

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2 . What aspects of racial/ethnic and used Google chat because each woman had a d/Deaf identity are salient to d/Deaf Google account. The second interviews were women of color? 60–90 minutes of typing back and forth, Fundamental qualitative descriptive and the entire chat session was copied and studies seek to collect as much data as possible used for analysis. in order to capture accurate accounts of events (Sandelowski, 2000). Thus, I collected data in Data Analysis two ways through a preliminary questionnaire Using the first and second interviews, a and two “moderately structured open-ended qualitative content analysis was conducted. interviews” (Sandelowski, 2000, p. 338). The Fundamental qualitative descriptive studies preliminary interview questionnaire included primarily use this analysis to analyze visual demographics, educational background, and and verbal data to highlight the regularity of communication preferences, which were ideas, feelings and thoughts within an event used to establish a context for each of the in order to create an accurate summary of the participants. Each participant filled out a participants’ voices and stories (Sandelowski, consent form and face-to-face interviews were 2000). During the initial step in analysis, conducted on campus in a private room. All the data was organized in a Word document the questions were translated into American and the transcriptions were read several times Sign Language syntax, and each of the women (Esterberg, 2002). Using open coding, color- were given an English written copy of the coding was used for, all statements, stories, interview questions to look at throughout ideas, thoughts and feelings connected to the interviews. Based on the values of Deaf racial/ethnic and d/Deaf identity. Then, epistemology and my experiences within experiences were identified that happened the d/Deaf community, it was important to while the women attended WCU (working build trust and rapport with the participants with faculty, encounters with peers, taking by conducting my own signed interviews classes, student organization, etc.) or if it without an interpreter. This allowed direct influenced their understanding of their racial/ communication with the women, greater ethnic and d/Deaf identity while at WSU control over asking follow-up questions, and (encounters with family). Finally, focused eliminated the filtering of the data through coding was used to narrow down the cate­ an interpreter. gories, looking for similarities and differences The first interviews were video-recorded among the women (Esterberg, 2002). and lasted 1 hour. The second interviews Sandelowski (2000) stated, “There is were set up before each participant left and nothing trivial or easy about getting the facts, were conducted a month later, after the first and the meaning participants give to those interviews had been translated and transcribed. facts, and then conveying them in a coherent I read the transcriptions several times and and useful manner” (p.336). Thus, funda­ ­ developed additional and clarifying questions mental qualitative descriptive studies seek for the second interviews. Because of the time interpretive and descriptive validity to ensure a between the first and second interviews, and comprehensive summary of events and stories. because of the fact that the participants and Interpretive validity is defined as “an accurate I did not live in the same state, the second account of facts and meanings in which the interviews were conducted from a distance participants would agree” (Sandelowski, 2000, through instant messaging Google chat. I p. 338). Member checks were done during the

576 Journal of College Student Development When Being Deaf is Centered second Google chat interview, and divergent The word was coined by Deaf participant perspectives were acknowledged scholar Tom Humphries (1977), who defined throughout the findings in order to establish it as “the notion that one is superior based on interpretive validity. Descriptive validity is one’s ability to hear or behave in a manner of defined as “an accurate account of facts and one who hears” (p. 12). Many hearing people meanings in which others observing would do not trust that d/Deaf people have the ability agree” (Sandelowski, 2000, p. 338). This to control their own lives, and they believe they was addressed by working with the academic can dominate and discriminate against d/Deaf advisors in the d/Deaf resource center at individuals (Eckert & Rowley, 2013). Audism WCU. The data were presented to them as is practiced overtly, covertly, and aversively. a report, and a larger roundtable discussion Overt audism are practices that directly was scheduled to talk through the findings as and openly dehumanize d/Deaf people, for well as to compare the findings with what they example, policies and behaviors that isolate experienced with students on a daily basis. and exclude d/Deaf people from society without consequences (Eckert & Rowley, Re-Presentation Techniques 2013). Covert audism are practices that are The way in which a fundamental qualitative disguised and more difficult to identify, such descriptive study is re-presented is a “straight as hiring practices and providing reasonable descriptive summary of the informational accommodations. Aversive audism are practices data organized in a way that best fits the that “concern a principle of equality accom­ data” (Sandelowski, 2000, pp. 338–339). panied by contradictions and high levels of This study used Deaf critical theory (Deaf anxiety when around Deaf people” (Eckert Crit) as a tool to re-present the women’s & Rowley, 2013, p. 109) including avoiding experiences because it is a Deaf-centered interaction and forcing d/Deaf people to theory, created by and for d/Deaf people, assimilate into the hearing world. to more accurately talk about their lived Similar to how CRT has adopted a experiences. Developed by Gertz (2003), stance to challenge “the dominant group’s Deaf Crit is informed by critical race theory linguistic and cultural snobbery, and to (CRT), an interdisciplinary race-centered respect non-dominant discourses” (Gertz, movement that is rooted in critical legal theory 2003, p. 419) as they relate to race, so too, has and challenges notions of color-blindness and Deaf Crit focused on the liberation of d/Deaf meritocracy (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012), individuals. The following four Deaf Crit which surfaced as a result of Gertz’s (2003) tenets and explanations (Gertz, 2003), which study with Deaf adults born and raised in are informed by the foundational principles of Deaf families. She looked at how dysconscious CRT, were used as a way to think about and audism, “a form of audism by means of an understand the women’s stories as well as a way implicit acceptance of the dominant hearing to organize and re-present their experiences: norms and privileges” (p. xii), impacted their • Centrality and of understanding of themselves as Deaf people d/Deaf people and audism, as well as their awareness of unequal status • Challenge of dominant hearing ideology, in society. Deaf Crit was born as a way in which to examine and talk about audistic • Centrality of d/Deaf experiential subordination and marginalization of d/Deaf knowledge, and people (Gertz, 2003).

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• Commitment to social justice for identity and makes some connections and d/Deaf people. observations back to the literature. The purpose The data were not pulled apart, dissected, was to understand the experiences of d/Deaf or analyzed using Deaf Crit as “concerns women of color at WCU related to their racial/ remained concerns and perceptions remained ethnic and d/Deaf identity, and ultimately, perceptions” (Sandelowski, 2000, p. 338). shed light on a seemingly invisible student However, Deaf Crit’s tenets helped organize population. The following tenets helped shape and bring the women’s experiences together this summary: challenge of dominant hearing and served as a lens in which to start to ideology, centrality and intersectionality of understand how d/Deaf women of color d/Deaf people and audism, centrality of d/Deaf at WCU experience their racial/ethnic and experiential knowledge, and commitment to d/Deaf identity. social justice for d/Deaf people.

Limitations Challenge of Dominant Hearing Ideology There were limitations to this study. First, the interviews were conducted in person and For many of the women, attending college through Google chat. After completing the opened up a completely new world of accep­ interviews, the women were asked which tance, communication, and friendship. Those interviewing methods they preferred, and who did not learn to sign growing up or were most said face-to-face. Google chat lacked the not exposed to d/Deaf people seemed thirsty opportunity for nonverbal expression, which to connect to the d/Deaf community. The ways aided them in understanding the questions, in which the women challenged the dominant and they felt more comfortable responding in hearing ideology varied from subtle to direct. For sign language. Although, measures were taken some of the women, challenging meant proudly to maintain the integrity and accuracy of the identifying as d/Deaf, whereas others refused interviews, a second limitation was posed by to be boxed in with all d/Deaf people. Some the process of translating questions and data women joined and supported d/Deaf-specific from language to language. student organizations, whereas others educated themselves on d/ and culture. Summary of Findings Tiara grew up active within the Black community, used her voice and hearing aids, The women understood their identities and and in many ways was able to mask her hard cultures on a variety of levels. Some were of hearing identity. She focused mostly on reflective about who they were and where they her newfound d/Deaf identity within the came from, whereas others had a hard time interview. She talked passionately about her articulating their identities and only knew experience of entering the d/Deaf community: they felt a part of certain cultures but could Growing up I was very hearing minded not express what the cultures meant. Coming and didn’t sign very well. When I came to to WCU gave the women an opportunity to WCU, I have been very involved in the be independent and discover who they were deaf world and not the hearing world. I as d/Deaf people. This summary uses Deaf found my identity of who I am. I chose critical theory as a tool to re-present the [the] deaf world; I can communicate women’s stories, feelings, and experiences as in sign language rather than struggle to understand what everyone is saying. they related to their racial/ethnic and d/Deaf

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Tiara consciously chose to find ways to learn She shared the following: and connect with the d/Deaf community at The classes I took, as a Deaf Studies major, WCU. In her desire to be a proud d/Deaf I just learned a lot, so I feel connected. In person, she had to push back against her high school, I would just stumble through family’s hearing ideology, as they saw her as conversation after conversation and just a hearing person. Tiara refused to continue got by, and I did not know anything about to be socialized or treated as if she was the deaf culture. hearing. One way in which she pushed against Sunny’s way of challenging can be seen this was through joining a d/Deaf student through her development of self-​acceptance. organization in spite of her family encouraging She spoke confidently: her otherwise. She shared, Here at WCU, I have learned to accept I wanted to be more involved in the myself and my identity as a deaf woman. deaf world, and I am glad I did. I have I am finally comfortable. When I got to finally found myself, and I love it, being WCU and realized I sign, and everyone able to communicate with all my [peers] around me is signing. I felt I finally fit in. perfectly and can really be myself in that [Deaf organization]. I wanted my family Although, she used speech most of her life at to respect my deaf identity, so I decided home, Sunny spoke strongly about being a to join the [Deaf organization]. Deaf person and used sign language and not her voice at school. Challenging dominant Opposite of Tiara, Mel grew up with more hearing ideologies was complicated, as the d/Deaf people around her. Her deafness played women were the only d/Deaf people in their a larger role in her life than did her Black hearing families and were negotiating racial culture. She shared her thoughts: and ethnic identities. Sunny talked about how I identify myself as Deaf, more so than her identities were situational: with my Black ethnicity. I enjoy being part of the Deaf community; I feel at At WCU, there are Mexican students on home with Deaf people because we are the campus, but within the deaf community same and we have a natural connection. here there are only a few that are Mexican, It’s ingrained in me. I feel like I am still so I feel that it’s not as high of importance. clueless on Black culture. However, back home I have many deaf Mexican friends. I have a strong con­ Mel acknowledged her positive connection nection to my Mexican heritage and and sameness with d/Deaf people as a way to would give it the highest priority when I normalize d/Deaf spaces and ways of being; am there. Really, I feel that my identities however, this connection overshadowed her are more of a two and two [Deaf/ woman racial identity, as she did not meet other Black or Mexican/woman] rather than all three d/Deaf people until college. all the time. The d/Deaf culture and community at Challenging dominant hearing ideologies WCU afforded the women the opportunity also meant questioning differences within the and space to accept themselves as d/Deaf d/Deaf community. d/Deaf people are often people. Deidra had a hard time explaining essentialized to have only one culture, and what d/Deaf culture meant, but knew she had while attending WCU, Chloe realized she was it inside of her. Her way of challenging hearing not like all d/Deaf people, particularly students ideology was to educate herself about d/Deaf at , the largest d/Deaf people and culture as a Deaf Studies major. university in the world. She shared, “For me,

September 2015 ◆ vol 56 no 6 579 Stapleton deafness is very different from [the] hearing (Gertz, 2003). Jodie shared a couple culture, but I am not into deaf pride like those of examples of when she was frustrated with students at Gallaudet. I think of myself as an interpreter and faculty. She felt she was normal, but deaf.” When asked to explain further, independent and could do a lot for herself, so she stated, “If you go to Gallaudet, those students having a motherly interpreter was annoying: are very different from here. Their sign language “I got a bad interpreter [and] she treated me and their personality are very blunt. Deaf pride like I was a baby. She treated me like I did not is usually in families full of deaf people.” know anything. Like how to raise my hand The multiple ways in which the women were in class or meet other people for an activity.” negotiating and challenging hearing ideology This is an example of aversive audism. The varied, thus highlighting that not all d/Deaf interpreter was there to support and enhance Women of Color have the same experiences. access, but in practice belittled her and did For Tiara and Deidra, the d/Deaf community not treat her like a competent student. There at WCU provided freedom, communication is a contradiction between what the interpreter ease, and a deeper understanding of self, was paid to do and what actually happened. which was affirming, whereas other women, Jodie continued by talking about an overt like Mel, had the opportunity grow up audist experience with a faculty member: “I did within the d/Deaf community, so WCU not have an interpreter during the professor’s felt like a familiar home. Chloe and Sunny office hours, so I would have to communicate shared the complex ways they were trying through pen and paper. And when I had to do to make sense of their d/Deaf identity as it that, certain teachers had no patience for it.” related to others. This study, itself, continues The unwillingness to use alternative methods to challenge dominant hearing ideology by of communication outside of speaking is audist raising consciousness about the importance of and privileges hearing people. centering d/Deaf people of color’s discourse, Covert audism can be difficult to identify, thus further acknowledging their “cultural as it is easy for hearing people to deny and distinctiveness and validating Deaf people’s hide. Chloe talked more about working with placement within the world” (Gertz, 2003, classmates. She gave an example of covert p. 424) and in research. audism when she tried to work on a group project with hearing students and felt their Centrality and Intersectionality of lack of follow through was connected to their d/Deaf People and Audism discomfort with d/Deaf people. She shared, Deaf people’s lives intersect with issues of My deaf friend and I experienced this, audism, and it is a central and constant form of hearing people look down at us. It’s how that attempts to belittle and shape they act around me. One time, I had a d/Deaf people into hearing people. Although group project with two hearing students. the women did not directly use the word We had to meet and discuss. They never audism, they shared stories of overt, covert, showed up even though interpreters were and aversive felt from their requested. My deaf classmates and I think that they might not feel comfortable families, classmates, and faculty. The women’s working with us. ability to share these experiences is vital, as it speaks to their current lived experience and Chloe further elaborated that the hearing students it may open the door to understanding other only wanted to e-mail and were not willing to systems of oppression such as and meet in person after missing the meeting.

580 Journal of College Student Development When Being Deaf is Centered

The subtleness of feeling left out or helped her resist her extended family’s overt looked down upon also connected to Tiara’s audist behavior and thoughts by encouraging experience with her peers inside her mixed her to go to college. Mel stated: (hearing and d/Deaf) student organization. I remember, after I graduated from high The purpose of the group was to support school, my mom told my family that I and uplift d/Deaf college women, but there was accepted at WCU. They were puzzled, are more hearing members than d/Deaf, and asking if I could go to college even though this shifted the dynamics of the group. Tiara I was deaf, and my mom told them I wanted to increase d/Deaf membership, but could do it just like my other friends who the exclusive overt audist behavior of hearing went to college. She strongly believed that hearing and deaf were equal. members made this very difficult. She said, Audism was central to Tiara’s upbringing, as During events, the [hearing members] will talk in front of [d/Deaf members]. How she grew up learning only how to speak and is that respectful to [d/Deaf members]? was not allowed to be involved with the d/Deaf Because of [hearing members], we are community. Once she began college, she found viewed negatively. [Hearing members] her own voice and identity and resisted her don’t socialize much with deaf people, so family’s audist mindset: that’s why [potential Deaf members] are My mom didn’t really want me to be as uncomfortable joining our group. [Current involved [with d/Deaf-specific activities] d/Deaf members] have tried and tried [to because she thought that if I got involved fix things]; it is the same cycle. Seems like I would try to get away with things easier [hearing members] don’t really understand and use my deafness as an excuse, but how [d/Deaf members] feel about it. It’s that’s not how I work. like nothing we can do about it. Most of the women talked about ways in The examples of hearing privilege displayed which they resisted or navigated through audist by hearing members including talking around moments, but Chloe was the only woman who d/Deaf members, and disregarding how this talked about internalized audism, or feelings affected d/Deaf people in and out of the group of shame or embarrassment for being d/Deaf were examples of overt audism. The hearing and needing accommodations. She shared, members’ behavior was exclusionary, and there At [WCU] being the only deaf in a was no fear of consequences (Eckert & Rowley, mainstream setting, sometimes it can be 2013). Tiara’s frustration with her peers not embarrassing . . . trying to communicate respecting and understanding Deaf culture is with and [writing] notes. You often seen and felt within families. can’t communicate freely with hearing Families, in general, want their children people having interpreters . . . it makes to have productive and healthy lives, but things awkward like it’s supposed to be two people, but the interpreter is my voice. because most d/Deaf children are born into hearing families, there can be a strong desire In some cases, because of her embarrassment, to make their children hearing by simply Chloe would not request an interpreter not acknowledging they are d/Deaf or by but would rely on hearing friends to help not allowing them to be involved within the her navigate events and club meetings. The d/Deaf community. In some cases, family negative ways internalized audism intersected members were supportive of the women, and in Chloe’s life meant she struggled to be in other cases, they were not. Mel’s mother involved in campus life.

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The women shared a variety of positive and let me out alone even 5 minutes to walk challenging aspects of navigating their college from my house. I have to do chores for experiences in and outside of the classroom my parents since they are old. I want to as d/Deaf women of color. The women break the rules from my parents because I want to experience the world like others. could more easily identify audist behavior or Of course, I accept who I am, but the moments of discrimination from their family, point of curfew and being dependent are faculty, staff, and students that were directed hard for me. at being d/Deaf as opposed to their race. They had many resources but, often, overt, covert Unlike Joyce, who connected only cultural and aversive practices of audism continued on expectations to her race/ethnicity, Sunny was unquestioned and unresolved. able to articulately in greater depth what it meant to be a part of her Mexican community, Centrality of d/Deaf Experiential including values and behaviors. She shared, Knowledge [My family] taught me that the most The experiential knowledge or lived experiences important thing in life is family. I will of d/Deaf people are not necessarily the same as always respect my Mexican culture and for hearing people (Gertz, 2003). The d/Deaf know that whatever happens in life, my community is a cultural group (Gertz, 2003), family has my back. [They] also taught me and there is no one lived d/Deaf experience; the importance of love. Oh, and we also love our food! thus, it was critical to ask the d/Deaf women of color what their lives had been like and Some women’s lived experience suggested how they navigated the world and center the that race did not matter, but they still felt a study around their experiential knowledge with connection to their ethnicity. Deidra shared, their racial/ethnic and d/Deaf identity. When “Really, race does not matter, but for me I asked which identities were most salient, the would say hard of hearing is my main identity. women offered varying perspectives on how That is most important to me because that is they understood and connected with their race/ who I am . . . I am always going to be hard of ethnicity as college students. The women did not hearing.” Even though she felt no connection necessarily see or understand race and ethnicity to a racial identity, Deidra believed her mother the same way. Some women talked about the had taught her about her ethnic identity importance of their d/Deaf identity and could stating, “She taught me the way we pray, the only connect with their racial/ethnic identity way we eat, the way we have to go through through their appearance and ethnic cultural with funerals, the way we have to believe things norms and not necessarily by membership in happen and the way we celebrate Chinese New an ethnic community. After our first interview, Year.” Deidra’s deep connection to her hard I was curious about what Joyce meant by of hearing identity seemed to be influenced “I try to separate my Asian and American by her K–12 education and attending WCU. identities.” Joyce offered an example of how she She shared, “The most important thing I have understood her race/ethnicity as behaviors and learned from the community here at [WCU] not connections with a community. is my similarity with [d/Deaf people]. I feel I want to be independent like other equivalent to others in how we each got through races. I noticed that most Asian parents life. My experience here has affected me.” are strict about the kids’ rules. [You have It is important to honor the roles Deidra’s to] study hard [and] my parents won’t educational environments have played in

582 Journal of College Student Development When Being Deaf is Centered shaping who she is. She grew up going to oral movies; I’ve tried to understand the Black schools, or a school in which she was taught perspective because I want to relate to that to speak and not sign and where she was not since I am Black. I don’t speak or act like allowed to interact with d/Deaf children or Black people do with the snapping—I’m a very humble person. When people tell use sign language in school even though she me I don’t act like a Black person, I feel knew some signs. Her hard of hearing identity discouraged when really it’s just because may be more salient now due to her inability, I don’t know Black culture. but strong desire, to interact with the d/Deaf community when she was younger. Deidre Mel’s experiential knowledge of Black no longer had to struggle to communicate people was based on stereotypical pop culture with her peers, and she was obtaining a views of Blacks that she had seen in the media. new awareness of what it meant for her to She stated, “[Black people] tend to have an be d/Deaf through her major, Deaf Studies. attitude and wear big hoop earrings and have When d/Deaf students have the opportunity to big breasts and butts.” This was also displayed learn more about Deaf history, language, and in Foster and Kinuthia’s (2003) research, as culture through Deaf Studies courses or d/Deaf students used movies and entertainment as a community interaction, they begin to better source of education, which did not give a wide, understand themselves as d/Deaf people and positive, or diverse image of people of color see themselves in more positive ways (Gertz, (Aramburo, 1989). 2003). This is what happened to Deidra Another potential factor that may have when she became active within her academic contributed to the women’s experiential program and spoke often about how much disconnection between their racial/ethnic she was learning in her Deaf Studies classes. identities was the small number of d/Deaf d/Deaf students’ identities change based on the people of color with whom the women interaction between self and surrounding social interacted. Parasnis et al. (2005) addressed structures (Foster & Kinuthia, 2003). The the importance of a critical mass of d/Deaf college experience at WCU was fertile ground people of color in helping students find for Deidra to explore her d/Deaf identity more congruency with both their d/Deaf and racial readily than her race/ethnic identity. identity. This is not the case at WCU, and the Some of the women had a hard time women specifically talked about how there articulating how they identified and a harder were not many d/Deaf people from their time describing what their race/ethnic culture ethnic group or how they had met only one meant. These women did not express a tension or two other people. Mel’s first time meeting between their race and d/Deaf identities another Black d/Deaf person was in college. because they seemed to have no context for She thought she was the only one for most of what their racial identity meant. Based on her life. These experiences of disconnectedness comments like Mel’s, it is evident that they cut across racial groups. Chloe said, “I grew had not had an opportunity to understand or up in America, so I have no idea about my fully connect to their race/ethnic community culture and its traditions—I don’t know how or culture. Mel spoke about her experiences as to cook Korean food.” a Black Deaf person: Gertz (2003) stated, “The experiential I have tried to learn, but I still don’t feel knowledge of Deaf people is legitimate, a connection with that [Black] identity. appropriate and critical to analyzing and I’ve watched many Black shows and understanding” (p. 424) the lives of Deaf

September 2015 ◆ vol 56 no 6 583 Stapleton people. In this study, family, media, and their experiences of d/Deaf people of color, such current lived experiences played a role in the as in this study, must be conducted. This connection or lack of connection the women study provides an opportunity to continue felt with their racial/ethnic identity. Most the dialogue on what is occurring in the could not articulate what it meant to be a lives of d/Deaf college students and, more part of their ethnic community or culture, but specifically, d/Deaf students of color. It is an this was not the case for all the women. Their act of resistance to interrupt White and hearing desire to belong and communicate with others ways of being. This study aids in preserving the allowed their Deaf identity to be more salient stories of a marginalized community, creating than their ethnic identity, particularly while visibility, and declaring that d/Deaf students at school. They met other d/Deaf people with of color matter. In addition, collecting data in whom they could communicate directly and d/Deaf-friendly ways, such as using multiple had similar life experiences. forms of communication, and building rapport with the community are all important Centering d/Deaf People of Color components to social justice work with and Voices and Social Justice Commitment within the d/Deaf community. The experiential knowledge and stories of d/Deaf women of color were acknowledged Conclusion, Future and centered in this study. Their voices were Research, and Practice legitimate, and the study relied heavily on their narratives and family history. Intentional Most of the d/Deaf women of color in this study efforts were made to not essentialize or make centered, acknowledged, and understood their claims that all d/Deaf students of color d/Deaf identities more than their racial/ethnic understand and negotiate their racial/ethnic identities. Family interactions, communication and d/Deaf identity the same way. Research, breakdowns, discrimination, isolation, the similar to the women’s stories, suggested the d/Deaf community at WCU, personal explor­ salience of identities can shift depending on ation, and personal desires to belong all different factors including family influence, influenced how the women saw themselves. peers, and access to community, to name Coming to WCU served as a gateway to a just a few (Foster & Kinuthia, 2003). Thus, larger and more established d/Deaf world. They it would never be possible to capture one had the opportunity to explore language, form universal d/Deaf student of color experience. friendships with other d/Deaf students, and This is why it is necessary to center the voices navigate their world more easily because of the of d/Deaf people of colors and not hear people support, community, and environment created speaking for d/Deaf people, as their lived at WCU, both socially and academically. They experiences are fluid. also faced discrimination and challenging This study also falls in line with a com­ moments as they navigated their majority- mitment­ to social justice; as Gertz (2003) hearing world such as encounters with faculty, stated, “One of the important goals in the peers, and their families. Deaf community for social justice is to ensure This fundamental descriptive qualitative that the Deaf community is a cultural group study provides a starting point at which in which Deaf people can view themselves to more deeply explore the lives of d/Deaf as normal human beings” (p. 424). In order students of color. The college experience is for this to happen, research that centers the supposed to be a rich environment in which

584 Journal of College Student Development When Being Deaf is Centered students grow and develop more complex ways and hearing privilege, as our hearing ability is of seeing the world and themselves (Pascarella temporal; thus, issues of audism impact us all. & Terenzini, 1998). Social and personal Start with educating staff and faculty through factors, such as self-identity and self-efficacy, retreats, diversity teach-ins, and campus are critical for d/Deaf students’ success in workshops. Then, move to incorporating higher education (Foster, 1989). Thus, it is audism into orientation leader, Greek life, and important that higher education professionals resident advisor training, to name just a few. and faculty are mindful of the complexities Fourth, academic advisors and faculty d/Deaf women of color are trying to navigate, mentors must support and promote the as these professionals may serve as critical existence of Deaf and Ethnic Studies courses resources. The educational community needs and programming on campus. This is often the to ask more questions and continue researching first time students are exposed to social identity d/Deaf communities of color. Future research material, and their self-identity development focusing on a larger and more gender diverse can benefit from these opportunities (Gertz, pool of d/Deaf students of color would offer 2003). Finally, institutions may not have additional perspective and depth. In addition, a larger number of d/Deaf students or any comparing the experiences of d/Deaf students d/Deaf students of color, but creating inclusive of color from schools in different geographical campus cultures, policies, and opportunities locations may offer additional insight. Finally, are changes that happen over time and cannot concentrating on d/Deaf students of color begin after students arrive. Make current who attended different types of institutions, student spaces more inclusive and considerate including community, private, public, and of intersecting identities. For example, provide for-profit institutions, would allow comparison resources for d/Deaf women in the women’s of experience and thought. The dearth of center, purchase books on minoritized d/Deaf research in this area makes this subject matter people for the multicultural center library, rich for investigation, allowing for continued highlight famous d/Deaf people within ethnic exploration of the intersections of d/Deaf month celebrations, and invite a d/Deaf queer experiences and race, as well as other identities. speaker for National Coming Out Week. The Concerning practice, there are many first purpose is to make our current spaces more steps practitioners can explore. First, start by d/Deaf friendly, which ultimately benefits and asking questions in order to become aware. exposes hearing and d/Deaf students to new Do you have d/Deaf students attending diverse opportunities. Being mindful of all your institution? If not, why? If so, how students’ multiple intersecting identities when many students? What are the demographics hiring faculty and staff, planning orientations, of these students? What accommodations designing programs, and constructing new do they have access? Second, acquire an buildings is critical because the decisions and understanding of Deaf identity development equitable seeds we plant today affect students theory (Glickman, 1996) while maintaining 10 to 20 years in the future. awareness that intersecting identities, such as race, can influence how d/Deaf students sees themselves and experience their racial and Correspondence regarding this manuscript should be sent d/Deaf community. Third, it is important to to Lissa Stapleton, PhD., Department of Deaf Studies, expand diversity and equity trainings beyond ED 1107, 18111 Nordhoff Street, Northridge, CA race, class, and gender and incorporate audism 91330–8265, [email protected]

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