International review for spatial planning and sustainable development C: Planning and Design Implementation, Vol.9 No.2 (2021), 134-150 ISSN: 2187-3666 (online) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.14246/irspsdc.9.2_134

Copyright@SPSD Press from 2010, SPSD Press, Kanazawa

Spatial Perception towards Social Conflicts and the Built Environment in

Wisnu Setiawan1* and Amar2 1 Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta 2 Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Universitas Tadulako * Corresponding Author, Email: [email protected] Received: January 30, 2019 Accepted: October 19, 2020

Key words: communal conflict; spatial pattern; built environment

Abstract: Violent conflicts in Indonesia that occurred at the end of the 1990s involved different socio-cultural groups. However, people generally denied that the conflicts had a strong motive in socio-cultural elements, such as ethnicity and religious differences. On the other hand, the effect of conflict on the built environment told the opposite. The perception of conflicts differs from place to place. This paper aims to explore the spatial pattern of perception towards conflicts and the built environment. It employes both quantitative data and qualitative data. The research distributed more than 500 questioners in 3 different areas that experienced severe violent conflicts during that time. The questionnaire asked what elements have the most significant contribution to the conflicts. Also, a series of field observation identifies the social-cultural component of the built environment. The finding confirms that although people denied the difference in socio-economic-cultural elements is the main causal aspects of conflicts, the pattern demonstrates a potential linkage between them. This information would be useful for the post-conflict intervention at the urban level.

1. INTRODUCTION

Following the economic crisis at the end of the 1990s, Indonesia experienced several political unrests. These difficulties eventually lead to violent conflicts in many places across the country. Violent conflicts have caused people and the urban environment to suffer the most, both in the rural area (Koeswinarno, 2006) and urban areas (Setiawan, 2004). To better understand the context, recent conflicts between 1997 and 2001 in Indonesia are listed in three classifications (Colombijn & Lindbald, 2002). First, conflicts are classified by their scale. For example, the violent conflicts that happened in Jakarta affected the national level situation. At the local level, the incidents occurred in several places such as Poso, West , Ambon, and Solo. Second, conflicts are influenced by perceived motives. An intense socio-political conflict appeared in Aceh, East Timor, and Papua, for instance. Conflicts with strong motives in the community differences occurred in , Poso, Ambon, and Solo. Third, conflicts also involved different 'actors'. Conflicts arose between the community against the state or between members of a

134 Setiawan & Amar 135 community. The state's violent conflict involved the military as the representative for a government body, such as the conflicts that occurred in East Timor, Aceh, Papua, and Jakarta. Examples of violence between community members include conflicts in West Kalimantan, Poso, Ambon, and Solo. The recent conflicts might have had political and economic motives, but most of the incidents demonstrate a clear linkage with socio-cultural differences (Varshney, Panggabean, & Tadjoeddin, M.Z., 2004). The recent conflicts might have happened at a particular time and situation, but some places appear to experience repetitive conflicts, particularly one which involve the community the most (Alqadrie, 2011). In addition to that, almost 90% of violent conflict during this period was mostly associated with ethnicity (Varshney et al., 2004). The ethnic-communal category listed two top motives: ethnicity and religious motives. For example, the communal conflict between ethnic groups involved Chinese, Madura, Dayak, and Melayu ethnicity, while religious conflicts involved Christians and Muslims. Therefore, this paper aims to visualise the relationship between social- cultural characteristics and the built environment with the nature of violent conflicts in spatial distribution. By understanding the nature of the built environment, the research contributes to providing a basis for the future urban development approach in conflict-prone areas.

2. COMMUNAL VIOLENCE CONFLICT: ZOOM IN

2.1 The Role of Built Environments

In general, social conflicts could emerge in response to a clash of social group identities, which involves differences of ideology, economic class, religion, ethnicity - or a mixture of all these elements (Stewart, 2008). A conflict could also emerge in response to challenging conditions in socio- economic, political, group right, autonomy, or territorial differences (Cunningham & Byrne, 2006). Violent conflicts often appear in relationships with political motives (Stewart, 2008) and economic features (Klinken, 2006). Therefore, current studies have focused most on socio-economic and political relationships (Langer & Brown, 2008). Recently, social and cultural differences in urban areas have gained more attention from political perspective and researchers (ODPM, 2004; Schiller & Caglar, 2009; Soegijoko, Napitupulu, & Mulyana, 2005) Some examples exist to show how urban development reciprocally responds to the potential of social conflict. In some cases, conflicts are associated with a divided community. Segregation seems to be quite natural since people have different preferences for the type of urban development, which then encourages people to segregate themselves. Segregation in an urban environment happens in various ways, either socio-economic or ethnicities (Andersson, 2006). For instance, segregation due to political and cultural differences has led to secluded geographical distribution in Londonderry, Belfast (Murtagh, Graham, & Shirlow 2008) and Johannesburg, where the spatial segregation also coincides with economic, political, and ethnic groups (Bollens, 1998). Another example from Jerusalem illustrates how the community's tension has influenced the urban policies in applying imbalance urban planning between Israeli and Palestinian inhabitants (Bollens, 2006). 136 IRSPSDC International, Vol 9 No.2 (2021), 134-150

In a situation where segregation happens and divides socio-cultural groups into a segregated living area, an urban environment should provide sufficient options for the community to express their culture and historical value (Bollens, 2006). In that case, the boundary between the two communities becomes a critical place to work on (Bollens, 2006; Murtagh et al., 2008). Working on the boundary area could encourage a melting pot to address people from different socio-cultural background (Gaffikin, Morrissey, & Sterrett, 2001). This boundary will transform into a shared space that could improve future developments (Smith & Alexander, 2001). The development in this area could involve designing a civic space employing architecture elements, such as heritage buildings (Brett, 2001) and other tangible urban fabrics with respect to history, traditional values, or socio-cultural elements (Suchting & Weiss, 2001). This environment represents the acknowledgement of socio-cultural differences. Such an inclusive and vibrant shared space would invite people to freely express their identity in many forms, such as events, cultural performances, art, or even public speeches. In turn, this kind of event could generate understanding across different socio-cultural groups as well as act as a means of economic regeneration. This effort could create a sense of equality within the community (Bollens, 2006) Scott A. Bollens (2006) presents the function an excellent urban development which addresses multiple social and ethnic groups in five movements: (1) the flexibility and porosity of the urban form to allow integration of urban processes for mixing of the populations by discouraging segregation of social and ethnic groups; (2) the engagement of marginal groups by encouraging public participation during the planning process; (3) sufficient opportunity for neighborhoods to represent their cultural and historical expression within their urban neighborhood; (4) a sense of equal community in public spaces to respond to all social and ethnic groups by encouraging social cohesion through cross-cultural activities; and (5) the connection of all the socio-cultural groups at an institutional level, horizontally and vertically, to bring peace and good understanding among the groups, in more practical areas such as public spaces, neighbourhoods, historic places, housing, and other urban public facilities, promoting an excellent inter-group life. For example, segregated societies in Northern Ireland involved continuous interaction, not only political dimension but also cultural, geographical alienation, and socio-economic dimension (Murtagh et al., 2008). The conflict that followed the division had an emotional grounding to it; it challenged the urban planning practitioners to apply collaborative planning at the city level.

2.2 Perceived Spatial Pattern

In understanding the nature of conflicts, three prominent research strands are presented (Chojnacki & Engels, 2013). The first strands link to the influence of environmental characteristics and geopolitical position. The second strand focuses on the relationship between territory and conflict, particularly territorial control's relevance for conflict dynamics. The third strand focus on environmental conflicts that look at a conflict from the relationship between ecological change and violent conflict. These three strands suggest including the issue of the social and political meaning of the physical materiality into spatial features, which could involve topography, borders, resources, or territory, and so on. With this movement, the study of conflict could rely on a quantitative approach to see disaggregated Setiawan & Amar 137 geographical empirical ideas and link the physical-material and social- political elements of local space. In particular, the first and second strand touches upon space's role in the context of violent conflicts. In the context of an urban environment, environmental understanding could also include the elements attached to the physical space, such as property, houses, the location, and so on. The second strand focuses on the position of territory, the boundary between groups, both physical or non-physical, in two approaches: (1) control over land poverty, including land, building on the lands, and so on; and (2) beyond physical territorial towards the economics-material and strategic political position. The role of spatial categorisation and its reference to either peace and conflict-prone situations are rhetorical and debatable. However, this could become a hint for conflict analysis beyond a materialistic approach. In this context, the issue of power and identity become vital points. Power represents access to and control over personnel, resources and material elements, such as land and a property right. Identity constitutes a particular social group's unique characteristics, including languages, buildings, behaviour, etc.

3. APPROACHING COMMUNAL CONFLICTS: THE METHODOLOGY

3.1 Focus area

At the end of the 1990s, a series of violent conflicts occurred in Indonesia following the financial crisis. Several incidents happened across the country, such as separatists' conflicts in Aceh and Papua (Chauvel, 2006; Drexler, 2006; Robinson, 2002), political conflicts in Jakarta (RDI, 2009; Roy, 2008), against suspected 'witches' in East Java (Herriman, 2006), religious conflicts in Ambon (Maluku) and Poso (Central Sulawesi) (Klinken, 2006; Loveband & Young, 2006), local ethnics conflicts (Peluso, 2006), and ethnic conflicts in Solo (Purdey, 2006). The dimension of conflicts in Indonesia was quite varying. Therefore, to better understand the nature of conflicts, research on this topic should focus on a similar context (Bertrand, 2008). Violent conflicts might have happened for various reasons in Indonesia, but the recent events noted that almost 90% of them were related to the ethnic-communal gap (Varshney et al., 2004). Also, conflicts are linked mostly with local community factors (Barron, Kaiser, & Pradhan, 2009). Political motives might look more prominent, but the literature suggests that the communal conflict had a relatively larger impact on city development (Purdey, 2006). Therefore, the study focuses on the conflicts at a communal level during the late 1990s. Which is related to ethnic-communal differences, particularly with religious and ethnicity motives (Varshney et al., 2004), on a relatively large scale, occurred in three places: Solo (Central Java), Sambas (West Kalimantan), and Poso (Central Sulawesi). Solo represents communal conflicts that happened in a more urbanised environment allegedly linked to ethnicities. The impact of conflict in Solo was considered more significant than the one in Jakarta comparably with the city scale. Sambas poses conflicts that involved different ethnic groups, which also occurred in other parts of Kalimantan Island, such as in Sampit. Poso represents conflicts that involved different religious groups, which also happened in Ambon, 138 IRSPSDC International, Vol 9 No.2 (2021), 134-150

Maluku. In short, these three places represent violent conflicts that occurred concerning ethnicity and community differences. In the context of Indonesia, this research aims to provide a greater in- depth understanding of the dynamics of violent conflicts at the communal level but with more significant impact by focusing on fewer cases (Panggabean, 2006), mainly using a spatial model to portray the complicated relationship between socio-cultural element, the built environment, and potential conflicts. The data collection method used a mixed-methods approach. A qualitative approach explored in-depth information using the semi-structured interview and field observation. An observation employed a visual and perceptional understanding of architectural features of the urban environment. From a general experience, the respondents told the story of which buildings belong to particular socio-cultural groups, buildings' function, etc. A quantitative approach distributed around 500 questionnaires to explore people's perceptions of the issues from three different areas. In more detail, the questionnaire asked for some information related to some issues on socio-cultural elements, urban development elements, and security issues, including crime and conflicts. Based on this information, a set of thematic maps has been developed to illustrate the findings.

3.2 Parameters

The spatial model employs three approaches to answer the research question. These approaches are: perceptional map based on the observation and open interview; the perceptional map from quantitative data (questionnaire); and quantitative data from Village Potential Census (PODES) 2014. The first approach focuses on how people perceived the element of urban development. It might not necessarily ask the question of violent conflicts, but it notes some issues which could indicate the potential dispute. In the second approach, the questionnaire was distributed to 500 respondents from three cases to document development characteristics in detail, which also covers potential conflicts at a communal level. Finally, statistics extracted from PODES 2014 database was used to develop spatial distribution and see whether the map could confirm the finding of the other two approaches

Table 1. The parameter of spatial pattern development Parameter from High (Ideal) Medium Low the questionnaire o Income Education 3 2 1 1. Social o o Religion [6,7, 24] Taken from the questionnaire o Health facility 2. Urban o Schools 3 2 1 development o Infrastructure [23, 27, 28, 30] Taken from the questionnaire Score total [A] o Burning Murder 1 2 3 3. Conflict o o Theft [32, 52] Taken from the questionnaire Score total [B]

Setiawan & Amar 139

Table 2. Scoring matrix: [A] urban development and social and [B] conflict Likeliness: A+B A. Urban Development High Medium Low B. Conflicts: High ++ +0 +- Medium 0+ 00 0- Low -+ -0 --

The perceptional maps basically capture the physical manifestation of a social element into the built environment setting qualitatively. On the other hand, PODES 2014 helps to shape the mapping from a quantitative angle, which accommodates three parameters: the social elements, the development elements, and the potential of the conflict (Table 1). Each parameter formed a layer, and together, they contribute to the index or intensity of overlay, as formulated in Tabel 2.

4. THE STORY FROM THREE CASES: FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS

4.1 The emergence of violent conflicts

4.1.1 Solo

Solo, formally named Surakarta, is a city on Java Island with a total population of 514,171 (BPS-Surakarta, 2019) and an entire 44.04 km2 located in the Central Java Province with an average population density of 11,367 people/km2. The city has urban environment characteristics with around 90% urbanised area (Government-Surakarta, 2010). The population is predominated by the Javanese ethnic group, with a small percentage from other cultural groups, including Arab, Chinese, etc. The history notes that in around 878, the Chinese first settled down in the city. They live peacefully along with local people in a mixed-culture environment, although segregation exists in some parts of the city (Mutiari, 2010). The relationship between Javanese and Chinese ethnic groups, however, experienced several difficult times. For example, ten significant conflicts occurred involving both ethnic groups every 25 years since the city was built from 1745 until 1998 (Taufik, 2011). In most of the conflicts, the Chinese ethnic group became the victims. Similarly, the conflicts in 1998 brought significant destruction to the urban infrastructure, such as socio-economic facilities (markets, shopping malls, banks, houses, and other facilities), which were associated with the Chinese ethnicity (illustrated by Figure 1). People started to join a massive protest in demanding the former President Soeharto step down. The crowd became uncontrolled. Riot occurred. People destroyed the buildings and looted the goods, mostly belong to the Chinese ethnic groups. The buildings at the front facing the street mainly belong to the Chinese community, and the buildings behind it mainly belong to the other ethnic groups. Interestingly, both ethnic groups denied that the conflicts occurred with a strong racism motive (Purdey, 2006). People showed this soon after the incident; they support and help each other across ethnic groups to get back to everyday lives. Also, the local Chinese population came back to the town not long after the conflict. 140 IRSPSDC International, Vol 9 No.2 (2021), 134-150

Figure 1. The pattern of communal conflicts 1998 in Solo Source: (Setiawan, 2004)

The destroyed infrastructures stayed the same for years. Only recently, the city began to rebuild the infrastructure, which took years to complete. In response to this, the government employed several urban development agendas. For example, the government launched the eco-cultural city theme for urban revitalisation strategy, which touches upon some projects such as urban regeneration, city walk, urban heritage, traditional market reconstruction, informal market relocation, etc. It targeted some specific areas such as settlements along environmentally sensitive areas (e.g., along the riverbank), slums, and traditional historic settlement. For example, a revitalisation project was carried out in Laweyan, a historic neighbourhood, to revive its batik home-based industry. Along the way, the Chinese ethnic group in Solo (and in the rest of Indonesia's cities) received a formal acknowledgement from the government to openly express their culture. Since that violence mainly targeted the Chinese population, the conflict seems to follow the stereotypical pattern (Setiawan, 2004). The history of the town notes several violent conflicts involving different socio-cultural groups (Taufik, 2011). In response to this, understanding the nature of the socio-cultural gap and inter-group relationships within the urban environment becomes necessary (Purdey, 2006). Therefore, this research aims to explore the spatial pattern driven by the perception of potential violent conflict and the built environment.

4.1.2 Sambas

Sambas District (in West Kalimantan Province) has a population of 529,684 (BPS-Kalimantan Barat, 2019) in the area of 6,395.70 km2 (Bappeda Sambas, 2011). In general, the population in West Kalimantan includes three large ethnic groups: Dayak (22.35%), Malay (19.45%), and Chinese (9.6%) ( BPS, 2000 in Koeswinarno et al., 2004). The rest of the population contains Javanese (6.5%), Madura (5.55%), and others (36.55%). In West Kalimantan, understanding ethnicity figures become important since perceptions relating to ethnicity are strong, either in-group or out-group (Arafat, 1998). West Kalimantan struggled with a long history of repetitive communal conflict (Alqadrie, 2011). For example, two big-scale violent conflicts occurred in 1967 and 1997 (Peluso, 2006). Conflicts affected the , the indigenous inhabitants, and the Chinese. It was associated with an extended political war in 1965, which in turn, the conflict targeted pro- communist people. Since Indonesia and China had a strong relationship in this period, the local Chinese people suffered most as the scapegoat in West Kalimantan. However, this incident was believed to be the only conflict against the local Chinese community at that time. Setiawan & Amar 141

The later conflict happened in 1997 between the Dayak and the Madurese (immigrants from Madura Island, near Java). The recent conflicts have involved the Malay and Madura communities, which never get involved in the history of conflicts in the province. The conflict between Malay and Madura ethnic groups was of an even greater degree, leading to the forced resettlement of approximately 70,000 people of the Madura ethnic group (Koeswinarno et al., 2004). These conflicts are linked to five points. First, conflicts seem to have a racial dimension. Second, both the Chinese and the Madurese ethnic groups represent the economy's domination in a different context. Third, the conflicts coincidently occurred in a similar area. Four, between 1933 and 1999, communal conflicts have happened at least eleven times (Alqadrie, 2011; Koeswinarno, 2006). Finally, most of the conflicts involved the Dayak and Madura ethnic groups (Koeswinarno, 2006). It demonstrates that social interaction and communication between those two ethnic groups appear problematic (Arafat, 1998). The conflict in Sambas might have happened more in rural areas compared to the other two cases. However, the recent conflict has transformed the overall urban environment and cultural landscape in this district in many ways, including administrative and demographic changes. For example, following the conflicts, Sambas District was divided into three districts: , Bengkayang, and Sambas (refer to Figure 2). The capital town, which used to be in Singkawang, remains in Singkawang, the most urbanised district among the three predominated by the Chinese community. Most of the Dayak people now live in Bengkayang.

Figure 2. Post-conflict administrative district division in Sambas Source: (Setiawan, 2014)

The town of Sambas now became the capital of the province where Malay people predominantly live. In addition to that, a psychological boundary occurred in which Madura people can no longer live in their former settlement in Sambas. They left their property, house, and lands. Only recently they begin to visit but not to stay permanently. From the developmental perspective, these vacant lands have helped Sambas local government develop the urban area to address a new local government office complex not far from the town centre. The new governmental office area took place the abandoned land, which belonged to Madura people who fled the town and never returned. The government also attempts to promote diversity by allowing the development of more Chinese temples in the town centre, which never happened before. More new development begins to take place, mostly in the town centre challenged the existing land use pattern, which is generally predominated by shophouses, the marketplace, and 142 IRSPSDC International, Vol 9 No.2 (2021), 134-150 another business facility. This commercial facility takes the most precious spots in the town. At some points, this challenges the existing traditional settlements, which usually belong to Malay people, behind the commercial area. The development follows an 'organic pattern,' which eventually pushes traditional Malay architecture behind, including Sambas Sultanate Palace. Figure 3 demonstrates the current Sambas District development, which is predominated mainly by green areas indicating agricultural and forest land use. The most urbanised area is located nearby the Sultanate Palace.

Figure 3. Sambas District: (a) proposed structure plan and (b) current land use Source: (Kemendikbud, 2020)

In Singkawang, the conflict has generated an awareness to revitalise the urban centre into a more multicultural city, as illustrated by Figure 4. The local government proposes several revitalisation plans for improving the built environment, including the new museum symbolising three ethnicities, the Hongkong shopping street, the mosque, etc. Singkawang aims to strengthen the image of a multicultural city. In fact, most of the critical post- conflict reconciliation meetings among ethnic groups took place in this city.

Figure 4. Singkawang Urban Centre: (a) building use; (b) building distribution by ethnicity Source:(Rabbaniyah, 2018).

4.1.3 Poso

Poso is a district in the Central Sulawesi Province with a population of 235,600 (BPS-Sulawesi Tengah, 2019) with a total area of 8,712.25 km2 and an average density of 23 people/km2, far below the average density of Indonesia in general, which is 127 people/km2 (RTRW-Poso2011-2031, 2010). The main urban area is located mainly along the northern coastal area Setiawan & Amar 143 where the Poso has developed the administrative offices; beyond this, Poso District is predominated by forest use with around 70% of the total area (Figure 5). Rather a small town, Poso's urban area became 'famous' after a series of violent conflicts that emerged in 1998-2003 (Hasrullah, 2009). A minor incident between several people turned into violent conflicts between two different religious groups. The incident later mobilised more conflicts that connected to the external involvements (Awaludin, 2009). The conflicts have encouraged people to leave their homes. For example, some Christian refugees fleed the urban centre and settled down in Tentena area (Utami, 2004), 60s km from the Poso urban area generated a stronger sense of segregation. The Muslim community remains in the urban centre while more Christian communities now live in the suburban area (refer to Figure 6). 'A ribbon development' appears connecting the main city centre with the new suburban environment. The new development comes up along the road, such as housing, the house of worship, schools, etc. More people commute between the two urban centres.

Figure 5. Poso District landuse & two urban centre: Poso Town and Tentena Source: (RTRW-Poso 2011-2013, 2010)

The incident has contributed to the spatial pattern transformation. People might have been living segregated at some level, but they used to live in harmony, especially in the urban environment context. After the violent conflicts, the communities from different socio-cultural backgrounds tend to live segregated. It affected the spatial distribution of different social groups and broke the district administratively into three new districts: Poso, Tojo Una-Una, and Morowali (Figure 7).

144 IRSPSDC International, Vol 9 No.2 (2021), 134-150

Figure 6. Poso District: (a) ethnic group distribution and (b) religious group distribution Source: developed from PODES 2014

Figure 7. Post-conflict administrative district division in Poso Source: (Setiawan, 2014)

4.2 Perception towards conflicts influential factors

The questionnaire suggests that respondents mostly disagree that the differences, which exist in the community, do not affect the emergence of problems or conflicts (77%). Only a few agree that these differences can cause problems (23%). This presumption is also reflected equally in the three research focus areas (Solo: 76% agree, 24% disagree; Poso: 72%, 28%; Sambas: 83%, 17%). This figure approves that people mostly deny the link between conflicts and socio-cultural differences. On the contrary, other figures suggest the opposite. Although most respondents thought that differences had a small role in generating an open problem, the respondents indicate some development elements that link to be potential or often appear as problems that can lead to open conflict. The profile of the three regions clearly shows this trend. Overall, Figure 8. shows that differences in social status and land ownership issues have the greatest potential to emerge as a problem. The social status could include ethnicity, Setiawan & Amar 145 religion, education, as well as socio-economic status. Land ownership could also include property owners and resources available on the land. This situation indicates that regional development needs to pay great attention to the balance between spatial development and social status.

Figure 8. The perception of the urban development elements towards and conflicts

This finding conveys a similar message that the clustering of violent communal conflicts follows socio-economic development patterns, although religious and ethnic differences might also contribute to the event (Sujarwoto, 2017). The pattern at a larger scale (country level) seems in line with the finding at the city level. For example, most of the conflicts revolve around the issues of inequality or poverty in the urban environment. These issues could become more problematic when this element overlap with socio-cultural factors, i.e., religion and ethnicity.

4.3 Perceptional model of conflict and the built environment

Based on the questionnaire, several maps have been developed to demonstrate the nature of socio-cultural distribution, socio-economic development, the built environment, and finally, the pattern of recent conflicts. These maps from three places lay a basic illustration of how people perceive their environment, particularly in relation to the issues. People's perception of violent conflicts demonstrates that the conflicts, in general, do not a clear linkage to ethnicity or religious differences. The questionnaire, however, shows otherwise. People believe that violent conflicts list three main influential factors: ethnicity, social status, and land 146 IRSPSDC International, Vol 9 No.2 (2021), 134-150 or property ownership. This belief coincides with the spatial distribution of which the conflicts overlap the social and cultural distribution.

Figure 9. Spatial illustration of conflict clustering on the urban development element

The conflicts also show an overlapping distribution with socio-economic distribution, particularly low-medium income groups, as presented in Figure 9. This pattern somehow illustrates that a number of places are relatively conflicting prone areas. On the other hand, the destroyed infrastructure shows that most ruined facilities have strong economics or political symbols, such as a shopping centre and governmental/public building. In other words, urban development represents an unbalanced development between strong and weak socio-economic and political groups. The violent conflict in Solo took place around the city centre, particularly affecting a significant number of shops and offices belonging to the Chinese ethnic groups. Similarly, the conflicts also took place around the urban centre, where the community from different religious groups used to live in harmony in Poso. A significant number of Christians left the property to Tentena, around 65 km away from Poso urban centre, generating a more urbanised area. They prefer to live there although they commute to work in Poso. Likewise, the event of violent conflict in Sambas influenced the living pattern of the district. For example, although the conflict occurred in a more rural area, the urban centre has experienced a significant change after the conflict. A substantial number of Madura people had to leave the town; they might be Setiawan & Amar 147 able to visit Sambas but cannot stay, creating a new opportunity for new development on abandoned properties. On the other hand, Solo experienced significant destruction due to the recent violent conflict that primarily targeted economic development symbols such as markets, shopping malls, banks, etc. The conflict pattern coincides with the infrastructure distribution associated with one particular ethnic group, the Chinese. In response to this, the government attempted to apply several urban development strategies, such as the eco-cultural city theme for some redevelopment projects such as urban regeneration, city walk, urban heritage, traditional market reconstruction, informal market relocation, etc. The story from the three cases somehow confirmed the finding from the questionnaire. The violent conflicts have been associated with not only socio-cultural differences but also economic and environmental development. For example, an overlap between ethnicity and property ownership creates a stronger sense of stereotypes. The simplified model of the spatial distribution in Figure 10 illustrates the overlap of elements: socio-cultural, socio-economic, the built environment, and the conflict pattern. Most of the conflicts occurred around the urban centres, which encapsulate mix-use activities. Solo and Poso's incident clearly shows this; the violent conflicts took place in a busy shopping street or around a prominent religious and governmental building.

Figure 10. The simplified spatial model of conflicts and the built environment

On a larger scale, the conflicts have also contributed to Poso and Sambas District's division into three independent new districts each. Soon after the conflict, 'the old' Sambas is divided into three districts: Sambas, Bengkayang, and Singkawang, each with different ethnicity groups predominant. Similarly, the division also happened in Poso into three districts: Poso, Morowali, and Tojo Una-Una. Post-conflict development in three cases illustrates that socio-economic activity has become a priority. In Solo, for example, the government runs some revitalisation scheme targeted traditional markets and informal sectors. In some cases, the revitalisation scheme also touches upon environmental conservation activities, including heritage conservation, as an economic generator. The finding somehow inlines with an argument that local violent conflict links to various spatial categories such as 'the built environment, spatial structures, mobility, and spatiality of power/socio-spatial positionality and brokerage' (Kutmanaliev, 2015). The distribution of the built environment element, including property ownership, plays an essential role in conflict dynamics. In other words, the interaction between the human, the community, with the built environment, contributes to building and maintaining peace within the community. 148 IRSPSDC International, Vol 9 No.2 (2021), 134-150

5. CONCLUSION

Conflicts happen between communities for various reasons. It generally appears as an exaggerated expression of differences such as religion, ethnicity, culture, economic status, or inhabitants' political view. At some points, the violent conflicts in Indonesia show an indication that, among the inhabitants, there have been examples of long-term conflicts of cultural identity and identification. This situation influences the pattern of the urban environment, either economically and historically. In this case, the existence of historical heritage faces some challenges from the growing socio- economic activity, which in some cases has been highly associated with particular socio-cultural groups, i.e., ethnicity. It turns out that the economic sector has become a challenge to the existence of specific cultural groups represented by heritage architecture. In short, the spatial pattern of violent communal conflict in Indonesia presents consistent figures from the national level down to the city or urban level. Most of the conflict has a close linkage to socio-economic development, which in turn influences the shape of the built environment. In that case, this research would suggest that urban development needs to address a more inclusive approach to accommodate social, cultural, and economic diversity in order to respond to potential conflicts in the future.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This research is sponsored by Kemenristekdikti (Directorate of Higher Education, Ministry of Education of Indonesia) under the Post Doctoral Research scheme

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