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Malthus, Agribusiness, and the Death of the Peasantry

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Malthus, Agribusiness, and the Death of the Peasantry Books in capitalist development. Together the books offer a syn- Malthus, Agribusiness, and the thetic model of the ongoing transformation of agriculture Death of the Peasantry that may be summarized as follows: Agribusiness profits by either driving independent farmers off their land or metabolizing farm operation so that farmers become a glenn davis stone proletariat—one different from what Marx described but Department of Anthropology, Washington University, a proletariat nonetheless. The state subsidizes this trans- St. Louis, Mo. 63130-4899, U.S.A. (stone@artsci. formation and the technologies used to pry peasants from wustl.edu). 25 ii 01 the life of independent production. The transformation is justified by the deceptive trope of population outstrip- Hungry for Profit: The Agribusiness Threat to ping food supply, a trope designed to naturalize the urban Farmers, Food, and the Environment. Edited by Fred proletariat and instantly popularized into the ultimate Magdoff, J. B. Foster, and F. H. Buttel. New York: antipolitics machine. Dominated by swollen and subsi- Monthly Review Press, 2000. dized transnational corporations, the transformation continues today. It generates food insecurity and hunger The Malthus Factor: Population, Poverty, and as it goes and uses that hunger—perennially interpreted Politics in Capitalist Development. By Eric B. Ross. in Malthusian terms—to justify further expansion. London: Zed Books, 1998. Hungry for Profit is made up of 11 articles originally published in Monthly Review in 1998, with additions by Araghi and by Majka and Majka. It begins with two chap- Of all the societal changes of the last half century, the ters providing historical context to the ongoing trans- most dramatic and far-reaching, according to Eric Hobs- formation in world agriculture. In “Agrarian Origins of bawm (1994:289), is the death of the peasantry. Between Capitalism,” Wood argues that, although capitalism was World War II and the 1980s, percentages of populations supposedly “born and bred in the city,” it actually came involved in farming and fishing dropped dramatically into its own in the English countryside. It was here, well worldwide. For instance, in Japan the drop was from 52% before the 18th-century parliamentary enclosures, that to 9%; in the United States, where Nixon’s Agriculture market forces were first used to expropriate land rights Secretary Earl Butz instructed farmers to “get big or get and force farmers into tenancy. This was paralleled by out,” less than .5% of the population claimed to run a competition to boost productivity by “improvement,” farm as a principal occupation (NASS 1999: chap. 1, table meaning enhancement of the land’s productivity for 16). Yet in less developed countries there remain vast profit. (The history is recorded in the language: farmer populations still engaged in primary agricultural pro- comes from the term for rent, while improvement is duction and with only partly monetarized economies. from the term for profit.) Foster and Magdoff’s “Liebig, Are claims of the peasantry’s death exaggerated—or Marx, and the Depletion of Soil Fertility” follows the merely premature? Depeasantization is definitely afoot, effects of these developments into the 20th century. “Im- and the prospect is ominous. Where it is difficult for provement” turned out to be urban robbery of rural en- cities to absorb greatly increased influxes, decimation of dowment, and it prompted a global search for plunder- agricultural peasantries would be catastrophic. able nutrients. This led, improbably, to guano Depeasantization has been an issue of keen interest imperialism and later to heavy reliance on synthetic fer- among historical materialists. Their analysis begins with tilizers, disintegration of stock-crop ecology, increasing the observation that capitalist development “stops at the agricultural specialization and geographic concentration, farm gate” (Mann and Dickinson 1978), barred by the and a host of related environmental problems. This special properties of all of the main productive resources in agriculture: land is fixed, seed is produced by the splendid essay, which puts theory and agricultural ecol- farmer, and labor must be skilled and seasonally variable ogy into a historical context, is marred only by its use (and is therefore hard to commodify completely). Ask of Mao’s China as an example of how nutrient cycling how agricultural capital has responded to these obstacles and rural self-sufficiency can be achieved (this would be and you will be led to the playbook for depeasantization. the same Mao whose agrarian policies starved over 30 Magdoff, Foster, and Buttel’s Hungry for Profit brings million peasants). together many of the most important answers to this Heffernan’s “Concentration of Ownership in Agricul- question. It is complemented by Ross’s The Malthus Fac- ture” covers the advent of vertically and horizontally tor, a sharp-edged analysis of the role of Malthusianism integrated transnational food megacorporations. These prosper not by producing more efficiently but by destroy- Permission to reprint items in this section may be obtained only ing smaller competitors (which is why new hog-pro- from their authors. cessing facilities are being built in the United States 575 576 F current anthropology while the market value for hogs is below the cost of erage. The book deals little with the patenting of South- production). They further proletarianize farmers through ern crops and the uncomfortable collusion between uni- debt traps and extract wealth from local communities, versities and corporations in this process. It barely enjoying state protection all the while. These three ex- mentions the “deskilling” of farmers that was a crucial cellent chapters provide an efficient short course on the element in capital’s penetration of agriculture in the political economy of agriculture from the paleotechnic North and is well under way in the South. Finally, it falls small farmer to the global food corporation. short with regard to proposals for action. For instance, The book then heads off into multiple directions. Al- following Henderson’s relatively upbeat survey of sus- tieri summarizes the key issues in the ecology of indus- tainable alternatives to corporate farming, an editors’ trial agriculture, with special emphasis on the problems italicized afterword asks if such activities might not be of the new genetically modified products. Lewontin an- simply a “minor irritant to corporate dominance of the alyzes the role of technology in capitalist penetration of food system,” since actual reform requires “complete the farm sector. Middendorf et al. provide an overview transformation of society.” Good question, that; so of how biotechnology is changing uses of economic where does this leave us? plants and animals, examining how these changes, hu- These weaknesses are minor compared with the col- manitarian rhetoric notwithstanding, endanger food lection’s strength as a compelling, historically oriented security. survey of the political economy of the state-supported McMichael’s intriguing “Global Food Politics” iden- corporate takeover of world food production. But there tifies the politics of subsidy as the driving force behind is a stark disparity between this view of food production, agricultural systems worldwide. He argues that, in con- in which enormous social and environmental costs are trast to Britain’s colonial economies, the United States exacted for corporate profit, and the deep-seated view in had a history of integrated manufacturing and farming Western public, government, and some scientific circles that produced an energy- and capital-intensive agricul- that technology-driven agricultural “progress” is imper- ture early on. U.S. government subsidies for inputs, grain ative and ultimately humanitarian. Hungry for Profit exports, and agribusiness technologies have favored does little to explain how we wound up with perspectives transnational food corporations to the point of virtually separated by such a chasm. The answer, in a word, is eradicating American small farmers and gravely endan- Malthus, and this is why Eric Ross’s history of Malthu- gering farmers in less developed countries. One direct sianism serves well as a companion volume. result, as described in Araghi’s following chapter, is de- Malthus is here seen as the smokescreen that allows peasantization and the attendant rise in urban hopeless- the processes described in Hungry for Profit to operate. ness and environmental deterioration. Malthusianism is a model that perpetually fails to fit The remaining chapters probe concrete effects and case world events but every year “arises phoenix-like from studies. Majka and Majka address Mexican farm immi- the ashes of popular opinion” (Watts 2000). Essay on the gration and the farm labor contract system. Henderson Principle of Population purported to describe a relation- describes and advocates sustainable agriculture move- ship between agriculture and population growth, two ments. Poppendieck analyzes redistribution programs topics about which Malthus knew little. The reasons for that provide “moral relief” while obscuring the recurrent the model’s warm reception have always been not sci- patterns of hunger amid food surpluses such as the de- entific but political. For Ross (p. 1), Malthus’s “most pression-era “breadlines knee-deep in wheat.” Rossett enduring influence has been to shape academic and pop- describes the advent of sustainable agriculture in Cuba ular thinking about the origins
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