HISTORY,

THE CULTURE, POLITICS THE ECUADOR

LITICS (NOW IN 2ND EDITION) READER

HISTORY, CULTURE, POLITICS

Edited byCarlos de la Torre and SteveStriffier

derson DUKE UNIVERSITY PRESS DurhamandLondon 2008

ela Maria Smorkaloff

RE, POLITICS Contents

Acknovvledgrnents ~ Introduction

© 2008 Duke University Press AlI rights reserved 1 Conquest and Colonial Rull Printed in the of Arnerica on acid-free paper oc Tamara Bray. Ecuador's Pre-Coh Typeset in Monotype Dante by Achorn International Frank Salomon. Ancestors, Grave Library of Congress CataIoging-in-Publication Data appear Cañari "Inca-isrn" 27 on the last printed page of this book. Susan V. Webster. Building aLife Architect and Entrepreneur Sherwin K. Bryant. Finding Freed Karen Vieira Powers. A Battle of\l Colonial North Andes 68 Sarah C. Chambers. Manuela Sáer ~ BlancaMuratorio. The State, Mis: Upper Amazon, 1767-1896 ¡

II A New Nation 99

Andrés Guerrero. The Constructic Discourse and the "Miserable Century IO] Friedrich Hassaurek. Four Yearsa Juan Montalvo. Selection from]u A. Kim Clark. Railway and Natío] Ronn Pineo. Guayaquil and Coas Rob Rachowiecki. Mountaineerin Perspective 148

III The Riseofthe Popular

AlbertB. Franklin. Portrait of a P~ JoséMaría Velasco Ibarra. You Ari Contents

Acknowledgments ix Introduction

Conquest and Colonial Rule 9

aper~ Tamara Bray. Ecuador's Pre-Columbian Past 15 FrankSalomon. Ancesrors, Grave Robbers, and the Possible Antecedents of ppear Cañari "Inca-ism" 27 Susan V. Webster. Building a Life in Colonial : José Jaime Ortiz, Architect and Entrepreneur 40 Sherwin K. Bryant. Finding Freedom: Slavery in Colonial Ecuador 52 Karen Vieira Powers. A Batde ofWills: Inventing Chíefly Legitimacy in the Colonial North Andes 68 Sarah C. Chambers. Manuela Sáenz: Americanaor Quiteña? 79 • Blanca Muratorio. The State, Missionaries, and Native Consciousness in the Upper Amazon, 1767-1896 86

11 A New Nation 99

Andrés Guerrero. The Construction of a Ventriloquist's Image: Liberal Discourse and the "Miserable Indian Race" in the Late Nineteenth Century I03 Friedrich Hassaurek. Four Years among the Ecuadorians II7 Juan Montalvo. Selection fromJuan Montalvo (1832-1889) 121 A. Kim Clark. Railway and Nation in Liberal Ecuador 126 Ronn Píneo. Guayaquil and Coastal Ecuador during the Cacao Era 136 Rob Rachowiecki. Mountaineering on the Equator: A Historical Perspective 148

III The Rise ofthe Popular 155

AlbertB. Franklin. Portrait ofa People 159 JoséMaria Velasco Ibarra. You Are Not My President 163 p aq

RaphaelV. Lasso. The Wonderland 167 Noemí Espinosa. Traditional Pooc Jorge Icaza. Patrón and Peon on an Andean Hacienda 169 Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld. Globaliz Pablo Palacio. The Man Who Was Kicked to Death 175 among Otavalo's Merchant A Henri Michaux. The Indian's Cabin 182 ,f X. Andrade. Pancho Jaime 385 JoséMaría Velasco Ibarra. "Heroic Pueblo ofGuayaquil" 185 Javier Vásconez. BigAngel, My Le María Fernanda Espinosa. Nature BarryLyons, with Angel Aranda an IV Global Currents 189 Iván Oñate. The Writings ofIván Galo Plaza Lasso. Two Experiments in Education for Democracy 193 'l{' Adrián Bonilla. The Origins ofthe Ecuadorian Left 200 Suggestions for Further Reading ¡,.j, Carmen Martínez Novo. The Progressive CathoIic Church and the Acknowledgment ofCopyrights Indigenous Movement in Ecuador 203 Index 427 Salomon Isacovici andjuan Manuel Rodríguez. Man ofAshes 209 Pablo Cuvi. Men of the Rails and ofthe Sea 218 [ean Muteba Rahier. Creolization and African Diaspora Cultures: The Case ofthe Afro-Esmeraldian Décimas 226 HernánIbarra. Julio Jaramillo and Music as Identity 237 SteveStriffier. The United Fruit Cornpany's Legacy in Ecuador 239 Tom Miller. The Panama Hat Trail 250 Diane C. Bates. Deforestation in Ecuador 257 >f. Carlos de la Torre. Civilization and Barbarism 267 i Felipe Burbano de Lara. Deinstitutionalized Democracy 271

V Domination and Struggle 277

.,¡ Carlos de la Torre. Nina Pacari, an Interview 279 SarahA. Radcliffe. Wornen's Movements in Twentieth-Century Ecuador 284 Pablo Ospina. The Galápagos: Environmental Pressures and Social Opportunities 297 Norman E. WhittenJr. Emerald Freedom: "With Pride in the Face of the Sun" 302 Suzana Sawyer. Suing ChevronTexaco 321 Dorothea Scott Whitten. Arts ofAmazonian and Andean Women 329

VI Cultures and Identities Redefined 337

[ean Muteba Rahier. National Identity and the First Black Miss Ecuador (1995--96) 341 Braá D.Jokisch and David Kyle. Ecuadorian Intemational Migration 350 Mary]. Weismantel. Cities ofWomen 359 Noemi Espinosa. Traditional Foods ofEcuador 371 Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld. Globalization frorn Below and The Political Tum among Otavalo's Merchant Artisans 377 ,f X. Andrade. Pancho Jaime 385 uayaquil" 185 Javier Vásconez. Big Angel, My Love 388 María Fernanda Espinosa. Nature and Humanity through Poetry 396 BarryLyons, with AngelAranda and Dina Guevara. "Simple People" 403 Iván Oñate. The Writings ofIván Oñate 415 tion for Democraey 193 Lefi: 200 Suggestions for Further Reading 419 olie Church and the Acknowledgment of Copyrights 423 Index 427 Man of Ashes 209 218 Diaspora Cultures: 226

239

57 267 emocracy 271

279 wentieth-Century

Pressures and Social

ith Pride in the Face of

d Andean Women 329

First BlackMiss Ecuador temational Migration 350 politics, these subjects have not ce has been articulated through the . Populist politics presents an im­ ther does not conform to elitist so- Deinstitutionalized Democracy Felipe Burbano de Lara Translateá byMayté Chiriboga

Duringthepast three decades, Ecuador haseonfronted an irony that hasplagued mueh of Latin America. The return to democracy has eoincided with political ehaos and eeonomic crisis. The sodologLst and well-known editorialist Felipe Burbano loeates the roots of this "unstabie transition" in the preeariousness of democratic institutions, the dvilian-military relationship, theneoliberal model, and a weakened stateapparatus.

In August 1979, Ecuador initiated the return to democracy in Latin America. Ironically, the year also marked the beginning of a long period of political instability within Ecuador. Most recently, the last three presidents elected by popular vote were removed from office before they completed the four-year presidential termo Abdalá Bucaram, leader of the Partido Roldosista Ecuato­ riano (PRE), a populist party, was forced from office in February 1997, only six months after having become president. , a popular democrat who held office for ayear and a half, followed the same fate. Colonel Lucio Gutiérrez, in turn, remained in office for all of two years and two months. In each case, the downfalls were the result of a combination of social unrest, military intervention, and crisis of governability. Between August 1996 and April 2005, Ecuador had seven presidents. Ecuadorian politics are currently in a state of "unstable transition" defined by four characteristics: (1) The idea of democracy has not been abandoned, but its definition is subject to intense dispute. Any political íntervention, from a strike, to a coup, tends to be justified and legitimized as "dernocratic." (2) We make use of politicalliberties-freedom of speech, freedom of thought, free­ dom to organize, freedom to protest-within a context of institutional pre­ cariousness. There is continuous political activity that does not find a way to resolve itself through democratic rneans, because of which Ecuador lives in an environment of constant conflict, protest, and social unrest. (3) The re­ moval of Bucaram in 1997. Mahuad in 2000. and Lucio Gutiérrez in 2005. 'a

272 Felipe Burbano deLara weakened the very idea of democratic consolidation. It is an open question lectuals, the Liberal Party expI1 as to whether or not Ecuadorians will recover their trust in democracy. The coastal oligarchy, while the COI institutional precariousness of democracy coincides, therefore, with an even the highland landholding aristoe greater uncertainty concerning the country's political future. (4) The ways in notables, without any major PO) which opposition is exerted has become openly anti-institutional and desta­ r of populism and political tradit bilizing. Disagreements between the opposition and the president quickly ~ the end of the 1960sand beginnil become sufficient reasons to request his resignation or to seek his remova1. t tiana and Izquierda Dernocrátíc This way of practicing opposition is shared by social movements and political The entire return to democra parties alike. Blections now grant little legitimacy to those elected, hence the I itself were marked by tension be sudden loss of popularity among newly elected officials. ¡ and the alleged modern politica If despite this rather bleak panorama, we can still speak of a democracy it I Ecuadorian political history-th is because there is no possibility for a military government to assume power , facing each other during the me as it has in the pastoCivilian-military relationships unfold within a much more system was based on the príncip complex power dynamic. The military intervention in the fall of Bucaram, tive and Congress. The strugg1e Mahuad, and Gutiérrez demonstrated the military has resumed its role as defects that are usually attribute dispute settlers between civilians. The three cases make evident that perma­ as a mechanism of checks and nence in power ultimately depends upon the will of the military, which in turn translated into a "power struggl contributes to the institutional precariousness of Ecuadorian democracy. rioration of the political systen ! making and defining public poi ing systematically deteriorated 1 Presidentialism, Political Parties, and Struggles for Power socíery's problems. Instead of tu The purpose of the transition to democracy (1976-79) was to modernize the I cessed their conflicts and disagn political system to allow new forms of representation. The project implicitly added more conflict to the genel

undertook the creation of new mechanisms of political mediation between "Power struggle" cannot be I state and society. The main innovation was to grant political parties what that has operated since the retur sorne analysts have termed "monopoly of representation," a system that larized pluralism" characterized forces citizens to affiliate with a political party in order to participare in elec­ an election, with the possibilitye tions for public office. Political parties were conceived as the foundation exert political blackmail (1everag upon which the new system of representation would resto Under the system, ideological-symbolic distance b political parties had to be ideological parties with an established program strong personal rivalry berweer and c1early defined principies. They were required to be national political a permanent social and political parties-not regional or local-for which they were forced to register can­ achieving alliances in Congress Íl didates in a determined number of provinces. And finally, they had to be par­ Take, for example, the numb ties with a minimum electoral support-i-s percent of the electoral vote. degree of representation in COI Two ghosts from the Ecuadorian political past, populism and parties of the with parliamentary representat notables, were supposed to be exorcized. Accordingto those who saw the party Within the context of such frag system as a prerequisite for the return to democracy, populism represented the constant strife berween the the manipulation of irrational masses by demagogues. Overcoming populism attain parliamentary majorities. was considered to be a condition for modernizing political practices and es­ gress is exhausting; it requires di tablishing Ecuadorian presidentialism. Traditional political parties-mainly ferent groups. Worse yet, it has . Liberal and Conservative-represent the second ghost. Por progressive intel­ The negotiations inside the poli Deinstitutionalized Democracy 273 nsolidation. It is an open question lectuals, the Liberal Party expressed the interests of the Guayaquileño and over their trust in democracy. The coastal oligarchy, while the Conservative Party represented the interests of coincides,therefore, with an even the highland landholding aristocracy. Both groups were considered parties of 's political future. (4) The ways in notables, without any major popular support. In order to confront the ghosts penly anti-institutional and desta­ of populism and political traditionalism, two new groups emerged toward osition and the president quickly the end of the 1960sand beginning of the 1970S. These were Democracia Cris­ signation or to seek his removal. tiana and Izquierda Democrática. by socialmovements and political The entire return to democracy and, later, the dynamics of the democracy ítimacy to those elected, hence the itself were marked by tension between traditional and populist organizations eted officials. and the aHeged modern political parties. These embodied rwo mornents of e can still speak of a democracy it Ecuadorian political history-the past and the present, the old and the new­ tary government to assume power facing each other during the moment of transition. Ecuador's presidentialist nships unfold within a much more system was based on the principle of "power separation" between the Execu­ rvention in the fall of Bucaram, tive and Congress. The struggle berween political parties aggravated all the military has resumed its role as defects that are usually attributed to presidentialism. Theoretically conceived e cases make evident that perma­ as a mechanism of checks and balances, "separatíon of power" in practice willof the military, which in turn translated into a "power struggle." The struggle led to stagnation and dete­ ess of Ecuadorian democracy. rioration of the political system, and consequently, blocked the process of making and defining public policy. Once combined, immobility and block­ ing systematically deteriorated the political system's capacity to respond to socíery's problems. Instead of turning into an arena where social groups pro­ (1976-79) was to modernize the cessed their conflicts and disagreements, the Ecuadorian presidential system resentatíon. The project implicitly added more conflict to the general scenario of the country. of political mediatíon berween "Power struggle" cannot be explained outside the political party regime as to grant political partíes what that has operated since the return to democracy. What we have now is a "po­ f representatíon," a system that larized pluralism" characterized by four to six political parties competing in rty in order to participare in elec­ an election, with the possibility of drawing alliances and sufficient strength ro ere conceived as the foundation exert political blackmail (1everage). The process is "polarized" because of the ion would resto Under the system, ideological-symbolic distance between political parties, in addition to the 'es with an established program strong personal rivalry between their leaders. This phenomenon leads to required to be national political a permanent social and political fragmentation and limits the possibility of they were forced to register can­ achieving alliances in Congress in order to form majorities. es. And final1y, they had to be par­ Take, for example, the number of political parties and groups with sorne rcent of the electoral vote. degree of representation in Congress. Between 1979 and 1997, the groups past, populism and parties of the with parliamentary representation fluctuated between ten and fourteen. ordingto thosewho saw the party Within the context of such fragmentatíon, power struggle is manifested by democracy, populism represented the constant strife between the government and the opposition in order to magogues. Overcoming populism attain parliamentary majorities. Building a majority in the Ecuadorian Con­ rnizing political practices and es­ gress is exhausting; it requires the participation of between four and ten dif­ ditional political parties-mainly ferent groups. Worse yet, it has been repeated every year from 1979 to 1999. cond ghost. For progressive inte1­ The negotiations inside the political system destroy the capacity for public .. «

274 Felipe Burbano deLara r management of the state since it generaily implies a redistribution of the During two consecutive decae state's power in quotas. helped contribute to the disastn It has not been possible to maintain public policies over time, because they centage of the population withc have succumbed to the wavering of precarious and short-lived parliamentary to World Bank ca1culations-shi agreements. The precariousness of these alliances is reflected in the insta­ 1999, and to 75percent in 2003. If bility of the ministers. The first government after the return to democracy América Latina y el Caribe, the : (1979-84) had fifty-three ministers who had an average time in office of less for Ecuador the 1990S and early ~ than a year. In subsequent periods, the number of ministers with less than a year in office fluctuated from a low of thirty to a high of forty. The most criti­ State Reforms cal areas have been departments overseeing economy and energy; heads roil at an average of six months. The weakness of the presidenta weakness of the state as an ínteg stability was contained by a state Democracy and Dependency struggle, the frailty of the polítíc For Ecuador, the 1982 foreign debt crisis set the stage for the transition to appeared to be a robust state, 1 neoliberalism. In 1982the democratic government was shaken by a series of subject to the exhaustingpressur general strikes, convoked by the United Workers Front (Frente Unitario de diminishing bureaucracy-has b los Trabajadores), which struck against the adopted economic measures (i.e., a state that lacks c1early defined: devaluation of local currency, fuel price increases, and the reduction of sub­ them. The once prosperous Bcui sidies). These strikes began what would eventuaily become a relatively per­ paratus without any capacity f~ manent conflict throughout the 1980s between those who defended state development. support for local industry (the import substitution model) and social services, The erosion of the state as a and those who embraced neoliberal reforms. precarious balances, has left a ~ As a result, the 1984 elections, the second since the democratic return, risk and pessimism, which has marked a decisive moment in the transition process. An alliance between violent and anguished struggle j traditional political parties-the National Reconstruction Front (Frente de a clear and safe space for represe Reconstrucción Nacional)-headed by León Febres Cordero, leader of the impossible to formulate and imj Social Christians, won the election, embraced neoliberalism, and inaugurated a long period of social and political upheaval. Since 1984, Ecuador has lived under a permanent confrontation between attempts to impose the neoliberal model and the struggle to defend the old developmentalist model. Although the country has made significant advances in many aspects of the neoliberal agenda-such as opening the Ecuadorian market, loosening industrial pro­ tection, liberalizing markets, privatizing several sectors previously owned by the state, eliminating of subsidies-there are still substantial reforms pending. The incomplete nature of structural adjustment is a product of political dís­ agreements in Ecuador, including the labor movement of the 1980s, the state ernployee's union throughout the entire period, and the indigenous move­ ment during the 1990S. At times, the military even joined this "resístance block" against neoliberalism. Deinstitutionalized Dem.ocracy 275

y implies a redistribution of the During two consecutive decades, lack of consensus and constant bickering helped contribute to the disastrous performance of the economy. The per­ licpoliciesover time, because they centage of the population without access to a basic food basket-according ious and short-lived parliamentary to World Bank calculations-shifted from 34 percent in 1995, to 69 percent in alliances is reflected in the insta­ 1999,and to 75percent in 2003. If according to the Comisión Económica para ent after the return to democracy América Latina y el Caribe, the 1980swas a "lost decade" for Latin America, d an average time in office of less for Ecuador the 1990S and early 2000S constituted more of the same. ber of ministers with less than a to a high of forty. The most criti­ State Reforms economy and energy; heads roll The weakness of the presidential system has been aggravated by a general weakness of the state as an integrating element of society. Until 1995, the in­ stability was contained by a state supported by oil revenues. Behind the power struggle, the frailty of the political system, and of democracy itself, there still set the stage for the transition to appeared to be a robust state. Ultimately, however, the state machinery­ rnment was shaken by a series of subject to the exhausting pressure of neoliberalism, public spending cuts, and orkers Front (Frente Unitario de diminishing bureaucracy-has been weakened. Today, we find ourselves with adopted economic measures (i.e., a state that lacks clearly defined public policies or the capacity to implement creases, and the reduction of sub­ them. The once prosperous Ecuadorian oil state has become a weakened ap­ ntually become a relatively per­ paratus without any capacity for political representation and or economic tween those who defended state development. itution model) and sodal services, The erosion of the state as a field for political negotiation, as a place for s. precaríous balances, has left a generalized feeling of threat and exclusion, ond since the democratic return, risk and pessimism, which has turned the political field into a setting for ion process. An alliance between violent and anguished struggle for recognition. Today, no social sector finds Reconstruction Front (Frente de a clear and safe space for representation within the state, making it virtuaIly 6n Febres Cordero, leader of the impossible to formulate and implement rational public policies. ed neoliberalism, and inaugurated val. Since 1984, Ecuador has lived atternpts to impose the neoliberal elopmentalist model. Although in many aspects of the neoliberal market, loosening industrial pro­ eral sectors previously owned by stillsubstantial reforms pending. ent is a product of political dis­ r movement of the 1980s, the state riod, and the indigenous move­ itary even joined this "resistance Domination and St:

Since 1979, wh en the militar) civilian rule, Ecuador has ber through the longest phase 01 resisted th e urge ro take ovei sm ooth on e. Th e new democ tices such as cJientelism, popu itics in which ene mies areseer politic s resemble the past in ti: levels of political stability. Pn dents and two Constitutions! ferent styles and ideologies, 1 (nicknamed "the crazy one") Indigenbus upri sing, 1992 . (Photo by Lucía Chiriboga, courtesy of Talle r Visual) was able to finish his term b< 10 an abru pt end. In this sense , Ecuador in ti contradictions of Latin Amen th e one hand , the outward ro: parties, public debates, street been cons picuo usly present , relatively long period of tim overwhelming. There is no sil ian history. On the other han ties, constitutions, the variou: relatively weak and at times senting political expression. understood as sorne combin have not only unde rmined di it exceptionally frustrating fa reforms as they struggled ag_ eign im perialismo