2012

Tal Stockholm Internet Forum 2012 18 april 2012 Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister Speech by Ms Gunilla Carlsson at the Stockholm Internet Forum 2012 Check against delivery

Ladies and Gentlemen, dear friends, What a fantastic gathering of people here today: Internet activists, IT - specialists, business representatives, professors, telecom operators, human rights defenders, development experts and even politicians. And that's just to mention a few. However, most of the people attending the Stockholm Internet Forum aren't even here. They're out there somewhere, following us on the web. When you think about it, it's really quite amazing. Anywhere in the world, a person with a computer and an internet connection can not only watch us, but also actually take part in today's conference. For many of us here, the Internet and all its possibilities have become as obvious and natural as the air we breathe. But at the same time, many people - too many - can't even take for granted something as fundamental as water. As Minister for International Development Cooperation, my work is centred in the middle of these two extremes. However, there is nothing that says they have to be mutually exclusive. Just because you lack clean water doesn't mean you're not streaming the latest episode of '30 Rock' on your computer, and then tweeting about it. And just because you live in a slum doesn't mean you're not hooked up to the rest of the world. We live in a complex time, in which many of our preconceived notions of poverty no longer apply. This is something we must always bear in mind when talking about development. Now I'd like to share with you some of my thoughts about the importance of Internet freedom for multi - faceted development, and what we can - and must - do to help those who are fighting for freedom and democracy. Dear Friends, The Internet has revolutionised our economies and societies. It radically shrinks the distance between people, businesses, the scientific community and governments all around the globe. This revolution has given us fantastic new opportunities: the Internet as a platform for innovation and growth, but also an important platform for democracy. Those of us who are convinced that human development depends on individual expression of new ideas clearly understand the value of a free and open Internet. This insight is also reflected in one of the Millennium Development Goals - Goal Eight. It sets out to make available the benefits of new technologies in developing countries, and to increase the number of Internet users. Information and communication technologies are the enablers that allow societies to prosper, that allow modern health care, education, banking, trade and communications to exist. If developing countries are to play their full role in the global economy, they too must have access to the technologies that define our reality today. In our efforts to eradicate poverty, let us not forget the Goal Eight target of making the benefits of new technologies available, especially information and communication technologies (ICT). This target carries a vision of development as something beyond the absence of hunger - it is a vision of freedom, growth and innovation that puts the individual first in the general development of mankind. We should remind ourselves of the commitment to turn this digital divide into a digital opportunity for all, particularly for those who risk being left behind and further marginalised. Bridging the digital divide means ensuring digital inclusion. This, in turn, requires people having access to, and effective use of, the range of digital media, communication platforms and devices for information management and processing. I believe it is important to underline that access is not only a question of physical possibilities to connect to the Internet, or even access to the skills necessary to use new technologies. It is not only about availability and affordability. Access to, and use of, the Internet are becoming more and more significant for the full enjoyment of human rights: the right to freedom of expression, the right to education, the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association, the right to take part in the government of a country, the right to work, and so on. Today, access to, and the creative use of, the Internet are an inevitable priority to anyone concerned with human development, due to its integral relationship to all these human rights. Dear Friends, In addressing the issue of access, we should always keep in mind that the gap in access between the 'developed' and the 'developing' world is only one of many divides - and often a symptom of underlying problems rather than the core problem. One of the underlying problems is, of course, the inherent lack of respect for human rights that characterises some nations' approach to modern communication technologies. By being the largest and potentially most inclusive communication arena that has ever existed, the Internet fosters freedom of expression on a global scale. Those who want to exclude their populations from this arena are trembling with fear. Countries where regimes limit or prohibit their citizens' access to the Internet - these are the black holes of the Internet. In Iran, Internet censorship has been a reality for some time, and even more so since the disputed presidential elections in 2009. For instance, Iran now blocks access to both Gmail and Google and, for a reason beyond my comprehension, the official website of the upcoming London Olympics. There are also indications that Iran is pursuing a plan for a 'clean internet' - in effect an Iranian intranet controlled by the government. In the report "Freedom on The Internet 2011", the organization Freedom House lists five countries that are at particular risk of suffering setbacks related to Internet freedom: Thailand, Russia, Jordan, Venezuela and Zimbabwe. Another example in the Freedom House report is Pakistan, where temporary blocks have been common in recent years. In 2010, a new Inter - Ministerial Committee for the Evaluation of Websites was established to flag sites for blocking based on vaguely defined offenses against the state or religion. Certainly, some of these countries that I've mentioned aren't what we would normally call development countries. But this is only true if you take a narrow view of poverty. Because poverty, the way the Swedish Government sees it, is not only a lack of food or water or income. It is just as much a lack of freedom and the right to express oneself freely. In most of the countries where access to the Internet is limited, it is a criminal offence to express oneself via the Internet. As the persecution of reform - minded people on the Internet grows, our duty as human rights defenders becomes a duty to defend a free and open Internet. In our age of instant communications, it is futile to try to prevent the dissemination of views and contacts by closing down the Internet or mobile phone services. Therefore, my Government has clearly stated that extensive closure of the Internet is, in fact, a violation of the freedom of expression and information, established in Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights. But, it's not enough for Sweden and others to express their dismay. We need a broader agreement and understanding among governments that freedom on the Internet is the rule, not the exception. Here, governments need to do more. And we politicians need to realize that no one, not even a fully developed democracy, is immune to the temptation of controlling and limiting access to the Internet. Dear Friends, It is evident that today's information and communication technologies provide new potential to modernise our development efforts in a very substantial way. These tools can be used to promote the cause of democracy and human rights, to provide independent sources of information, to hold leaders accountable to their citizens, to serve as a means to connect citizens both throughout the country and in diaspora communities, and to expose corruption. These are liberation technologies, symbols of a world that has changed forever. This is why freedom on the Internet will remain a priority issue for the Swedish Government. The role of information and communication technology in today's freedom struggles ranges from creation of alternative channels to government - controlled media to the use of social media in monitoring human rights abuses and mobilising support for democracy. The Arab Revolution has shown how ICT and social media applications can create new opportunities for citizens to mobilise, increase their influence and demand accountability from their leaders. Exploring and investing in ICT is key for increased openness and transparency worldwide. We can never accept people being thrown into prison merely because they voice their opinions on the Internet. The time has passed when a people's legitimate claim to justice and welfare can be silenced by blocking their freedom of expression and their freedom of assembly. As long as there are countries where the Internet is shut down or censored, there is scope for increased ICT support to facilitate the free flow of information and so promote domestically driven democratic change. We have an obligation to support those who risk their lives fighting for values that we share and take for granted. The events in North Africa and the Middle East represent a strong call to governments and donors truly committed to democracy and human rights. This deserves our admiration and respect. But it also calls for us to take action. Dear friends, In 2009, as a complement to traditional democracy assistance, the Swedish Government launched a Special Initiative for Democratisation and Freedom of Expression. This initiative gave us the means to rapidly support human rights activists and agents for democratic change in new and more direct ways, not least through ICT. The Swedish Government recently decided to adopt a new strategy for Democratisation and Freedom of Expression for 2012 to 2014, with a budget of 215 million kronor for 2012. The strategy prioritises the use of ICT and innovative technology in the service of freedom. Many of the projects that we supported in 2011 were in the Middle East and North Africa, and we will continue this support in 2012 and onwards. I would like to give you an idea of the kind of projects that we're supporting through Sida, our very own and very modern development agency. First, we have the project 'iMeedan - Sorting, Translating & Disseminating Citizen Reporting in the Arab Region'. The purpose of the iMeedan is to strengthen citizen journalism in the MENA region. This is done by training bloggers and by building up portals for the promotion of activist bloggers in cooperation with local progressive media actors. The first phase of iMeedan focused on Egypt, but it has now expanded to Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Morocco and several other countries. Secondly, we support an international NGO called 'Tactical Technology Collective', or 'Tactical Tech' for short. They train human rights defenders, democracy activists and journalists in IT security, ICT technology and efficient methods of bypassing censorship, filtering and infiltration. The goal of the project is to have 20 000 trained agents of change. We also give support to similar projects managed by, amongst others, Freedom House, The Tor Project and Civil Rights Defenders. Many, if not most, of the brave men and women we are trying to help take great risks and make even greater sacrifices in the name of freedom. We owe them our support. Dear friends, One of the most fundamental obstacles to poverty reduction and achieving the goal of equitable and sustainable global development is repression. As I said before, poverty is not only a lack of income and material resources. Poverty is also a lack of freedom, security and the power to influence policy and shape the decisions that affect one's life. Every person has the right - an absolute, unassailable right - to live his or her life in dignity and freedom. And taking freedom seriously means always putting the individual first, before the state. That is why we, the Swedish Government, have made it our business to help those who fight for and believe in freedom and democracy. At the beginning of my speech I mentioned water. The way I see it, water and the Internet have quite a lot in common. First of all, every person should have unlimited access to them. Secondly, they are both fantastic mediums for communicating, trading and for making a living. Third, they're a lot of fun. Fourth, and this is maybe the most important similarity: they both have an extraordinary ability to make their way into the smallest of cracks, be it into rocks or dictatorships. And as we've seen: once they're in, anything can happen. That ability, that power, is what makes the Internet such an amazing instrument of change. Dear friends, Where there is water, there is life. And where the Internet is, there is hope. Let's make sure everybody has plenty of both. Thank you all for your attention and for coming to Stockholm, the capital on water; where we meet today to increase freedom tomorrow. Speech Istanbul Bilgi University, Turkey 22 March 2012 Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation Speech by Ms Gunilla Carlsson at Istanbul Bilgi University about Turkey-EU Check against delivery.

Turkey and the EU share the same fundamental values. Principles of democracy, market economy and individual freedom are deeply integrated in our societies. We belong together. This is why Sweden is actively supporting Turkish EU membership. Support for this policy is strong - 7 out of 8 parties in the Swedish Parliament are behind it. The case for EU - Turkey integration is stronger than ever, politically as well as economically. Let me give you Sweden's view on why that is so. The global financial crisis, the effects of which are still very present in parts of Europe, has clearly demonstrated the need for global cooperation and solutions. The crisis has understandably turned the energy of the EU's leaders inwards. However, it is my firm belief that the true recipe for growth and stability for Europe lies in remaining open to the outside world. The EU is the world's biggest integrated economy. The last round of enlargement, bringing roughly 100 million new EU citizens, has contributed in a major way towards energising the European economy. Turkey's membership will be even more important. Enlargement -strengthening the rule of law and common standards all over the continent - is an important part of Europe's aim for global competitiveness. From a Swedish perspective, the dynamism and potential of the Turkish economy is obvious. Turkey is one of the fastest growing markets in both the OECD and the G20. With a well - educated, young population (with an average age of 28) and a more liberal business climate than ever before, Turkey is not only a unique investment platform and large emerging market. It is also the ideal stepping stone for many Swedish and European companies for reaching out to the Middle East, Africa and Central Asia. Sweden and the Nordic Model may have valuable lessons for Turkey. Our model is partly based on a flexible labour market combined with strong social safety nets. Labour unions play an important role in encouraging flexibility and openness. Another core aspect of the Nordic Model is women's participation in the labour market. The employment rate for women aged 15 to 64 in Sweden has risen over the years to 70 per cent, compared with 74 per cent for men. I am convinced that if Turkey were to adopt similar provisions to encourage women in the labour market, a huge potential would be unleashed. The potential of Turkey, however, may be fully realised only within the European Union. Europe is by far Turkey's number one trading partner, accounting for 43 per cent of its total trade, and supplying more than half of the foreign companies active in Turkey. These EU companies are vital to the technology transfer now in progress. For Turkey to complete its economic development and have competitive industries at a global level, this technology transfer needs to be boosted even more. This is why we need to move forward towards the final goal -Turkish EU membership. Turkish enterprises will want access to the EU's internal market in areas not currently covered by the customs union, such as services. Turkish enterprises deserve a level playing field in Europe where barriers - including visa requirements - are removed. Politically, the case for Turkey's membership is equally strong. This is evident in our efforts to support democracy and development in the southern neighbourhood. The EU is now remodeling its relationship with the countries concerned, focusing on the three "M"s: money, mobility and markets. Turkey on the other hand is already a key player in the region, not least as a forerunner of democratisation, free trade and a liberalised economy in the Islamic world. Also, Turkey is emerging as an important donor of development assistance. Obviously we need to join forces. If Turkey combines its 'soft power' with that of the EU, and if we cooperate on the ground to support the same reform - minded people, we have greater chances of success. This is just one area in which foreign policy cooperation between the EU and Turkey needs to intensify. One could also mention Turkey's importance to the energy infrastructure of Europe, or the migration flows affecting our southern borders, where increased cooperation is urgently needed. Turkey's internal reform process is also fundamentally tied to the EU accession process. Turkish democracy has matured over the last decade. With the guidance of the EU institutions and pre - accession assistance, a judicial reform strategy is being implemented. Even the most sensitive issues are now aired openly. Minority rights are beginning to be addressed. Constitutional reform is being prepared in an inclusive way. If this is done correctly, based on individual rights and on the European Convention on Human Rights, Turkey will take a giant leap towards fulfilling the EU's political criteria. This is not to say that everything is perfect. Anyone reading the latest EU Progress Report can find the critical points regarding freedom of expression, the rule of law and minorities. This, however, proves the value of the EU process. EU benchmarks point out a clear direction for Turkish reform policy, and give objective feedback, which might otherwise be lacking in a very polarised political landscape. It is deeply regrettable that these economic and political gains are held up by shortsighted policies in some corners of Europe. Blocking accession negotiations for purely bilateral reasons, unrelated to the EU acquits, cannot be accepted. It is worth emphasising that I represent the overwhelming majority of EU Member States in favour of Turkish membership. What is more, all 27 have agreed to the Negotiation Framework aiming for full membership. My advice is therefore to continue working hard on the EU reform agenda. There is much to do. Nobody can actually prevent Turkey from reforming, whether chapters are blocked or not. The EU Delegation in Turkey is the largest in the world. It is here to assist you in your work.

I sincerely hope that the next time I come to Turkey, we on the EU side have overcome our differences and offered you a number of negotiation chapters to be opened. Meanwhile, Turkey can continue to push on with reforms and to prepare for the day when negotiations can speed up again. This includes chapters on key aspects of the internal market like procurement, competition and social policy. We also need to move forward together on the visa issue, which I know deeply affects the everyday life of Turkish citizens, not least students. During the last year, with the developments of the Arab awakening, I am happy that we have stood together to support all these brave women, men and children who fought for dignity, freedom and a better future for all. We need each other. Steps toward a closer relationship between the EU and Turkey are now being taken under the 'positive agenda'. As a complement to the established framework of formal membership negotiations, the positive agenda will enable us to deepen our practical cooperation in fields such as foreign policy, energy, justice/home affairs, and the customs union. Hopefully, when more favourable political conditions prevail, formal membership negotiations can be concluded. Meanwhile, Sweden and Turkey will work as partners to ensure continued momentum in Turkey-EU integration. Thank you. Speech Global Human Development Forum, Istanbul Turkey 22 March 2012 Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation Speech by Ms Gunilla Carlsson at the Global Human Development Forum about Innovative Financing Check against delivery.

Dear friends. It is with great pleasure and enthusiasm that I stand before you today. Sweden's partnership with the UNDP has a long tradition and we are one of the organisation's main financial contributors. For me, as Swedish Minister for International Development Cooperation, it's always nice to be able to say that Sweden is one of the largest providers of bilateral and multilateral aid worldwide. Yet, in the bigger picture, Sweden as well as other donor countries are minor players when it comes to development financing. Already by 2007, only 17 per cent of the developed world's financial flows to the developing world took the form of government aid. The other 83 per cent was made up of private capital investment, remittances and other sources. Fundamentally, this is a very positive development. The time when foreign aid enjoyed a quasi - monopoly as a source of external financing for developing countries is long gone. Financial globalisation since the mid - 1980s has translated into a surge in capital to developing countries, notably in foreign direct investments and portfolio flows. In addition, new actors and new donors - be they private, such as the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, or countries, such as China and India - are all contributing to a fundamental change in the landscape of international aid. Dear friends. Now we have to ask ourselves: how do we make aid relevant today and in the future? How do we respond and adapt to this new 'aidscape'? My answer is that aid has to be catalytic. It has to pave the way for the multitude of sources of finance that are available in this new setting.

I'm not alone in this thinking. At the High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness in Busan last year, the engagement of the private sector in development cooperation was at the centre of deliberations. That meeting marks a mind shift in how the role of the private sector is perceived. There is now broad agreement that the private sector is one of the main players in effective development cooperation and that aid has to be catalytic in mobilising resources for development. In my mind this is what innovative financing is all about - a catalytic use of aid. And there are many exciting ideas on how we can work innovatively in this sense. In Sweden our work on loans and guarantees is perhaps where we have come furthest. The key words here are risk - sharing and leverage. Why is the level of investments in poorer developing countries not higher? One important reason is that the weighing of possible profits against perceived risks does not come out in favour of the former. Here aid can do a lot to lessen or share the risk.

Dear friends. I will now give you three good examples of innovative financing, beginning with a personal favourite from Uganda. A few years back, Uganda's national pension funds were unable to invest in productive activities because of strict rules on risk - taking. At the same time, Uganda's telecommunications infrastructure experienced a large funding gap. Sweden offered a guarantee, taking on part of the risk of a telecom investment which allowed the pension fund to open up its resources for investment. After a couple of years of successful expansion, the telecom manager put up a sad face when he met his Swedish colleagues. "I'm sorry to say it," he said, "but we don't need your help any more" - the expansion had been successful and had generated money for further investments. Small measures can yield large dividends.

A second exciting example is the work on access to electricity for rural households in Bangladesh. A small Swedish grant reduced the cost of solar home systems so that a microfinance institution was willing to take the risk of lending money to poor rural households. The households were then able to invest in solar power at a lower cost than the cost of their traditional fuels. In this way clean and reliable electricity will be accessed by over 100,000 poor households, six times more than had the grant been used in traditional ways. My third and final example is the emergence of 'challenge funds', such as the Africa Enterprise Challenge Fund supported by a large grant from Sida. It offers an open and transparent competition for funds for practical projects that are both commercially viable and will have a broad developmental impact on the rural poor. It is able to support cross - border, regional and pan - continental projects, as well as national ones. Together with another major donor we are planning a similar challenge fund in the field of sustainable energy. Here we will use aid to stimulate innovation and to steer resources towards sustainable solutions. At the same we are formulating a clear desired result that gives us a reference point for evaluations. Innovative financing can be truly exciting, but we have to be on our toes and always be ready to think outside the box of traditional development aid. Dear friends. I am painting quite a sunny picture, and there is indeed much to be positive about. However, we must not get carried away. We must not shy away from the drawbacks associated with a number of the solutions that are labelled as innovative. The most striking example of this is the tax on financial transactions. The costs in terms of slower growth that such a tax will incur are considerable. If our aim is to generate aid resources, there are other less damaging ways. From my perspective, a tax with such a negative effect on the economy cannot be considered innovative. Furthermore, a financial transaction tax and the discussion of innovative financing in general must never be used as an excuse for not fulfilling ODA commitments.

Let me come back to one of the main themes of the Busan meeting - the partnership with the private sector in the drive for development. This is a much wider issue than financing. The creation of inclusive business, for example, where poor women and men have the opportunity to participate in, contribute to and benefit from growth, is essential. Here, too, we must be innovative in finding ways to make value chains include poor people as producers, distributers and consumers. As reflected in the background paper to this seminar, we face a complex reality with multiple sources of finance and multiple roles. This underscores the importance of bringing forward the broad partnership established in Busan. We need to join our efforts and work together in order to achieve sustainable development results for our partner countries. Dear friends. During the last year I have been a member of the UN Secretary - General's Global Sustainability Panel. Given our discussion here today, I'd like to mention two sets of recommendations in our report that I see as particularly important. First, we must recognise that democratic governance and human rights lay the very foundation for a sustainable future. People who are empowered with knowledge have better opportunities to claim their rights and choose sustainability. Increased transparency and accountability will reward governments and businesses that pursue sustainable policies and products. Second, again, we must recognise that only a thriving private sector can be the main engine for sustainable and inclusive growth. And here, at least as important as financing is setting the right conditions for sustainable investment and innovation - including predictable investment conditions, pricing environmental externalities and phasing out fossil fuel subsidies. Governments have a key role in setting the right incentives to catalyse the use of the market. I hope that Rio+20, the UN conference on sustainable development this June, will bring us closer to making this a reality. I hope that my remarks will contribute to a fruitful and informed debate today. Thank you. Speech The Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI) 14 February 2012 Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation Speech by Ms Gunilla Carlsson about the "European Foreign Policy Scorecard 2012" Check Against Delivery!

Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends. I'd like to begin by thanking the Swedish Institute of International Affairs for inviting me here today. It's a rare treat in my schedule to get to discuss and debate something as interesting and current as Europe's place in the world. And with such an esteemed panel! I would also like to thank the European Council on Foreign Relations for a fascinating and timely report. The European Foreign Policy Scorecard for 2012 should be required reading for anyone with an interest in European and global affairs. By looking beyond the actions of particular institutions or member states, and instead assessing the collective performance of all European Union actors, the Scorecard reveals many of the long-term trends and political undercurrents shaping the world today as well as tomorrow. The report comes at a time when the European Union is facing its greatest crisis ever. Let us be honest, it's not an encouraging read, and given what we see happening in Europe it would be surprising if it was. Three of the headlines in the introduction, just to give you an example, illustrate this quite clearly: From solution to problem The renationalization of European foreign policy From 2010 to 2012: the erosion of the acquis diplomatique As a true believer in the historically unique project of peace and prosperity that is the European Union, it is discouraging to witness the current state of European affairs. But this is exactly why this report and its findings are so important. Because it is only when we identify and recognize our own failings and weaknesses that we can truly begin to better ourselves. However, all is not doom and gloom. Especially not if you happen to be the Swedish Minister for International Development Cooperation. The report gives quite a lot of love to Sweden, which of course is very timely given that today is Valentine's Day. In the report, EU member states are categorized as being either "leaders", "slackers" or "supporters" of common and constructive policies. Sweden is identified as a "leader" on a total of 11 components of European foreign policy which, as the report points out, is more than Italy and Spain combined. Some of the areas that Sweden is recognized as doing extra well in are "Climate change", "Development aid and global health", "Famine in the horn of Africa" and "Sudan and the DRC. These are all areas that I have the privilege of working with on a regular basis in close cooperation with my fellow minister Carl Bildt. Apparently you don't have to be a big country to have a big impact. But however flattering that may be, it is also unfortunately beside the point. Because what the ECFR Scorecard practically shouts out to all of us is that Europe is losing its place in the world. A perfect storm - made up of an unprecedented financial crisis, a short sighted and populist renationalization of politics and quite frankly, a lack of true leadership - is wreaking havoc on the community of the European Union. This storm is drowning out our collective voice and depriving us of our collective strength. Europe is losing its place in a world that in my view is in great need of our values of peace, prosperity and individual freedoms and rights. As the report states: "A coherent and effective foreign policy is not a luxury or an afterthought of the European project; it is central to its prosperity and future." However, I am neither without hope nor confidence when it comes to Europe. Yes, we have many different and sometimes conflicting interests among the member states. We argue and we fight. But as the motto says, we are also "United in Diversity". Our differences make us what we are. We have been through tough times before, and every time the European Union has come out stronger. We will do so this time too. Thank you. 2011

Speech The Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI) 09 December 2011 Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation Speech by Ms Gunilla Carlsson at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI)

Your excellency, ladies and gentlemen, dear friends. In March 2006 - just a couple of months before I was appointed Minister for International Development Cooperation - a meeting took place here in Stockholm. The four Nordic countries Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden met with the United Nations Country Team for Somalia to review the worsening humanitarian crisis in Somalia. The southern and central parts of the country were afflicted by a severe drought. Millions of people in the Horn of Africa were suffering and tens of thousands were dying. Tragically, the situation in the Horn of Africa in 2006 is very similar to the situation there today. This is painfully clear when you read the notes from the meeting I just mentioned. However, this year's crisis is even worse. In 2006 more than two million people in Somalia were affected by the crisis. This year, that number is four million, or 50 per cent of the Somali population. The challenges to peace, security and development in the Horn of Africa remain wide - ranging and acute. Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen. I have visited the Horn of Africa twice since the crisis escalated this summer. One observation is that we tend to equate the horn of Africa with Somalia. Why is this? Let us not forget that the drought has affected all the countries of the Horn. However, Kenya and Ethiopia were better prepared, and the drought did not escalate into a large - scale famine. Nevertheless, both of these countries host a large number of refugees from Somalia and require assistance. Eritrea has only recently asked for outside help to map the consequences of the drought. In Somalia, the drought has led to famine and the most fertile areas are the hardest hit. This is due to long - term conflict, lack of security and infrastructure and above all, lack of political will. In Somalia I met with desperate mothers in camps for internally displaced people, and I saw malnourished children who may not be alive today. What I saw made me even more determined. We must do all we can to break the vicious circle of recurring humanitarian crises in the region. Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen. Another observation is that even though Somalia is one of the most dangerous places in the world and extremely difficult to work in, humanitarian assistance is getting through to people in need. This is thanks to the admirable work being done by the humanitarian workers. Scaling up the delivery of humanitarian assistance in Somalia has lifted three regions out of famine. Even though the humanitarian needs are still enormous, the humanitarian assistance is effective. A third observation is that financial contributions are not enough. Recent major humanitarian catastrophes, not least in Haiti and Pakistan, have shown that coordination of humanitarian assistance is crucial in order to use funds as effectively as possible. Avoiding fatal gaps and harmful duplication in the response allows us to deliver the assistance more effectively. By jointly assessing situations and needs, agreeing on common priorities and developing common strategies, more lives are saved. This is why Sweden is OCHA:s second largest donor - we know that coordination saves lives. I am very happy that the Baroness and her staff are here in Sweden. Your efforts and your successes are very impressive. We will continue to work together to make the world's humanitarian actors understand the value of better planning and coordination of humanitarian assistance. Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen. In order to break the vicious circle of drought and famine and suffering, we have to turn to politics. Looking beyond the immediate humanitarian response, a sad conclusion is that drought in this region occurs with increasing frequency. But as the experiences of Ethiopia and Kenya have shown, drought does not need to be equated with famine. We cannot shy away from the fact that famine is almost invariably the end result of flawed policies. Conflict, soaring food prices and inadequate food resilience priorities have severely worsened the effects of the drought. Therefore, at the same time as we try to save lives, we must continue to find ways to prevent a repetition of this enormous suffering. Efforts to achieve stability and peace are imperative. In order to achieve lasting and positive change, we need to understand the demographic shift in the countries of the Horn and its socio - economic consequences. Rapid urbanization, an increasingly young population and no jobs is a lethal mix. Also, we need to address the effects of climate change on livelihoods. Early recovery and the building of resilient communities are at the centre of these efforts, and we must step up our commitment in this regard. Economic and political solutions are needed, and here the international community can and will play a crucial role. But the biggest responsibility lies with the affected countries themselves. African leadership, both national and regional, is now the key to finding long - term solutions. The people in the Horn of Africa will never escape the effects of the droughts as long as their leaders run from their responsibilities. Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen. In January, the UN Country Team for Somalia will again visit Stockholm. And once again, we are discussing a humanitarian crisis in the Horn of Africa affecting millions of people, just as we did regarding Ethiopia in the 1980s, Somalia in the 1990s and Somalia once again a few years ago. This makes me both angry and determined, because I know that crises like the ones the people in the Horn of Africa are now experiencing do not have to happen. Peace, stability and food security can be the reality even for the people of Somalia. Obviously, this will take time and a great deal of hard work. But prevention of similar crises in the future is within reach if all parties are determined and get their acts together. Thank you. Speech 06 December 2011 Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation Speech by Ms Gunilla Carlsson at the 2011 Swedish Baltic Sea Water Award Ceremony This year's Swedish Baltic Sea Water Award is awarded to Dr. Jorma Kämäräinen for his outstanding effort to protect the marine environment of the Baltic Sea from pollution and emissions.

He received the award from Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation, at a ceremony in Stockholm on December 5.

Good afternoon, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, As we are all aware, the Baltic Sea is under great pressure from pollution and excessive nutrient loads pouring into it. Enormous efforts are needed to continue restoring the good health of the Baltic Sea. Much has been accomplished in recent years in terms of investments in new infrastructure to reduce the inflow of phosphorus, nitrogen and organic material to the Baltic Sea. The Southwest Wastewater Treatment plant in St Petersburg, inaugurated in 2005, and the Kaliningrad Wastewater Treatment Plant, scheduled to be completed in late 2012, are two important examples. One other example is the work to protect the marine environment of the Baltic Sea from pollution from ships - undertaken by today's winner of the Swedish Baltic Sea Water Award, Doctor Jorma Kämäräinen from the Marine Environment Protection unit at the Finnish Transport Safety Agency. Behind any sustainable development lie the ideas, innovation and hard work of people. This prize is one way of promoting such good examples. The importance of innovation and stakeholder collaboration between different people, such as young people, business people, researchers and decision- makers, is also the theme of the international conference Stockholm +40 - Partnership Forum for Sustainable Development', to be hosted by the Swedish Government on 23-25 April next year. The meeting will serve as an input to the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development, also known as Rio +20. Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, The amount of sewage produced onboard a ship depends on its type. Clearly, the largest amounts of wastewater are produced by passenger ships such as ferries and cruise liners. Ferries usually leave the sewage ashore daily and the storage of sewage onboard does not create substantial problems. However, in most cases, the sewage from cruise liners is discharged into the sea, presumably after treatment on board. Currently, the onboard treatment process does not target the removal of nutrients, as their content in the discharged sewage has, until now, not been regulated. This means that treated sewage containing some nitrogen and phosphorus is still discharged into the sea, thereby increasing the nutrient loads in the sensitive marine environment. As we are all aware, the marine environment is highly sensitive to excessive loads of phosphorus and nitrogen. Phosphorus is directly responsible for the widespread occurrence of blue-green algae, which form foul-smelling masses and make the water unfit for swimming. Nutrients are immediately available for uptake by planktonic algae, adding to the severe eutrophication of the Baltic Sea. In the Gulf of Finland, where maritime traffic has increased rapidly, the annual phosphorus load from ships is now almost the same as from the four largest Finnish coastal cities along the Gulf - Espoo, Hamina, Kotka and Porvoo. Doctor Jorma Kämäräinen has been awarded this year's Swedish Baltic Sea Water Award in appreciation of his outstanding overall work to protect the marine environment of the Baltic Sea from pollution from ships and, in particular, in recognition of his leadership in introducing a ban on discharges of untreated sewage from passenger ships operating in the Baltic Sea. Let me quote from the jury's citation: The Swedish Baltic Sea Water Award goes to Doctor Jorma Kämäräinen for his diligent and untiring efforts to protect the Baltic marine environment from pollution and discharges from ships. Under his guidance and leadership, sewage discharge and airborne pollution have been substantially limited or prohibited. Among Doctor Kämäräinen's numerous achievements, the jury wishes to single out the designation of the Baltic as a Particularly Sensitive Sea Area by the International Maritime Organisation as a contribution of special note. Since 2006, Doctor Kämäräinen has acted as Chairman of the special HELCOM expert group which developed a proposal to amend the IMO's MARPOL Convention, the International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution from Ships, to make it possible to apply more stringent sewage regulations in the Baltic Sea. Not only has he coordinated the work of the nine Baltic Sea countries to prepare extensive documentation as required by the IMO, he has also greatly facilitated negotiations among the countries regarding the final content and date of the submission to the IMO. Moreover, Doctor Kämäräinen has taken the leading role in negotiating the proposal in the IMO, and more specifically in the Marine Environment Protection Committee, comprising almost 170 nations. Thanks to his reputation and recognition in this organisation, it was made possible to first approve and then adopt the proposal in 2011 in a record time of two years, resulting in the designation, on 15 July 2011, of the Baltic Sea as a Special Area under Annex IV of MARPOL. This Special Area status means that discharges of untreated sewage from passenger ships in the whole sea area will be prohibited. Please welcome Doctor Jorma Kämäräinen to the stage. On behalf of the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, it is my pleasure to thank you for your important achievements for a cleaner Baltic Sea, and to present you with this glass sculpture as a sign that you are the winner of the 2011 Swedish Baltic Sea Water Award. Thank you. Speech International Conference arranged by the Swedish Committee for Afghanistan 23 November 2011 Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation Speech by Gunilla Carlsson at International Conference about the future of Afghanistan Minister of International Development Cooperation Gunilla Carlsson held a speech at the International Conference about Afghanistan in Stockholm.

Your Excellency, distinguished guests, dear friends. Almost exactly one year ago, at this very conference, I gave a speech on Afghanistan. Some of you might have been here and I certainly see a lot of familiar faces. I'm very happy to speak to all of you today. Since I gave my speech a year ago, much has happened. Not only in Afghanistan of course, but in the region and in the world. We have seen dramatic change, for both good and bad. However, much remains the same. I am not here today to paint you a rosy picture of Afghanistan. Or to tell you that everything is great. Or that our development assistance is making all the difference. If we hide from reality, if we don't face facts - whether it's to feel better or to give a false sense of hope - we won't be doing Afghanistan or ourselves any favours. Because the people of Afghanistan live their lives in that very reality. And if we don't see it, then we can't help them. Neither am I here today to give you a long description or an in-depth analysis of the situation in Afghanistan. Because who knows Afghanistan better than you Your Excellency, working every day to improve your country's education system? Or who knows it better than the SAC, helping the people of Afghanistan for over 30 years? Well certainly not me, and to pretend otherwise would quite frankly be a waste of everyone's time. Your Excellency, dear friends. Now you know why I'm not here. So why am I here then? I have three reasons.

1. To listen, learn and understand After many years of international military intervention, we are quickly approaching the point when the security of Afghanistan will be in the hands of the Afghan people themselves. Already next year many countries, including Sweden, will begin to scale down their military presence. Come 2014, the Afghan army and police force will be responsible for bringing peace and security to one of the most war-torn countries on earth. This will not be an easy burden to bear, to put it mildly. That's why it's so important that we in the international community continue to support the strengthening of Afghan security and rule-of-law. Will we succeed in this? Can we succeed? My answer is that we must. And let's not forget: War can come suddenly. But so can peace. Your Excellency, dear friends. Afghanistan is the second largest receiver of Swedish development assistance. For over eight years, we have had a significant military presence in Mazar-i-Sharif. In 2010 we opened up our new embassy in Kabul. Thousands of Swedish men and women, civilian and military, have worked selflessly and at great risk, sometimes even making the ultimate sacrifice, to improve the lives of the Afghan people. The Swedish government will soon decide on a revised and prolonged strategy for development assistance to Afghanistan, where an increase in our support to development efforts is foreseen. This should be seen in a wider context, where we gradually move from international to Afghan lead, from predominantly military to civilian engagement. I am extremely proud of Sweden's commitment to Afghanistan. But I am not saying this to brag. On the contrary, I wish we had done and could do more. Because despite all my intentions and ambitions, the fact is this - in the big pond of Afghanistan, Sweden is still a small fish. We have to accept our limitations. We can't do everything, we can't save everybody. Not in Afghanistan. Nor anywhere else. But we can certainly make a difference, and the tireless work and amazing efforts of the SAC show that better than anything. And I want Sweden to make as much of a difference as possible. Now more than ever, in this time of transition, we have to put the perspective and the needs of the Afghan people first. Because they know what has to be done. And they usually know how to do it better than the bureaucrats and the officials. If and only if we listen to the perspective of the people that we are trying to help will our aid be as effective and as relevant as it can be. Every euro and krona that we give, every minute and hour that we work - we have to make them count. That's what I mean when I say that I am here to listen, learn and understand. I want to know what we are not seeing. I want to know what works and what doesn't. How can we best help make a better future for Afghanistan? For the coming years, my ambition is to much more actively employ the knowledge, insights and contacts of the Afghanistan diaspora in Sweden. It would be professional misconduct to not take full advantage of such an invaluable resource. Your Excellency, dear friends.

2. The second reason I'm here today ...is to answer the following question: What is Sweden's role in Afghanistan? Sweden's role in Afghanistan is to help create conditions that will enable poor people to improve their lives. This is the ultimate objective of any and all Swedish development cooperation, whether it be in Afghanistan or in Tanzania. Overall, our bilateral development assistance to Afghanistan will mainly target women, children and young people. They are especially vulnerable to war and strife and often, if not always, the first to suffer the effects of poverty. Also, Sweden has a long tradition and vast experience of working with these groups. Since I have a limited amount of time and you still have a long day ahead of you, I will concentrate not on the means but on the ends of our development assistance to Afghanistan. Simply put, what do we want to accomplish? And I will start with the national level, where Sweden will be active mainly in two sectors: 1. Democracy, human rights and equality. 2. Education. When it comes to the first sector - democracy, human rights and equality - Sweden has three goals: 1. Strengthened democratic institutions and systems for public financial regulation and increased transparency of state administration. 2. Strengthened possibilities of women and girls to enjoy their basic human rights and to influence community development. 3. Increased strength and number of viable civil society actors and free and independent media. In the second sector - education - Sweden also has three goals: 1. Increased access to quality primary education with focus on girls. 2. More qualified teachers. 3. Increased literacy among women age 15-24. On the regional level, which in our case is northern Afghanistan and the provinces of Balkh, Samangan, Sar-e-Pul and Jowzjan, Sweden has two main goals: 1. Increased capacity of local administrations at the province and district level to offer citizens basic community services in a democratic and legal manner. 2. A growing private business sector that contributes to employment and livelihood, especially for women and young people. Your Excellency, dear friends. When it comes to equality between men and women, let me say this: A country in which half the population is oppressed or deprived of it's basic human rights and freedoms - for whatever reasons be they religious or traditional - is only half a country. Equality isn't a Swedish or a Western value, it's universal. On that point, I will never waver. When it comes to young people, I must resort to a real cliché: they are the future. Because young people, no matter where you are in the world, all carry the potential of peace and welfare within them. And we believe that we best can help the young people of Afghanistan by channeling our support into the education sector. That's where all good things come from, and therefore Sweden will always be education's most fervent proponent. Sweden will also be very active in the fight against corruption, both on a national and regional level. We all know the devastating effects of corruption. Some would even say that in the case of Afghanistan it's a greater obstacle to development than the war. I'm not naïve, it will take a tremendous effort to eradicate corruption. But that doesn't mean that I have to accept it. In this regard, I will not be alone in my demands on the Afghan government to increase their efforts. These will be the main target groups, sectors and goals for Sweden's bilateral development assistance to Afghanistan for the coming years. We believe that this is how and where we can do the most good, given our capacity, the security situation and the needs of the Afghan people. But we will of course not be alone in our efforts to help Afghanistan. A key component of Sweden's engagement with Afghanistan goes through the European Union. A considerable portion of our assistance is channeled through the EU budget and coordinated with the other 26 member states. In addition to this Sweden has taken the initiative to launch a comprehensive partnership agreement between the EU and Afghanistan, the mandate for which was approved by the Ministers only last week. This shows our determination and our confidence in the future of Afghanistan. Your Excellency, dear friends. 3. The third and final reason I am here today ...is to talk about hope. And when I say hope I don't mean the false kind that I mentioned in the beginning. I mean real hope, based on real progress and a true belief in a better future. As a result of Afghan efforts and support by the international community, Afghanistan has made progress in a number of areas. Consequently, the country has moved up several steps in the UNDP Human Development Index during the last few years. Let me give you some numbers: o Before 2001, less than a million children went to school. Today, that figure is almost seven million. o From 2001 to 2011, the number of girls in school has gone from very few to almost 2,5 million. o In 2001, nine percent of the population had access to some form of health care. Today it's 85 percent. o Under the Taliban, there were approximately 40 000 telephone lines in the country. Today, there are over 500 000 lines and more than 13 million cell phone users. These are the kind of numbers that give me hope and reason to believe in a better future. Because I know that behind the statistics there are boys and girls and men and women whose lives have improved, even if only ever so slightly. We are making progress. In small increments, I admit, and too slowly, yes, but it's progress nonetheless. One could argue that these numbers are superficial, or isolated islands of good news in a sea of bad developments. Yes - if the violence increases, if militant and criminal Islamist groups gain in strength and if the government is pushed back - then much of the progress that has been made is at risk of being undone. Sweden of course supports the peace process and the efforts toward national reconciliation, but this must be done without compromising on fundamental values, freedoms and rights, including women's rights and equality. However, even if the worst scenario would come to pass, it would never be a reason to give up. In this context, I will allow myself to paraphrase John F Kennedy, and say that "we do this not because it's easy, but because it's hard". That's why the Afghan people need our help, and that is why we will give it. Sweden will stay committed to Afghanistan as long as we can help even one girl learn to read and write, be treated with dignity and respect and see the future just a little bit brighter. Your Excellency, dear friends. Thank you to SAC for arranging this conference and thank you for inviting me. Thank you all for your kind attention and for your commitment to the people of Afghanistan. Speech The Nordic Africa Institute in Uppsala 07 October 2011 Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation Taking international development into the 21st century - - Results, transparency and accountability The focus of the agenda for change in Swedish international development cooperation is on results, transparency and accountability. International discussions on aid are now more dynamic than ever before. This is welcome, because it is through dialogue and debate that we can learn and improve and, in the end, better help those in need, says Minister for International Development Cooperation Gunilla Carlsson in her speech held at The Nordic Africa Institute in Uppsala.

If we cannot transparently and systematically report on how our aid budget is spent, and what is achieved in the form of results, the credibility of development cooperation itself will be undermined. Mutual accountability is only possible if transparency is our guiding star and results our foremost ambition. External links Consequently, results are, by definition, at the very heart of aid effectiveness.. The Nordic Africa Development Policy A myth is being propagated that the focus on results has gone too far and that the results agenda encourages a Forum focus on quick, short-term wins. Some even refer sarcastically to "obsessive measurement disorder". It would be more accurate to recognise that today's focus on results by countries such as Sweden and the UK is a reaction to what could be called 40 years of "obsessive neglect of results" or "obsessive aversion to evaluation." Insisting on results and value for money in development cooperation should not translate into avoiding difficult questions and/or working in difficult contexts. The Swedish Government has increasingly focused development cooperation on "fragile and conflict states". Yet these are, for obvious reasons, the hardest places of all to make aid work. As Sweden's minister for international development cooperation, I have made results, transparency and accountability the focus of my agenda for change in Swedish international development cooperation. Today, international discussions on aid are more dynamic than ever before. I welcome this, because it is through dialogue and debate that we can learn and improve and, in the end, better help those in need. Foreign aid is one of many sources of development finance. By 2007, only 17 per cent of the developed world's financial flows to the developing world was in the form of government aid. The other 83 per cent was comprised of private capital investment, remittances and other sources. This is fundamentally a good thing. It means that the time when foreign aid enjoyed a quasi monopoly as a source of external finance for developing countries is long gone. The financial globalization since the mid 19802s has translated as a surge in capital flows to developing countries, notably in foreign direct investments and portfolio flows. In addition, new actors and new donors, be they private, such as the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, or countries, such as China and India, are all contributing to a fundamental change in the landscape of international aid. Today's international aid architecture, however, does not reflect this new reality. Arguably, both bilateral and multilateral agencies reflect the challenges of the developing world as perceived by donors 20 or 30 years ago, and what was thought at the time to be the best way to contribute to development. Now, the ways in which we organise, prioritise and measure the outcome of development cooperation have to change and adapt to the world of the 21st century. If we cannot transparently and systematically report on how our aid budget is spent, and what is achieved in the form of results, the credibility of development cooperation itself will be undermined. Mutual accountability is only possible if transparency is our guiding star and results our foremost ambition. Consequently, results are, by definition, at the very heart of aid effectiveness. The aid effectiveness discussion is probably as old as development cooperation itself. But it has never been more relevant. Insisting on a results-oriented aid agenda is therefore an essential and very natural priority for the Swedish Government. Since I took office in October 2006 we have strengthened our focus on results with the aim of achieving more effective and higher quality development cooperation. Our ambition is to provide aid that makes a real difference in the global effort to combat poverty and oppression. Clear guidelines and structures for dealing with results can help our development partners, as well as our own staff, to keep the objectives of each aid contribution clearly in focus. I am proud that Sida, the Swedish Agency for International Development Cooperation, is now at the forefront of developing ways of measuring and following up results, as well as ensuring transparency and accountability. A key issue is of course how we actually use the results. In this, there are three things I believe to be essential: We need to become better at learning from evaluations and audits We need to improve our use of evidence-based research We need to constantly ask ourselves what works and what does not And we need to act upon that information. I am convinced that we as donors can do far better when it comes to putting the conclusions of evaluations into practice. We must at all costs avoid the situation where evaluation becomes a mere formality or something that must be done and ticked off at the end of a project. Focus on results is not just something that is demanded by the Swedish Government and Swedish tax payers but, even more importantly, by our partners in developing countries. They rightly demand concrete outcomes. They do not simply want reports of money disbursed. An important part of our development cooperation is therefore to develop and improve our partners' systems for managing results. This work is intimately linked to the need for continuous efforts to improve transparency. Providing clear and accessible information to all is not just an act of courtesy towards our taxpayers. Access to data concerning ongoing development projects enables the people we are working together with in our partner countries to ensure that both we as donors and their own officials and politicians can be held accountable. That is why I introduced a transparency guarantee into Swedish development cooperation. With the launch on April 4 of the website www.openaid.se, all documents and public information in this area are now successively made available online. Currently the site contains information on 90 000 aid contributions and 40 000 documents. Measurement and evidence of what works and what does not work in development is one of our most powerful weapons in the battle against global poverty. At the same time, the focus on results has come under criticism. A myth is being propagated that the focus on results has gone too far and that the results agenda encourages a focus on quick, short-term wins. Some even refer sarcastically to "obsessive measurement disorder". It would be more accurate to recognise that today's focus on results by countries such as Sweden and the UK is a reaction to what could be called 40 years of "obsessive neglect of results" or "obsessive aversion to evaluation." Let us be honest about the lack of clarity on how a lot of donor money has been used. Huge administrative overhead costs, complex and bureaucratic meetings, exorbitant consultancy fees and sometimes very few concrete results for the people that we intended to assist. For far too long hard questions about the actual outcomes and results of activities labelled with buzz-words such as "technical assistance" and "capacity building" were simply not asked. Any donor who takes democracy building seriously cannot be satisfied with this lack of clarity. Consequently, we shouldn't be surprised that not everybody is comfortable seeing the phrases "development cooperation" and "value for money" used in the same sentence. There is no denying that the so called development industrial complex is a reality. I can even understand that those who have grown accustomed to administrating and earning a living from traditional development cooperation don't approve of the results agenda. However, that does not mean that I accept it. The fear of an insistence on results often arises from confusion over what "results" are. An often cited concern is that aid bureaucracies pressed to produce "results" will increasingly resort to supporting projects that offer easily measured "wins" (bednets delivered, books distributed etc), while not giving enough priority to "system issues" and "institution building." Focusing on results must mean focusing on both quantitative and qualitative results. I am well aware of the fact that an increased focus on results implies many challenges. There are a number of issues that need to be better defined and discussed more thoroughly. However, difficulties to work with the results agenda cannot in itself be used as an excuse to not follow up and report on results. A solid and well structured approach to results and results reporting is a prerequisite for more effective aid contributions to poverty reduction. Insisting on results and value for money in development cooperation should not translate into avoiding difficult questions and/or working in difficult contexts. The Swedish Government has increasingly focused development cooperation on "fragile and conflict states". Yet these are, for obvious reasons, the hardest places of all to make aid work. Clearly, the results agenda does not mean that we shy away from working in difficult environments or with complicated thematic issues. Instead, it means that we constantly need to follow up on what we are doing and to work actively with defining risk and making risk analysis. This is my agenda and I will continue to pursue it vigorously. Speech The International Center for Not-for-Profit Law Global Forum 2011 in Stockholm 23 August 2011 Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation Closing remarks by Gunilla Carlsson at the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law Global Forum 2011 Check against delivery

Ladies and gentlemen, To begin, I would like to express my gratitude to ICNL (The International Center for Not-for-Profit Law) for organising this event in Sweden and for inviting me to be here with you. Thank you. The Global Forum is a unique platform where leading thinkers, practitioners and policy makers from different sectors of society can discuss the most pressing legal issues facing civil society. Today, from more than 80 countries, 200 representatives from civil society, governments, parliaments, the judiciary, the business sector and international institutions are meeting here to develop new tools and concrete solutions to the challenges facing civil society. The work you do is not only important - it is crucial. And I am honoured to be among you. I would like to address four issues today: Human rights, the importance of civil society, the shrinking space for civil society and finally, the responsibility of governments and our foreign and development policies. First. Human rights. In recent decades, we have seen a positive global trend of increased respect for human rights and dozens of states replacing dictatorship with democratically elected governments. However, we have also seen a number of worrying backlashes, such as an increase in attacks on democracy and human rights defenders and journalists, and growing restrictions on press freedom. Also, discrimination and violence against women, girls and LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) people are still commonplace in many parts of the world and, unfortunately, increasing. I am especially concerned about the oppressive attacks against those who fight for the right to be free from gender or sexuality-based discrimination. Each violation of a person's rights is a violation of humanity. In this context, I must of course mention Syria. I am appalled at the brutal repression of the population and civil society by Syrian authorities and security forces. Political prisoners and democracy and human rights defenders must be released without delay. For this reason, and for many others, the fight for human rights must continue. And we must never allow ourselves to tire or despair. Because freedom of expression and freedom of assembly and association are key to democratisation. Consequently, they are of the highest priority in Swedish foreign policy and international development cooperation. Second. A vibrant, pluralistic and democratic civil society is pivotal to poverty reduction, democratic development and increased respect for human rights. Civil society organisations can act as proponents of innovative ideas, hold those in power accountable for their policies and actions, organise services that benefit citizens and be a counterweight to and force for democratisation vis-à-vis the state. We know that increased accountability generally means that states become better at delivering what citizens expect. And to be relevant and sustainable in the long run, democracies must deliver a functioning public administration, infrastructure and basic social services. They must engage citizens, create an enabling environment for free and independent media and civil society, ensure that the democratic political system works, and implement democratic decisions. Third. Civil society organisations in many countries now find it increasingly difficult to operate freely. This is a highly disturbing development. Since 2006, measures restricting the rights of civil society have been introduced in more than 50 countries, for example in Belarus, Burma, Syria, Russia, Nicaragua and Venezuela. In other countries, such as Cambodia, draft laws are being prepared that, if adopted, would threaten to restrict civil society. This would be a worrying development. In my travels around the world, I have met many people who stand up and fight for democratic values and human rights, fully aware of the risk of being exposed to controls, surveillance, persecution and harassment, death threats, physical assaults, torture, arbitrary detention and even murder. Several of you, and many more who can't be here, have had such experiences. Your strength and courage is an example and an inspiration to us all. Also, I am dismayed to hear how civil society activities are constrained by legal or administrative barriers, such as high minimum thresholds for members or assets, onerous registration procedures, arbitrary termination criteria, prohibitions on areas of activity, invasive supervision and barriers to cross-border funding and communication. These kinds of measures may not be violent or threatening, but they are nonetheless very effective. In light of this, Sweden attaches great importance to the work of the Special Rapporteurs and other special procedures of the Human Rights Council. Sweden was actively involved in the creation of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Assembly and Association in 2010, and it has filled a major gap in human rights protection. In addition to the different measures and restrictions I mentioned earlier, civil society organisations also face many internal difficulties, such as long-term sustainability, capacity weaknesses and lack of financial sustainability, internal democracy and coordination. Civil society faces many challenges, but one thing is absolutely clear: people and organisations working for democratisation and human rights must be able to carry out their activities freely and without intimidation from the authorities or other actors. Here, we cannot and must not allow any exceptions. Fourth and finally. As governments, we must create an enabling environment for civil society and for free and independent media in our own countries. The Swedish Government, for example, has written a communication to parliament on a whole-of-government approach to supporting and cooperating with civil society actors. Coherent domestic, foreign and development policies are important. We must also contribute to enabling environments in other countries both through political dialogue and development cooperation. This is a responsibility we have to ourselves, to our citizens and to all people suffering from poverty, strife and oppression. To be effective and make a difference, our development cooperation and foreign policies must be coherent nationally, within the EU and multilaterally. The work carried out in the Community of Democracies Working Group on Enabling and Protecting Civil Society is a good example. This effort has contributed to very real and concrete results in several countries over the last two years. I want to thank Canada for leading this working group, and in particular the international CSOs contributing constructively to this effort, ICNL, World Movement for Democracy, CIVICUS and Article 19. I believe that for development cooperation to be effective, we must put freedom and human rights first and focus on the individual as a key actor for change. This entails supporting embattled civil society organisations' access to legal advice, appeals, monitoring of court cases, hospital charges, travel expenses for visits of imprisoned activists and compensation for destroyed or confiscated property, such as mobile phones and computers. It can also mean capacity building for CSOs, working for free and independent media, providing equal access to the legal system, and strengthening women's rights and political participation with the purpose of creating an enabling environment for civil society. To illustrate how important this kind of work is to us, I wish to mention that more than one third of Swedish bilateral development cooperation, or 5.6 billion Swedish kronor, goes to and through civil society. Of that amount, more than 2 billion kronor per year goes to democracy support and human rights assistance. Ladies and gentlemen, During the Global Forum, you have participated in workshops on themes of great importance, including Backlash against Civil Society, Democratic Transitions, Survival Techniques for CSOs, Self-Regulation Initiatives and Promoting Constructive Engagement with the Diplomatic Community and International Organisations. I would very much like to listen to your discussions, thoughts and findings from these workshop. Democracy is about change. Human rights are about freedom. And the role of civil society in this is crucial. I will continue to do my utmost to make it possible for civil society organisations and other pro-democracy actors to conduct their activities openly and freely. Thank you.

Contact Sebastian Tham Press Secretary to Hillevi Engström +46 72 212 74 72 email to Sebastian Tham Speech World Water Week Stockholm 22 August 2011 Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation Speech by Gunilla Carlsson at World Water Week 2011 Theme: 'Water in an Urbanising World'

Ladies and gentlemen, In a short time, the global urban population has risen to more than 3 billion. If the current trend continues, by 2050 there will be twice as many, or close to 6.3 billion city-dwellers. More than one billion of these will face water-shortages. I am therefore very pleased that the Stockholm International Water Institute has chosen 'Water in an Urbanising World' as the theme for World Water Week 2011. Urbanisation and sustainable water resource management are also Swedish priorities ahead of the UN Conference on Sustainable Development that will take place in Rio de Janeiro in June 2012. Today, I would like to talk about the importance of water in improving the quality of life of the urban poor and what I believe is needed for sustainable urbanisation. The proportion of poor people is increasing more in urban areas than in rural areas. Informal settlements in cities, which are home to approximately 830 million people, often lack fundamental services such as clean water and basic sanitation, making it even more difficult to break the vicious circle of poverty. Together, poor water quality and sanitation are the second largest cause of child mortality and also contribute to high levels of maternal mortality. Women and girls require particular attention as they often have the primary responsibility for collecting household water supplies. Furthermore, the lack of school latrines is an important factor in the dropout rate for girls. At the same time, the middle classes are expanding in cities, which in turn leads to increased water consumption. Now more than ever, we need new technologies and policy solutions for sustainable water-related consumption and production, including in developing countries. Ladies and gentlemen, Since August last year I have been a member of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's High-Level Panel on Global Sustainability. Our task is to formulate a new vision for global sustainability and prosperity and propose new ways to put this into practice. These recommendations will hopefully provide valuable input to ongoing international processes on sustainable development, such as the Rio Conference. My basic premise for global sustainability is a people-centred approach: sustainable development must consider the rights, needs and influence of everyone. Recently, I was in Nairobi - the most populated city in East Africa with 2.5 million inhabitants. For a single mother living in an informal settlement in the outskirts of Nairobi, sustainable development is about making her voice heard in the local community, having decent work, a good education for her children, improved infrastructure for water and sanitation and lit streets that will improve her security. One of my priorities on the Panel is how to utilize the great potential of young people to shape and promote sustainable development. It is imperative to take their perspectives and innovative ideas into account in order to vitalise political processes, business development and sustainable development in society. Young people must be encouraged to use their entrepreneurial talents, and this could be achieved by improving their access to relevant forms of education and to financial services. Sweden's work to support the development of sustainable cities in developing countries includes democracy support and measures to promote the participation of poor people and marginalised groups in the management of water resources and sanitation solutions. During my stay in Kenya, I visited Katwekera village in the Kibera slum. In 2005, Katwekera lacked basic water and sanitation services, with about 150 people sharing one latrine. What the villagers did was to democratically elect leaders, who then took part in a capacity-building programme to enable them to effectively participate in planning, implementing and managing water and sanitation projects. Today, not only has the sanitation situation improved, but so has access to renewable cheap energy, thanks to the village bio-centre with toilets that generate biogas. Katwekera village shows that sustainable development must start with the people. One of my priorities on the UN Panel is therefore democratic governance. Many developing countries have national plans for management of their water resources, but there is often a gap between plans and implementation. Open societies, citizens' participation in political processes, transparency and accountability lay the foundation for empowering young people, men and women to claim their rights and enable policy-makers to take informed decisions. Sweden can support developing countries in the transition towards a green economy thanks to our own experience of environmentally friendly technology and urban development. We aim to increase our programme of collaboration with the private sector to contribute to poverty reduction and improve the environmental impact. One example of a recently supported Swedish invention is a self-sanitising, biodegradable single-use bag for human waste called Peepoo, which is being sold by women with micro-enterprises in Kenya.

This example shows how we, in partnership with the private sector, can support transformation to a sustainable society, which is also a priority for me on the Panel on Global Sustainability. Innovation and investments are indispensable for creating sustainable development and new green jobs. It must be profitable for businesses, capital markets and individuals to make environmentally sound decisions that take social aspects into account. To conclude, I would like to stress that increased access to clean water supplies and sanitation is an important catalytic force for development in general. The costs of not acting far exceed the costs of well-functioning, sustainable water resource management. In light of this, it is of vital importance that efficient use of, and equitable access to, water and sanitation in urban areas figure prominently at the Rio Conference next year. Thank you. Speech Hotel Intercontinental, Nairobi, 11 July 2011 Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation Kenya's Constitutional Transition: Opportunities And Challenges Check against delivery

Honourable Minister Orengo, Excellencies, Distinguished Participants, It is with great pleasure that I open this conference on reform process in Kenya. Last time I visited Kenya was as head of a European Union Ministerial Troika in December 2009. During this year and a half, I am pleased to note significant progress on implementing reforms agreed upon in the National Accord. The successful referendum and the subsequent promulgation of a new Constitution almost a year ago represents a new beginning in Kenya. A clear responsibility has been given to the Government to implement broad reforms. I congratulate all of you who were part of this defining moment. A momentum has been created. Political leadership and commitment are important to sustain it. Fight against impunity and corruption are pivotal for the reform process. I have been encouraged by the vibrant and encouraging Kenyan public debate. Aspects of transparency and integrity have been raised. The debate has reminded many of the importance of constitutionalism and an active civil society. The first general election under the new Constitution is rapidly approaching. Crucial legislation is yet to be passed. As stated by His Excellency Kofi Annan, whose work Sweden firmly supports, expectations on the Constitution are justifiably high. It will be a challenge for the Government to meet - and to manage - those expectations. There is a need for thorough civic education on the new constitutional provisions, focusing on electoral reforms, human rights, gender equality and devolution. Sweden is supporting these endeavours in various ways. A few weeks ago, I had the opportunity to meet a delegation of Kenyan female senior politicians in Stockholm. We discussed the political situation and gender equality in Kenya. Yesterday at a dinner, we continued our discussions on how to promote women leaders. Gender equality is a fundamental aspect of Swedish development cooperation. As part of Sweden's efforts to promote democracy and human rights, our prioritized areas include strengthening political participation by women and counteracting traditional power structures. It also includes ensuring that all human beings, women, men and children alike, regardless of sexual orientation, are considered equal and enjoy the same access to political, economic and social rights. These are issues I am advocating as member of the United Nations' Panel on Global Sustainability. Ladies and Gentlemen, When visiting Kenya in 2009, I mentioned the advancement of democracy and human rights in Africa. Today, we have seen the urge for freedom, fuelled by decades of widespread corruption and economic hardship, resulting in the demise of some authoritarian regimes in North Africa. What implications this will have for the political landscape in Africa and beyond is, I believe, too soon to tell. Access to global information flows, social media, education and reduced poverty have fundamentally altered old power relations. What becomes clear is that democratic principles, such as transparency, accountability and non-discrimination, will continue to gain momentum throughout the world. Last week, I participated in the launch of Sweden's annual reports on the human rights situation in over 180 countries. It is part of Sweden's efforts to raise awareness of and promote human rights. All the reports are available online. In Kenya, extra-judicial killings are deeply worrying. Action is needed to hold responsible those who are guilty. The recent ruling by the High Court in Nakuru on death penalty represents great progress for Kenya. Establishing a culture of accountability throughout the public sector is necessary to restore trust. The African countries make up the largest regional block of State Parties to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Cooperation by states is crucial. Sweden is wholeheartedly dedicated to support its work. I would like to urge the Government of Kenya to fully cooperate with the ICC. That includes guaranteeing the safety of witnesses and their families. Ladies and Gentlemen, Since independence 48 years ago, Kenya and Sweden have excellent relations. It is encouraging to see the progress which has taken place during the past 10-15 years with regards to democracy, human rights and economic growth. Sweden's bilateral development cooperation in Kenya amounts to almost 5 billion Kenyan Shillings annually. Our main sectors are democratic governance and human rights, natural resources and environment, and urban development. Sweden's overarching goal in development cooperation is to contribute to poverty reduction and improved living conditions. Sweden has recently launched the so called "OpenAid", an initiative which gives the public full access to information about all of my government's international development cooperation. This initiative will improve transparency, promote ownership and hopefully help fight corruption in the development sector. Economic growth is an important factor in development. Under the Swedish Policy for Global Development, a number of tools have been established to deepen the relationship between development and the private sector. I am well aware that Kenya is a commercial and vibrant hub in Africa. More than 50 Swedish-related companies are established in Kenya. The trade volume between our two countries has grown by more than 42 percent over the past five years. The Swedish Trade Council here in Nairobi promotes Swedish companies in East, West and Central Africa. In addition, Swedfund, the Swedish Development Finance Institution, has recently established its first overseas office here. A Swedish framework for Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) has been developed in Kenya and is about to be launched on a global scale. Kenya's importance as a regional actor is significant not only commercially and politically, but also in the field of humanitarian relief. I am referring to the almost half a million refugees living in Kenya, as well as the current severe drought. Ladies and Gentlemen, Let me once again emphasise Sweden's long-term commitment to Kenya. Although many challenges remain until Kenya has fully reformed, I am pleased to note the progress that has been achieved. I also want to express my appreciation for this conference and the opportunities it provides for discussions on the way forward. We will nurture our deep and longstanding relationship with Kenya and continue supporting and encouraging the reform process in Kenya. On a concluding note I wish to use quote by the former Swedish Secretary General of the United Nations, Dag Hammarskjöld, which I find inspirational: "The pursuit of peace and progress cannot end in a few years in either victory or defeat. The pursuit of peace and progress, with its trials and its errors, its successes and its setbacks, can never be relaxed and never abandoned.". Thank you! Speech Birzeit University, Ramallah 21 June 2011 Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation Building a Palestinian State

Dear friends, Let me start by saying how glad I am to be back in Palestine, for the first time since my visit in 2007. I am particularly pleased to return to Birzeit University and to speak with you - the young population of Palestine. This spring we have witnessed an unforeseen change in the role of young people in politics, and community development, throughout the region. The clear message and loud voice of the Arab youth - calling for democracy, freedom, dignity and human rights - have indeed attracted the world's attention. I believe I am not the only one to find this development welcome and inspiring. A vibrant civil society, where people are free to express their aspirations and opinions, is a key element in any democratic state. In Palestine, the regional wave of social and political demands has turned into calls for political unity and a fresh start. At this crucial time in history, you - the young Palestinians - knew how to make your voices heard. The message you passed on is that when Palestinians work together, towards the same goal, you will manage to build the future you are dreaming of. I believe that every open and tolerant society has to build on the rule of law and respect for human rights. These are values that need to be protected and upheld by an accountable state, based on stable and transparent institutions. In this sense, I welcome the efforts and impressive progress made in the Palestinian state-building project. Sweden and the EU, as well as the World Bank and the IMF, have all acknowledged and commended this progress. Service delivery, particularly in health and education, compares favourably to other countries in the region as well as to other middle income countries. I share the positive assessment that Palestinian institutions now qualify above the threshold of a functioning state. This development is particularly important to me since Sweden, as one of Palestine's major partners, is focusing its development cooperation on the field of state-building. Our support amounts yearly to more than a 100 million US dollars. Continued institution-building and the existence of a political peace process, based on international law, have been the basic assumptions of our development cooperation. A peace process, aiming for a permanent solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the creation of a Palestinian state. Contributing towards building a state - respecting human rights, the rule of law, embracing freedom of expression and capable to meet the population's basic socio-economic needs - is a priority for us. We also support the important work carried out by organisations within civil society and we have a major humanitarian engagement, particularly through the work of UNRWA. Swedish contributions further aim to support an inclusive democracy, with the broad participation of women and young people. The Arab Spring has indeed showed the potential force of an inclusive democracy. Skilled in the use of social media, the young population in the region has introduced a new model of political mobilisation. Transcending physical distance and forced separation, it could well serve a purpose in a divided nation, such as Palestine. True democracy, however, cannot be built solely on participation through social media. It needs to be underpinned by meetings, assemblies and physical representation. Even a new state needs to be built with old tools. That is one of the reasons why Sweden and the EU have repeatedly called for the opening of the closed Palestinian institutions in East Jerusalem. The people in the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem have been forcibly separated for much too long. We need to contribute towards the creation of social and political arenas so that all Palestinians can meet, and exercise your democratic rights. It is obvious that progress in the state-building process needs to be paired with political efforts, leading to lasting and tangible results. To this end, Sweden and the EU continue to urge the parties to return to negotiations, aiming for a just and lasting solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We are eager to reach the stage where Israel and an independent, democratic and viable state of Palestine live side-by-side, in peace, security and mutual recognition. We firmly believe that the basis for negotiations should be the 1967 borders and the possibility to resolve the status of Jerusalem as the future capital of two states. We further encourage those who work for peace through dialogue and deeper contacts between the Israeli and Palestinian populations. If the efforts to restart peace negotiations fail and if the Israeli occupation continues, we will be forced to reassess the assumptions of our development assistance. In a rapidly changing political context, flexibility must always guide our development support. If we want to ensure that all Palestinians benefit from national development, we need to include those living in East Jerusalem and Area C. But how do we contribute to improved living conditions amid ongoing house demolitions and family evictions? How do we ensure their access to education, work and health care, when they are very much out of reach for the PA's state-building efforts? This is not only a humanitarian issue - a viable Palestinian state needs to cover all of the Palestinian territory, including Area C. Looking at the Palestinian landscape today, I worry about the regional differences that have grown from the physical separation and political division between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza. We want to assist in building a state that provides equal rights and possibilities for all, independently of where they live. Access to basic services needs to be harmonised between the West Bank and Gaza, but also to include East Jerusalem and Area C. In this field, civil society organisations continue to play a crucial role, reaching out to the populations where the PA's efforts cannot go. The tireless work as watchdogs, providers of social services and educators in the area of human rights is invaluable. Foreign assistance and civil society organisations, however, cannot replace the assigned role of an effective and well-functioning state. It is therefore worrying to see that Palestinian economic growth continues to largely build and depend on foreign assistance. The high unemployment rate, particularly among young people like yourselves, is a concern and a warning sign. The good reputation of your education system is enhanced by the importance you give to your studies. The young and educated population is without doubt one of the greatest advantages of the future Palestine. But even if higher education is valuable in itself, it must first and foremost be an asset that leads to employment. When you enter the labour market you will all contribute towards sustainable growth and reduced aid dependency. In this sense, we want to contribute to a vibrant private sector and a dynamic economic environment that is friendly to foreign investment. This is a difficult task since the Palestinian economy - largely due to Israeli restrictions on access and movement - does not react to economic measures in a traditional way. It is, however, my firm belief that the stable institutions and state structures, together with largely unexploited markets, have great potential for further development. Another area susceptible to growth is the tourism industry. Few cities in the world can offer a visit of such historical and religious importance as East Jerusalem, Bethlehem and Jericho. In this context, I am pleased to tell you that the improved security situation means that we no longer need to advise against tourism in the West Bank. The population in Gaza, however, has to a lesser extent been part of the recent progress. During my visit to Gaza yesterday, I was deeply saddened to see the ruins of private houses and the shattered remains of what used to be a healthy private sector. Alarming levels of unemployment, together with shortages of teachers, schools and study material are major challenges that urgently need to be addressed. The conflict's devastating effects on the natural and human environment are horrifying. The lack of drinking water and the severe deficiencies in the wastewater infrastructure pose a constant threat to the inhabitants of Gaza. We are well aware that the crucial question of fresh water supply also affects Palestinians living in the West Bank. As a traditional Swedish priority, we try to contribute towards a cleaner environment, fit for human habitation, and towards an adequate and appropriate water supply. It is clear to us that the situation in Gaza cannot be resolved as long as its isolation is maintained. That is why Sweden and the EU continue to call for an urgent and fundamental change of policy towards Gaza. We reiterate our call for an immediate, sustained and unconditional opening of crossings for the flow of humanitarian aid, commercial goods and persons to and from Gaza, including goods from the West Bank. We shall not forget that there are legitimate Israeli security concerns. They must be addressed, and rocket attacks from Gaza must stop. But the ongoing policy of closure of Gaza is unacceptable and politically counterproductive. There are challenges ahead for Palestine's new government. Keeping the unity and trying to align the structures in the West Bank and in Gaza will be demanding. Meeting the expectations and socio-economic demands of the population might be even more difficult, not only for the PA but for all governments concerned. Trying to restart the economic engine and create sustainable economic growth will be a major and difficult task as long as the Israeli restrictions remain. However, I do believe that the progress achieved by the PA in its state-building efforts, together with the reconciliation agreement, has provided a new and favourable context for the creation of a democratic Palestinian state. And I want to point out that Sweden's commitment to the Palestinians remains as strong as ever. The young and educated population, growing unexplored markets, and political will and confidence, are all reasons to believe that things will change for the better. You have, under difficult circumstances, successfully built the foundation for a functioning state. That is indeed an impressive achievement. Focusing on the future, I am looking forward to seeing free and fair elections in Palestine again. I hope they will include all the young and motivated persons who recently made their aspirations and voices heard. The coming elections will be an important event where the progress made in the state-building process needs to be consolidated and confirmed. We hope to contribute further to building a Palestinian state, and that this, together with credible and result-oriented peace negotiations, will lead us to our common goal: a two-state solution and the creation of a sovereign and democratic Palestinian state. Speech 30 May 2011 Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development Cooperation Speech by Gunilla Carlsson at SITE-conference on the challenges for Aid Effectiveness Check against delivery

It is with pleasure and enthusiasm that I stand before you today. The joint initiative by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and SITE to create an annual Development Day is important. As you know, I have made results, transparency and accountability the focus of my agenda for change in Swedish international development cooperation. Consequently, I welcome SITE's decision to make aid effectiveness the theme of today's conference. I am certain that it will stimulate an active involvement of international and Swedish researchers and practitioners in the discussion about tomorrow's aid. This conference is timely since international discussions on aid are more dynamic than ever before. Today, foreign aid is one of many sources of development finance. I noticed in the background brief for one of today's roundtable discussions that, already by 2007, only 17 per cent of the developed world's financial flows to the developing world was in the form of government aid. The other 83 per cent was comprised of private capital investment, remittances and other sources. This is, of course, fundamentally a good thing. It means that the time when foreign aid enjoyed a quasi monopoly as a source of external finance for developing countries is long gone. The financial globalization since the mid 1980's has translated as a surge in capital flows to developing countries, notably in foreign direct investments and portfolio flows. In addition, new actors and new donors, be they private, such as the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, or countries, such as China and India, are all contributing to a fundamental change in the landscape of international aid. Today's international aid architecture, however, does not reflect the new reality that I have just described. Arguably, both bilateral and multilateral agencies reflect how the challenges of the developing world were perceived by donors 20 or 30 years ago, and what was thought at the time to be the best way to contribute to development. Clearly, the ways in which we organise, prioritise and measure the outcome of development cooperation have to change and adapt to the world of the 21st century. If we cannot transparently and systematically report on how our aid budget is spent, and what is achieved in the form of results, the credibility of development cooperation itself will be undermined. Mutual accountability is only possible if transparency is our guiding star and results our foremost ambition. Consequently, results are, by definition, at the very heart of aid effectiveness. The aid effectiveness discussion is probably as old as development cooperation itself. But it has never been more relevant. Insisting on a results-oriented aid agenda is therefore an essential and very natural priority for the Swedish Government. Since I took office in October 2006 we have strengthened our focus on results with the aim of achieving more effective and higher quality development cooperation. Our ambition is to provide aid that makes a real difference in the global effort to combat poverty and oppression. Clear guidelines and structures for dealing with results can help our development partners, as well as our own staff, to keep the objectives of each aid contribution clearly in focus. I am proud to say that Sida, the Swedish Agency for International Development Cooperation, is now at the forefront of developing ways of measuring and following up results, as well as ensuring transparency and accountability.

A key issue is how we use results; we need to become better at learning from evaluations and audits, we need to improve our use of evidence-based research we need to constantly ask ourselves 'what works and what does not And we need to act upon that information. An important part of further developing results management is to draw on the experiences and conclusions of evaluations to a greater extent than previously. I am convinced that we as donors can do far better when it comes to putting the conclusions of evaluations into practice. We must at all costs avoid the situation where evaluation becomes a mere formality, something that must be done and ticked off at the end of a project. We need to sharpen our evaluation tools. My intention is to strengthen the link between SADEV - the Swedish Agency for Development Evaluation - and the implementing agencies in Swedish development cooperation to secure a high-quality evaluation of Swedish international development cooperation. There is international political momentum towards promoting a results focus in development cooperation. Sweden is actively participating in and contributing to the international discussions on results management. International cooperation on the topic is central in order to reach a common understanding of what results management implies for development cooperation. Focus on results is not just something that is demanded by the Swedish Government and Swedish tax payers but, even more importantly, by our partners in developing countries. They rightly demand concrete outcomes. They do not simply want reports of money disbursed. An important part of our development cooperation is therefore to develop and improve our partners' systems for managing results. This work is intimately linked to the need for continuous efforts to improve transparency. Providing clear and accessible information to all is not just an act of courtesy towards our taxpayers. Access to data concerning ongoing development projects enables the people we are working together with in our partner countries to ensure that both we as donors as well as their own officials and politicians can be held accountable. That is why I decided to introduce a transparency guarantee into Swedish development cooperation. With the launch on April 4 of the website www.openaid.se all documents and public information in this area are now successively made available online. Currently the site contains information on 90 000 aid contributions and 40 000 documents. Donor coordination is of fundamental importance if we are to improve aid efficiency. Donor fragmentation in collecting results information must be limited. We need to become better at coordinating the follow up of results with other donors and our partners and we need to establish common norms for how we define results. The 4th High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness to be held in Busan, South Korea, later this year will be a critical opportunity to establish a common understanding for the necessary mind-shift. Sweden is now working in the EU to promote such commitments on aid effectiveness, accountability and predictability. Measurement and evidence of what works and what does not work in development is one of our most powerful weapons in the battle against global poverty. At the same time, the focus on results has come under criticism. A myth is being propagated that the focus on results has gone too far and that the results agenda encourages a focus on quick, short-term wins. Some even refer sarcastically to 'obsessive measurement disorder'. But it would be more accurate to recognise that today's focus on results in countries such as Sweden and the UK is a reaction to what could with only a slight exaggeration be called 40 years of 'obsessive neglect of results' or 'obsessive aversion to evaluation'. No dear friends, the main challenge of development cooperation is clearly not that we have focused too much on using results information in the past. And why not be honest about the lack of clarity about how quite a lot of donor money has been used? Huge administrative overhead costs, complex and bureaucratic meetings, exorbitant consultancy fees and, unfortunately, at the time very little in terms of concrete results for people that we intended to assist. I for one associate to the proverbial elephant in the room that no-one wanted to acknowledge. For far too long hard questions about the actual outcomes and results of activities labelled with buzz-words such as 'technical assistance' and 'capacity building' were simply not asked. For any donor taking democracy building seriously, as I do, we cannot be satisfied with this lack of clarity. Consequently, we shouldn't be too surprised that not everybody is comfortable seeing the phrases 'development cooperation' and 'value for money' used in the same sentence. There is no denying that the so called development industrial complex, is a reality. In all honesty, I think we would all have found it somewhat surprising if some of those who have grown accustomed to administrating and earning a living from traditional development cooperation over the years would have embraced the results agenda whole-heartedly from day one. Having said that, I am perfectly well aware of the fact that an increased focus on results implies many challenges. There are many questions and issues that need to be better defined and discussed more thoroughly. However, difficulties to work with the results agenda cannot in itself be used as an excuse to not follow up and report on results. A solid and well structured approach to results and results reporting is a prerequisite for more effective aid contributions to poverty reduction. The fear of an insistence on results often arises from confusion over what 'results' are. An often cited concern is that aid bureaucracies pressed to produce 'results' will increasingly resort to supporting projects that offer easily measured 'wins' (bednets delivered, books distributed), while not giving enough priority to 'system' issues' and 'institution building'. Focusing on results must mean focusing on both quantitative and qualitative results. Nobody says that insisting on results and value for money in development cooperation should translate into avoiding working with difficult questions and/or working in difficult contexts. The Swedish Government has increasingly focused development cooperation on 'fragile and conflict states'. Yet these are, for obvious reasons, the hardest places of all to make aid work. Cleary, the results agenda does not mean that we shy away from working in difficult environments or with difficult thematic issues. Instead, it means that we constantly need to follow up on what we are doing and we also need to work actively with defining risk and making risk analysis. I hope that my remarks will contribute to an fruitful and informed debate today, in itself an important "result" of this conference. Thank you.