The Curious Case of Bodhisiri: Understanding Lay Patronage to Buddhism in the Early Historic Nagarjunakonda Valley

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The Curious Case of Bodhisiri: Understanding Lay Patronage to Buddhism in the Early Historic Nagarjunakonda Valley 1 1 The Curious Case of Bodhisiri: Understanding Lay Patronage To Buddhism In The Early Historic Nagarjunakonda Valley Tarun Kumar Abstract The Nagarjunakonda valley is nestled in the Nallamali hills and situated on the banks of river Krishna in Andhra Pradesh. Spreading over an area of 15 square kilometres, the valley was rich in archaeological remains ranging from the prehistoric times to medieval Periods. However, during the rule of Ikshvaku dynasty, the valley witnessed the proliferation of thirty one Buddhist complexes comprising of stupas, chaityas, viharas and mandapas belonging to different schools and sects. The present paper focuses on a non-royal donation by a woman named Bodhisiri and account for reasons as to how she managed to make lavish grants on a scale comparable to royal donations. The analysis would be done in the background of exclusive association of royal women in the sustenance of Buddhist monasteries, especially with regard to the cohesive and organised manner in which they exercised authority and establish distinct identity in the public space. The Nagarjunakonda1 valley is situated on the banks of river Krishna in the Macherla Mandalam of Guntur district in Andhra Pradesh. Surrounded by the offshoots of the Nallamalai hills on three sides, the sites were spread over an area of 15 square kilometres. The valley was rich in archaeological remains ranging from the prehistoric times to medieval Periods. During the early historic phase, the valley was known as Vijayapuri2, the capital of the Ikshvaku dynasty which ruled in this part of the Deccan during the 3rd and 4th centuries CE. The present paper focuses on the role of a non-royal woman named Bodhisiri who used the honorific suffix in her name and made grants no lavish than those made by the Ikshvaku Note- Research Paper Received in January 2017 and Reviewed in January 2017 Assistant Professor, SGBT Khalsa College, Delhi University, Delhi Volume VI, Number 21, January-March 2017, ISSN 2277-4157 2 Tarun Kumar royalty ruling in the valley. The economic dynamism of the times perhaps allowed her family to make financial fortunes. This factor, along with the connections that her family established with the royalty, propelled her to the status of non-royal elite. The study becomes2 interesting in the light of Ikshvaku royal women being significantly associated with patronage to Buddhism in the valley. Nagarjunakonda was discovered by A.R. Saraswati in 1926. A.H. Longhurst commenced exploration and excavation in the valley in the very same year. He prepared a report which carries the description and analysis related to ruined monasteries, apsidal temples, stupas, inscriptions, coins, relics, pottery, statues and over four hundred magnificent bas-reliefs. The second phase of work on the site comprised of a series of seasons of excavation commencing in 1938 under the supervision of T.N. Ramchandran. The report appeared in 1953 and documented Hindu temples as well. A massive excavation project was undertaken in 1954. Two volumes of report were prepared. The first volume (1975) prepared by R. Subrahmanyam and others dealt with prehistoric and megalithic remains, while the second volume (2006) edited by K.V. Soundararajan comprises of early historic remains. The antiquity of Buddhism in the valley can be traced back to pre-Ikshvaku times. An inscription of Gautamiputra Vijaya Satkarni dated to the 6th regnal year of his reign and written on limestone in Prakrit records the gift of a pillar on the Vaisakha purnima day in the fourth paksha of summer (grishma).3 The gift was probably meant for raising the Buddhist mandapa (hall). This is because the invocation of the inscription reads [Na]mo bhagavato Agapogalasa which literally means ‘adoration to the Lord, the best among men’. This epithet was frequently used in other inscriptions also and referred to the Buddha only. The patronage by Satavahanas in the valley is further confirmed by findings of fifty four copper coins issued by different kings of the dynasty. During the rule of Ikshvaku dynasty, the valley witnessed mushrooming of thirty one Buddhist stupa/monastery complexes belonging to different schools and sects.4 Except along the bank of river Krishna, these establishments were found throughout the region and revealed various combinations and arrangements of the stupas, chaityas, viharas and mandapas. The mahachaitya or the main stupa was modelled on the pattern of a wheel. This was a defining feature of the Andhra stupas. The monument comprised of four ayaka platforms in the four cardinal directions with each side supporting 5 marble ayaka pillars inscribed with records of donation exclusively by royal women.5 A total of sixteen such inscriptions mentioning 7 royal women have been found. However, Chamtisiri’s name comes out most prominently in the records. She was sister of the founder of Ikshvaku dynasty named Vasisthiputra Shri Chamtamula. Upinder Singh identifies “tones of authority” in the inscriptions of Chamtisiri and suggests considerable exercise of power by royal women. She also cites at least five stupa-monastery complexes that received royal patronage dominated by women. Patronage at such a lavish scale that involves considerable decision making as part Central India Journal of Historical And Archaeological Research, CIJHAR The Curious Case of Bodhisiri: Understanding Lay Patronage..... 3 of state policy towards Buddhism and financial implications associated with gift- giving, shows the level of power and authority women must have enjoyed.6 A monastic unit called Chula Dhammagiri was located on a hillock designated as Site 43. The complex comprised of a stupa, an apsidal temple and a four-winged vihara. The most significant feature of the monastery was the finding of an inscription7 on the stone floors of the temple. This record registers a list of pious donations made by a non-royal woman and a lay worshipper (upasika) named Bodhisiri in the 14th regnal year of the reign of Siri Virapurisadata. She dedicated the chaitya and the pillared hall to the acaryas from a place called Tambapamna (Sri Lanka). Through their teachings, these senior monks are mentioned to have gladdened (pasadaka) the lands of Kasmira (Kashmir Valley), Gamdhara (Rawalpindi Peshawar area), Cina (China), Cilata (Kiratas), Tosali (part of Orissa), Avaramta (perhaps a reference to Aparanta in Western India), Vanga (Bengal), Vanavasi (region of Banavasa in Karnataka), Yavana (?), Damila (?), Palura (?), and the island of Tambapamni.8 This shows that these were high profile monks who engaged in proselytizing missions for popularising Buddhism far and wide. The inscription indicates that her works of piety also include variety of gifts to viharas in the region. Bodhisiri was not the only member in her family to carry the honorific suffix ‘siri’ in the name. The names of her daughters-in-law are Bhadasiri and Misi. The latter is interpreted by Vogel as the Prakrit equivalent of Sanskrit name Misri. Out of a total of 29 relatives of Bodhisiri mentioned in the inscription, the three with the ‘siri’ suffix needs to be analysed and explained. The father-in-law of Bodhisiri was a gahapati named Revata who lived at Govagama. Her father was a merchant (vaniya) whereas one of her relative was a kosthagarika (treasurer). The gahapatis were the wealthy sections of the society who had an economic base in agriculture. They utilised their profit for re-investment in commercial activities. Therefore, a close association between the gahapati and the vaniya reinforced the financial position of each other and contributed to their prosperity and affluence. The early centuries of the Christian era in the Krishna-Godavari region is characterised by an evolving and specialised economy shaped considerably by commercial or artisanal activities rather than restricted to traditional self-sufficient agricultural practices. A dynamic and vibrant economy results in the intensification of money circulation in the region. A Nagarjunakonda inscription mentions four sreni units situated in the Ikshvaku capital under the control of the nigama. This reflects the growing clout of the commercial elites. Bodhisiri probably belonged to a similar, highly influential family who were not restricted to matter of finances but extended their sway over urban administration as well, especially those related to trade and commerce. The social prestige of the family was further enhanced by the royal connection established by her uncle named Bhada (a treasurer) who worked in the financial administration of the Ikshvakus. The range of donations made by Bodhisiri was perhaps an attempt to assert the enhanced financial, social and political positions that her family acquired. It is Volume VI, Number 21, January-March 2017, ISSN 2277-4157 4 Tarun Kumar interesting to note that the three relatives in question were related to finance. Probably, other rich gahapatis and vaniya also lived in the valley. Yet, they could not assert themselves as distinctively (no other such inscriptions have been found) as the family of Bodhisiri. This shows that the treasurer (kosthagarika) was crucial person in the family in enhancing the social prestige and in increasing the financial fortunes of the family. He could have resorted to favouritism in matters related to taxation or duties on goods. Inscriptional analysis reveals that there was perhaps a royal restriction on the usage of ‘siri’ as prefix or suffix in names. However, Bodhisiri utilised her family links and influence in acquiring such
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