Hillquit: Dictatorship and the International [May 1920] 1

Dictatorship and the International. by Morris Hillquit

Speech to the New York Convention of the Socialist Party of America, May 8-14, 1920. Published in The Socialist World [Chicago], v. 1, no. 2 (Aug. 15, 1920), pp. 1-4.

Comrades, I believe that in taking up this prob- the so-called Second International, is no doubt still lem we have reached probably the most important part numerically the strongest. It includes the Majority of our deliberations. At this time there is no more Socialist Party of Germany, with its large following, important task for the Socialists of the world than to and at least for the time being, the Labor Party of Great find a proper basis of international organization. Britain, with its millions of members. It includes the Unfortunately, we are not authoritatively in- Social Democratic Party of Austria and the Socialist formed about conditions of the Socialist movement Parties of Czecho-Slovakia, Poland, Finland, Belgium, in Europe. During the war and for a considerable time Holland, Sweden, and a number of smaller countries. after it, our country was so tightly shut up from The Third International, so- the rest of the world that we had little if any called, that is the Moscow Inter- information on the subject of the Socialist national, represents, as we have movement abroad. At this time informa- characterized it in our report, tion is beginning to reach us in more or a nucleus but no more than less fragmentary form from time to time. that of a new International. We still don not know all of the facts. Fur- It was organized originally thermore, the conditions abroad are so un- by the Communist Party stable that what may hold true for today of Russia, with the coop- may not be true the next day. eration of similar parties in From the best source of information some former territories of obtainable the situation seems to be this: Russia that have since gained In the first place the old International their independence, a few is disrupted. The old International of So- small Communist Parties cialism was an organization composed of in neighboring countries, practically all Socialist organizations of any while some representa- standing throughout the world. I think it was tives of foreign countries the most compact, and most organically attended the Congress connected international organization in without authority from the world. The Socialist Parties, even of their organizations. contending and conflicting tendencies in the different Since that time several Socialist Parties of west- countries, all belonged to the same International. ern Europe and then our party have declared their in- With the outbreak of the war and the acute dif- tention to affiliate with the Third International. The ferences arising on the question of the proper Socialist former include the Socialist Parties of Norway, Swit- attitude towards it, the International was split wide zerland, and Italy. open, and this is the present situation. As far as I know these parties have so far had no Of whatever remains of the old International, opportunity to participate in any of its deliberations. 1 2 Hillquit: Dictatorship and the International [May 1920]

We are in the same position. as well as on the outside, that we draw a clear and After our action on the subject, however, several distinct line between our relations to Soviet Russia and events have occurred which are of great importance as our relations to the Third or Moscow International. bearing on the condition of the Socialist International. We have always supported the Soviet Govern- In the first place the Independent Socialist Party ment of Russia. We support it today. Our sympathies of Germany has adopted a resolution to the effect that are absolutely with it. I hope they will always remain it would initiate a movement to bring together all So- so. Because no matter whether that government styles cialists that had remained true on Socialism during itself aptly or inaptly, it is the government of the work- the war and after the war in one International, with ing class of Russia. It is a government which strives to the further proviso that if such union cannot be abolish every remnant of capitalism and for that rea- brought about in conjunction with the parties of other son is being persecuted by every imperialistic and re- countries, the Independent Socialists of Germany actionary power on the face of the globe. The reasons would join the Third International anyhow. The lead- that impel our government in Washington, the gov- ers of the German Independents made it clear, how- ernments of Great Britain and of France to make war ever, that they meant a union not on the basis of the upon Russia, are exactly the same reasons that impel program of the Third International adopted in Mos- us, as Socialists, as working class representatives, to cow, but upon a common program, acceptable to all support Soviet Russia in all of its struggles. parties, including the Independent Socialists of Ger- But that does not mean, Comrades, that we ab- many, the Socialist Party of France under the leader- dicate our own reason, forget the circumstances sur- ship of Longuet, and others. The Independent Labour rounding us, and blindly accept every formula, every Party of England has recently taken a somewhat simi- dogma coming from Soviet Russia as holy, as a Papal lar stand. The Labour Party, which is the larger orga- decree. By no means. It also does not mean that be- nization of the trade union (sic.), still stands by the cause we support the struggles of the working class in Second International, with every indication, however, Russia, we accept for this country or for any other that they likewise may sever their relations with it in country the special institutions and forms into which the near future. these struggles have been moulded by the historical That is the physical line up. Now, as to the moral conditions of Russia. side. After we had declared our intentions to join the The Second International is the International of Third or Moscow International, a manifesto was pub- that wing of Socialism which we have come to style lished, signed by the President of the Executive Com- “social patriotic,” composed of those who had uncon- mittee, dated Sept. 1st, 1919. The Manifesto deals with ditionally supported the government during the war the relation of the International to national socialist and who after the war in a majority of cases are coop- organizations, and among other things states that in erating with the middle classes in the government, ei- France, America, England, and Germany the revolu- ther as in Germany, where the Cabinet consists of So- tionary elements are adhering to the Communist move- cialists and non-Socialists, or as in Sweden, where the ment often by cooperating with the anarcho-syndical- Cabinet is purely Socialist — under a somewhat “bour- ist groups, and the groups that now and then simply geois” King. call themselves anarchistic. The Executive Committee So far as the third group is concerned, the of the Communist Party welcomes this most heartily; unaffiliated group comprising the Socialist Party of and another reference is to our own IWW, which is France under Longuet’s leadership, the Independent supposed to lead the movement or the fight for soviets Labour Party of England, and the Independent So- in the United States. It then proclaims that “the uni- cialists of Germany, they come, I should say, as close versal unifying program is at the present moment the to the position of our own Party in this country as any recognition of the struggle for the dictatorship of the Socialist parties abroad. proletariat in the form of soviet power”; that “history And now, comrades, it is very important for the has drawn the line between the revolutionary prole- understanding of our position by our own comrades tariat and the opportunist and between the Commu- Hillquit: Dictatorship and the International [May 1920] 3 nist and the Socialist traitors of every brand”; Kautsky Lenin is not a dictator and Trotsky is not a dictator. in Germany, Longuet in France, the Independent La- They have been elected to their positions, they have bour Party as a whole, and your humble servant in no proclaimed themselves in power. They can be re- America are mentioned as such traitors “because they called tomorrow. They can be recalled by the Execu- do not wish to lead the struggle for the soviet power of tive Committee of the All Russian Soviet; they can be the proletariat.” recalled by the All Russian Soviet; they can be recalled Now, comrades, with all my cordial sympathy in numerous other ways. There is not an institution or for the Russian Soviet Government, I say, if I consid- official in Russia that is not subject to recall, or depen- ered this document authentic, final, and authoritative, dent upon popular support. Why call it a dictator- I could, speaking for myself, see no possible way to ship? It is not a dictatorship. It is a somewhat limited honestly remain in a party which accepts this as a uni- democracy. It is a democracy which excludes from its versal program. I will say, however, I do not attach as ranks nonproducing classes, just as the democracy in much importance to this document as its authors may the United States at one time excluded non-proper- think it is entitled to. I know how such documents are tied classes. Whether such limitation upon the suf- drafted. I believe that the cooler heads in the Moscow frage is necessary or not in Russia, I am not going to International would repudiate it if it came to a ques- pass upon, because I don’t know. But it is not a dicta- tion of actual application. At least I am inclined to torship. Nor is it a rule of the proletariat; the term think so. I have no authority for any such statement. “proletariat” has a definite meaning. It means an in- Now, why do I think we could not stand on this dustrial worker who does not own his instruments of platform and adopt the formula of the dictatorship of production. The rule of Russia is the rule of the work- the proletariat in the form of Soviet power. Because as ers and peasants, with the peasants in the overwhelm- a concrete proposition the statement is not only mean- ing majority. ingless but misleading, and as applied to conditions Now, Comrades, I don’t care what the exact and here, it would be anti-socialist and anti-revolutionary. technical form of Soviet Government is. It is a govern- The phrase “Dictatorship of the Proletariat” was ment of the working people of Russia, and these are first coined by Karl Marx in 1875, when he wrote a always entitled to the support of our party and every letter in criticism of the Gotha Program. Speaking of true revolutionary organization so long as they con- the period of “transformation,” he asserted that the tinue fighting the powers of world capitalism. state during that period “could be nothing else than But we are talking about forms of struggle that the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.” Later we are to apply to our own movement, and there is no Engels referred to the Paris Commune as a practical reason in the world why we, in the United States, example of such “dictatorship.” should take it upon ourselves to adopt the ideal of the Now, what was the Paris Commune? The Paris “Dictatorship of the Proletariat.” Comrade, when we Commune was a body elected on the principle of uni- do that, and when it is made a condition of our versal suffrage, a parliament of Paris, which did not affiliation that we recognize the Dictatorship of the exclude any class from voting and consisted of Social- Proletariat, we must also adopt their definition of the ists of all shades and even non-socialists. term, and what is that definition? The dictatorship of What Marx and Engels evidently considered as the Proletariat implies the disarming, the disfranchis- Dictatorship of the Proletariat was evidently the po- ing, and the outlawing of the bourgeoisie. In coun- litical, even parliamentary majority rule of the prole- tries of democratic and parliamentary traditions the tariat, and I will say in all kindness to our comrades in Socialist movement cannot consistently employ or Russia that they do not have a dictatorship of the pro- advocate such methods, because if we do, we practi- letariat. It does not make it any less dear to me. But cally say to the parties of the bourgeoisie, to our Demo- when we speak of dictatorship we can mean only one crats and Republicans: “Gentlemen, we want to take thing, an irresponsible rule of an irresponsible ruler; advantage of the ballot box in order to get into your otherwise it is not a dictatorship. parliaments, we want to get into power somehow, but Russia has a perfectly responsible government. when we are in power we will disarm you and disfran- 4 Hillquit: Dictatorship and the International [May 1920] chise you and outlaw you, as a necessary measure for in the Socialist movement at this time. Its formulas the transition to Socialism,” and the logical reply would may be wrong, but with all that, the Moscow organi- be: “All right, gentlemen, but today we are already in zation affords undoubtedly the best field for rebuild- possession of the public powers which you seek to con- ing the Socialist International, provided it will not re- quer, and consequently we will disarm you and dis- main an international of eastern or Asiatic Socialism, franchise you and outlaw you as a measure of self-pres- but will open its doors to all revolutionary organiza- ervation.” tions of Socialism and provided it will adhere to the It is one thing or the other, comrades. Either a rules which have always guided the Socialist Interna- fight by physical weapons, a reversion to the old tionals, the First as well as the Second, the rule of self- method of street barricades, or it is a political fight determination in matters of policy and methods of with the weapons and methods of political democ- struggle, so long as no vital principle of Socialist pro- racy. gram and Socialist philosophy is violated. If we accept the Dictatorship of the Proletariat And such a general organization, including the in the sense of destroying, disarming, and disfranchis- Third International, will never be brought about so ing our opponents, then we have no kick coming if long as the Independent Labour Party of England, the the ruling classes use against us the methods that we Socialist Party of France, and the Independent Social- say we will use against them. ists of Germany stand outside. Just as much as it is The Socialist Party has never advocated such impossible, in my mind, to create a live new Interna- methods. Marxian Socialism has never stood for it. tional without Russia, just as much is it impossible to We cannot consistently stand for it, and for this rea- create such an International without Germany, France, son I say that as far as we Socialists of America are and England. concerned, we cannot join the Third International if Hence the suggestion of your Committee, that the recognition of this so-called dictatorship is made we work towards the creation of a larger International an absolute condition of our joining. on the basis of the Third, and that instructions be given Now, why do we insist upon remaining in the our Executive Committee and our elected officials to Third International at all? Because we realize that the cooperate with other parties in that direction. Third International represents after all the best spirit

Edited by Tim Davenport. Published by 1000 Flowers Publishing, Corvallis, OR, 2005. • Free reproduction permitted.

http://www.marxists.org/subject/usa/eam/index.html