Supreme Court Appointment Process: Senate Debate and Confirmation Vote
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Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017). -
The Warren Court and the Pursuit of Justice, 50 Wash
Washington and Lee Law Review Volume 50 | Issue 1 Article 4 Winter 1-1-1993 The aW rren Court And The Pursuit Of Justice Morton J. Horwitz Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Morton J. Horwitz, The Warren Court And The Pursuit Of Justice, 50 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 5 (1993), https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr/vol50/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington and Lee Law Review at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington and Lee Law Review by an authorized editor of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE WARREN COURT AND THE PURSUIT OF JUSTICE MORTON J. HoRwiTz* From 1953, when Earl Warren became Chief Justice, to 1969, when Earl Warren stepped down as Chief Justice, a constitutional revolution occurred. Constitutional revolutions are rare in American history. Indeed, the only constitutional revolution prior to the Warren Court was the New Deal Revolution of 1937, which fundamentally altered the relationship between the federal government and the states and between the government and the economy. Prior to 1937, there had been great continuity in American constitutional history. The first sharp break occurred in 1937 with the New Deal Court. The second sharp break took place between 1953 and 1969 with the Warren Court. Whether we will experience a comparable turn after 1969 remains to be seen. -
Impeachment As Judicial Selection?
William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal Volume 18 (2009-2010) Issue 3 Article 3 March 2010 Impeachment as Judicial Selection? Tuan Samahon Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj Part of the Courts Commons, and the Judges Commons Repository Citation Tuan Samahon, Impeachment as Judicial Selection?, 18 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 595 (2010), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj/vol18/iss3/3 Copyright c 2010 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj IMPEACHMENT AS JUDICIAL SELECTION? Tuan Samahon* Ideological judicial selection encompasses more than the affirmative nominating, confirming, and appointing of judges who pre-commit to particular legal interpretations and constructions of constitutional text. It may also include deselection by way of im- peachment and removal (or at least its threat) of judges subscribing to interpretations and constructions of the Constitution that one disapproves. This negative tactic may be particularly effective when deployed against judges on closely divided collegial courts, such as the U.S. Supreme Court and the U.S. courts of appeals, where per- sonnel determine voting majorities and, in turn, majorities determine case outcomes. The Pickering-Chase, Fortas-Douglas, and Christian Coalition impeachments and threats of impeachment illustrate that the use or threat of this tactic is more common than might be supposed. Indeed, recent calls for the removal of Circuit Judge Jay Bybee demonstrate the continuing allure of impeachment as judicial selection. This Article examines the phenomenon of impeachment as judicial selection through Professors Tushnet’s and Balkin’s framework of “constitutional hardball.” In the case of impeachment as judicial selection, Congress plays constitutional hardball by claiming that it is an appropriate tool for political control and a fraternal twin to the modern appointments process. -
Rethinking Judicial Minimalism: Abortion Politics, Party Polarization, and the Consequences of Returning the Constitution to Elected Government Neal Devins
Vanderbilt Law Review Volume 69 | Issue 4 Article 3 5-2016 Rethinking Judicial Minimalism: Abortion Politics, Party Polarization, and the Consequences of Returning the Constitution to Elected Government Neal Devins Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr Part of the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation Neal Devins, Rethinking Judicial Minimalism: Abortion Politics, Party Polarization, and the Consequences of Returning the Constitution to Elected Government, 69 Vanderbilt Law Review 935 (2019) Available at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol69/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rethinking Judicial Minimalism: Abortion Politics, Party Polarization, and the Consequences of Returning the Constitution to Elected Government Neal Devins* IN TROD U CTION ............................................................................... 935 I. MINIMALISM THEORY AND ABORTION ................................. 939 II. WHAT ABORTION POLITICS TELLS US ABOUT JUDICIAL M INIMALISM ........................................................ 946 A . R oe v. W ade ............................................................. 947 B . From Roe to Casey ................................................... 953 C. Casey and Beyond .................................................. -
The Supreme Court of the United States
The Supreme Court of the United States Hearings and Reports on the Successful and Unsuccessful Nominations Now Includes the Kavanaugh and Preliminary Barrett Volumes! This online set contains all existing Senate documents for 1916 to date, as a result of the hearings and subsequent hearings on Supreme Court nominations� Included in the volumes are hearings never before made public! The series began with three volumes devoted to the controversial confirmation of Louis Brandeis, the first nominee subject to public hearings. The most recent complete volumes cover Justice Kavanaugh. After two years, the Judiciary Committee had finally released Kavanaugh’s nomination hearings, so we’ve been able to complete the online volumes� The material generated by Kavanaugh’s nomination was so voluminous that it takes up 8 volumes� The definitive documentary history of the nominations and confirmation process, this ongoing series covers both successful and unsuccessful nominations� As a measure of its importance, it is now consulted by staff of the Senate Judiciary Committee as nominees are considered� Check your holdings and complete your print set! Volume 27 (1 volume) 2021 Amy Coney Barrett �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������Online Only Volume 26 (8 volumes) - 2021 Brett Kavanaugh ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������Online Only Volume 25 (2 books) - 2018 Neil M� Gorsuch ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������$380�00 -
Supreme Court Justices
The Supreme Court Justices Supreme Court Justices *asterick denotes chief justice John Jay* (1789-95) Robert C. Grier (1846-70) John Rutledge* (1790-91; 1795) Benjamin R. Curtis (1851-57) William Cushing (1790-1810) John A. Campbell (1853-61) James Wilson (1789-98) Nathan Clifford (1858-81) John Blair, Jr. (1790-96) Noah Haynes Swayne (1862-81) James Iredell (1790-99) Samuel F. Miller (1862-90) Thomas Johnson (1792-93) David Davis (1862-77) William Paterson (1793-1806) Stephen J. Field (1863-97) Samuel Chase (1796-1811) Salmon P. Chase* (1864-73) Olliver Ellsworth* (1796-1800) William Strong (1870-80) ___________________ ___________________ Bushrod Washington (1799-1829) Joseph P. Bradley (1870-92) Alfred Moore (1800-1804) Ward Hunt (1873-82) John Marshall* (1801-35) Morrison R. Waite* (1874-88) William Johnson (1804-34) John M. Harlan (1877-1911) Henry B. Livingston (1807-23) William B. Woods (1881-87) Thomas Todd (1807-26) Stanley Matthews (1881-89) Gabriel Duvall (1811-35) Horace Gray (1882-1902) Joseph Story (1812-45) Samuel Blatchford (1882-93) Smith Thompson (1823-43) Lucius Q.C. Lamar (1883-93) Robert Trimble (1826-28) Melville W. Fuller* (1888-1910) ___________________ ___________________ John McLean (1830-61) David J. Brewer (1890-1910) Henry Baldwin (1830-44) Henry B. Brown (1891-1906) James Moore Wayne (1835-67) George Shiras, Jr. (1892-1903) Roger B. Taney* (1836-64) Howell E. Jackson (1893-95) Philip P. Barbour (1836-41) Edward D. White* (1894-1921) John Catron (1837-65) Rufus W. Peckham (1896-1909) John McKinley (1838-52) Joseph McKenna (1898-1925) Peter Vivian Daniel (1842-60) Oliver W. -
Samuel Alito: Populist William Araiza Brooklyn Law School, [email protected]
Brooklyn Law School BrooklynWorks Faculty Scholarship 2017 Samuel Alito: Populist William Araiza Brooklyn Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/faculty Part of the Law and Politics Commons, and the Other Law Commons Recommended Citation 103 Cornell Law Review Online 101 (2017) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by BrooklynWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of BrooklynWorks. ESSAY SAMUEL ALITO: POPULIST William D. Araiza† I. EVALUATIONS OF JUSTICE ALITO ............................ 103 II. THE EVIDENCE ..................................................... 107 A. Brown v. Entertainment Merchants ............... 107 B. Caetano v. Massachusetts ............................ 111 C. Snyder v. Phelps ........................................... 113 D. Fisher v. University of Texas ......................... 116 E. Ricci v. DeStefano ......................................... 118 III. EVALUATING THE OPINIONS .................................... 120 A. Differences, Similarities, and Caveats .......... 120 B. Justice Alito’s Rhetorical Style ..................... 123 IV. SAMUEL ALITO: POPULIST ...................................... 130 In 2015, the tenth anniversary of Justice Samuel Alito’s ascension to the Court passed without the level of attention lavished on the same milestone reached that year by Chief Justice John Roberts.1 The difference in attention is understandable: the Chief Justiceship has given John Roberts † Professor of Law, Brooklyn Law School. Thanks to participants at the Loyola University Chicago Law School’s Constitutional Law Colloquium, and in particular Eric Berger and Corinna Lain, for helpful comments on an earlier version of this Essay. Thanks also to Mark Potkewitz for fine research assistance. 1 See, e.g., Symposium, Ten Years as the Chief: Examining a Decade of John Roberts on the Supreme Court, 38 CARDOZO L. -
THE SUPREME COURT HISTORICAL Sociely Announcement of Chief Justice Burger's Retirement Takes Nation by Surprise
THE SUPREME COURT HISTORICAL SOCIElY VOLUME VII NUMBER 4 Announcement of Chief Justice Burger's Retirement Takes Nation By Surprise; President Reagan Nominates Justice Rehnquist to Fill Center Chair Associate Justice William H. Rehnquist Chief Justice Warren E. Burger After fourteen years on the Supreme Court as Associate Jus On Thesday, June 17, 1986, President Ronald Reagan took tice, William H. Rehnquist was nominated by President Rea the nation by surprise, calling a 2:00 PM press conference to gan to be the Chief Justice of the high bench upon the retire announce several pending changes on the Supreme Court ment of Chief Justice Burger. bench. Chief Justice Warren Burger would be resigning said the Born October 1, 1924 in Milwaukee, Wisconsin to William President. Associate Justice William H. Rehnquist would be and Margery Rehnquist, the future Justice served in the U.S. nominated to replace his colleague, Chief Justice Burger, in the Army Air Corps from 1943 to 1946 during World War II. Mr. Court's center chair. And, Judge Antonin Scalia of the U.S. Rehnquist was discharged with the rank of sergeant and at- Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit would be - continued on page three - continued on page twelve Judge Antonin Scalia Nominated to Succeed Associate Justice Rehnquist Society Adds to Its Portrait Collection Culminating a quarter century-long legal career which in The Society has recently added two new portraits of former cluded six years in private practice with a large Ohio firm, gov Justices to its collection for display in the Supreme Court ernment service during two presidents' administrations, ten Building. -
Why a Federal Wealth Tax Is Constitutional
WHY A FEDERAL WEALTH TAX IS CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUE BRIEF BY ARI GLOGOWER, DAVID GAMAGE, AND KITTY RICHARDS FEBRUARY 2021 INTRODUCTION The 2020 Democratic presidential primaries brought national attention to a new direction for the tax system: a federal wealth tax for the wealthiest taxpayers. During their campaigns, Senators Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) and Bernie Sanders (I-VT) both introduced proposals to tax the wealth of multimillionaires and billionaires, and to use the revenue for public investments, including in health care and education. These reforms generated broad public support—even among many Republicans1—and broadened the conversation over the future of progressive tax reform. A well-designed, high-end wealth tax can level the playing field in an unequal society and promote shared economic prosperity. Critics have argued, however, that a wealth tax would be unconstitutional because of the Constitution’s apportionment rule, which requires certain taxes to be apportioned among the states according to their populations. These critics advance maximalist interpretations of the apportionment rule and reconstruct the rule as a significant limit on Congress’s constitutional taxing power. In response to these objections, this brief explains why these critics misinterpret the role of the apportionment rule, and why the Constitution grants Congress broad taxing powers that allow for a wealth tax, whether it is apportioned or not. The maximalist interpretations misapprehend the role of apportionment in the constitutional structure, and improperly elevate a peripheral rule into a major barrier to tax reform. This brief explains why constitutional history and Supreme Court precedents instead support a measured interpretation of the apportionment rule. -
Supreme Court Riddle: Who Voted to Hear the Sports- Betting Case?
Supreme Court Riddle: Who Voted To Hear The Sports- Betting Case? 22ND FEB 2018 | WRITTEN BY: TONY BATT The mystery surrounding the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to hear New Jersey’s appeal of a federal sports-betting ban is almost as intriguing as how the court will rule on the case later this year. Out of 10,000 petitions for certiorari every year, the Supreme Court agrees to hear about 80 appeals, or less than 1 percent, according to the website FindLaw. For an appeal to overcome these astronomical odds, four justices must vote to hear the case. The votes are revealed in a private conference of the nine members of the Supreme Court. The least senior justice begins the voting process which continues according to seniority until the most senior justice’s vote is recorded. The votes are included in notes taken by the least senior justice who gives them to the clerk of the Supreme Court after the conference. New Jersey failed to gain four votes when the Supreme Court denied the state’s first sports-betting appeal on June 23, 2014. But three years and four days later, the Supreme Court announced it would hear New Jersey’s second sports-betting appeal and a ruling is expected before the end of June. The only justice who did not participate in the 2014 vote is Neil Gorsuch, who succeeded the deceased Antonin Scalia last year. Gorsuch seems to be at the top of the list of justices who might have voted to hear New Jersey’s appeal. -
Symmetric Constitutionalism: an Essay on Masterpiece Cakeshop and the Post-Kennedy Supreme Court
University of California, Hastings College of the Law UC Hastings Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship 2019 Symmetric Constitutionalism: An Essay on Masterpiece Cakeshop and the Post-Kennedy Supreme Court Zachary S. Price UC Hastings College of the Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship Recommended Citation Zachary S. Price, Symmetric Constitutionalism: An Essay on Masterpiece Cakeshop and the Post- Kennedy Supreme Court, 70 Hastings L.J. 1273 (2019). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship/1736 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 70.5-PRICE (DO NOT DELETE) 5/27/2019 9:48 AM Symmetric Constitutionalism: An Essay on Masterpiece Cakeshop and the Post- Kennedy Supreme Court † ZACHARY S. PRICE Following Justice Kennedy’s retirement and the bitter fight over Justice Kavanaugh’s confirmation, increasingly polarized views about constitutional law in general, and specific constitutional cases in particular, threaten to undermine courts’ legitimacy, degrade their institutional capacity, and weaken public support for important civil liberties. To help mitigate these risks, this Essay proposes that judges subscribe to an ethos of “symmetric constitutionalism.” Within the limits of controlling considerations of text, structure, history, precedent, and practice, courts in our polarized era should lean towards outcomes, doctrines, and rationales that confer valuable protections across both sides of the nation’s major political divides, and away from those that frame constitutional law as a matter of zero-sum competition between competing partisan visions. -
House Floor Speech Impeach Justice Douglas, April 15, 1970” of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box D29, folder “House Floor Speech Impeach Justice Douglas, April 15, 1970” of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box D29 of The Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library CONGRESSMAN NEWS GERALD R. FORD HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER RELEASE ,·.I~fiC.~'' HOLD FOR RELEASE -- EMBARGOED UNTIL DELIVERY Remarks by Rep. Gerald R. Ford (R-Mich.), Republican Leader, prepared for delivery on the Floor of the U. S. House of Representatives on April 15, 1970 Mr. Speaker: Last Hay D (1969) I joined with the gentlenan fron Ohio, Mr. Taft, in introducing H.R.lll09, a bill requiring financial disclosure by members of the Federal Judiciary. This t-1as anid the allegations St-Iirling around Hr. Justice Fortas. Before and since, other members of this body have proposed legislation of similar intent.