Negotiating Environmental Conflicts: Local communities, global policies
Edited by Gisela Welz, Franziska Sperling and Eva Maria Blum
With contributions by:
Ana Isabel Afonso, Lynn Åkesson, Miriam Börjesson Rivera, Enikö Baga, Aron Buzogány, Júlia Carolino, Idalina Maria Dias Sardinha, Dorle Dracklé, Greger Henriksson, Werner Krauss, Carlos Mendes, Sérgio Milheiras, Susana Nascimento, Franziska Sperling, Gisela Welz, Linda Witte Editorial Staff: Franziska Sperling, Jari Preuß
Layout: Franziska Sperling, Jari Preuß
Cover: H.R. Keusen, Geotest AG, CH-3052 Zollikofen
Printing: Druckkollektiv Gießen
Copyright: Department of Cultural Anthropology and European Ethnology Goethe-University Frankfurt am Main Grüneburgplatz 1 D-60323 Frankfurt am Main http://www.uni-frankfurt.de/fb/fb09/kulturanthro/index.html
Bibliographische Informationen der Deutschen Bibliothek:
National Catalogue record for this book is available from Deutsche Bibliothek For detailed bibliographic information: http://dnb.ddb.de
ISBN 13: 978-3-923992-83-6 ISSN: 0724-4169 Notes on Contributors 6
Gisela Welz C Introduction Negotiating Environmental Conflicts: Local 13 communities, global policies o n
Sérgio Milheiras, Júlia Carolino and Idalina Dias-Sardinha t Finding new vocations for a post-mining landscape: 25 e The case of the São Domingos Mine (Southern n Alentejo, Portugal) t
Enikö Baga and Aron Buzogány Lives and Treasures: The Global Political Economy of 43 Gold Mining and Local Responses from Romania
Susana Nascimento Engaging citizens and communities in scientific and 63 technological processes
Greger Henriksson, Miriam Börjesson Rivera and Lynn Åkesson Environmental Policy Instruments Seen as Negotiations 83
Linda Witte Climate Change Representation(s). The Climate Guide 107 Project: A case study in the Swiss Alps
Ana Isabel Afonso and Carlos Mendes Wind Power in the Portuguese Landscape: Global 127 Concerns and Local Costs
Franziska Sperling The Angry Countryside – The Installation of biogas 145 plants is a contested issue in a German region
Werner Krauss and Dorle Dracklé Sustainable development and the economic crisis: A case study from Portugal
Gisela Welz Regimes of Environmental Governance. A Case Study from Cyprus Wind Power in the Portuguese Landscape: Global Concerns and Local Costs
Ana Isabel Afonso and Carlos Mendes
In 2007, the Portuguese government launched an ambitious international campaign aimed at changing prevailing cultural conceptions about Portugal, notably the negative assumptions associated with the ‘Mediterranean’ stereotype. The country is now presented as ‘Europe’s West coast’. An important aspect of the campaign was the claim that Portugal was ‘the fastest growing European country in wind energy’, as stated by an advertisement, widely disseminated both nationally and internationally [1]. Another ad stated that ‘the largest solar plant in the world’ was located in this country [2]. Both advertisements show photographic depictions of natural landscapes, in which the physical structures necessary for the production of energy from renewable sources are significantly absent: In the advertisement that promotes the successes of the wind industry in the country, we see the strength of the wind only through a ‘savage’ landscape. However, wind turbines and solar panels are becoming second nature in Portugal, as its occurrence in the country becomes ubiquitous. Somehow, one could argue that renewable energy in Portugal is in the process of ‘naturalisation’ as part of a new – mechanised, but environmentally benign – landscape. In fact, this campaign seems to summarise the recent efforts of national and local authorities to transform the physical (and sometimes symbolic) landscapes of the country. Apparently, politicians have found here a new ground to bridge the divides between ‘tradition’ and ‘progress’, ‘nature’ and ‘culture’. Wind power has been seen as an opportunity to re-imagine the collective identity of the country in terms of ‘modernity’ as well as to reinforce its unquestioned condition as a member of ‘Europe’. The desire to harmonise the social expectations of modernisation with increasing environmental sensibilities seems to prevail, through the spread of a new (and benign, as it is intended) mechanised landscape. Due to the lack of a broad public debate on the 1 2 Wind Power in the Portuguese 8 Landscape: r w e s s r M c c a d P o c h e o c T r s p h m t d c R f t c t c m u c t e e h r o o h h c o o o o o o o o l a d h n x o e e f o a f i s e o a i s a l c o e o e
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Institute for the Conservation of Nature and Biodiversity (ICNB) has shown an b a l
ambiguous stance on this issue, defending global concerns towards renewable C o
energy, while at the same time attempting to engage locals in the preservation n c of extensive ‘classified areas’. In the course of this research, we tried to focus e r n s
on these incongruities and to analyse how they are impacting local communities a n
during the process of wind power installation. d
L o c a l
C
The Making of a Case Study o s t s The Candeeiros Wind Park was our first case study within the project ‘Eoliennes et paysage’. Travellers that, coming from Lisbon, cross the region of the ‘West’ – essentially, the long strip of the Atlantic coast of central Portugal – in the direction of the Candeeiros Mountain on the A8 motorway are exposed to one of the largest density of wind turbines in the Portuguese landscape. In many places, the turbines appear nearby old windmills, remnants of an ancient landscape in which they prevailed along the coast. When we started our collaboration on this project, the area of the Parque Natural das Serras 1 3 Wind Power in the Portuguese 0 Landscape: r d i t p o i i r p t l b t m c g f m e t p a t i i a r d ( f r s t c i f n n n t a n n I o e a e e e u r h a e h h n o C o v r
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i n o i n i b h h h e e e e e b i n s u c u n o t o t t o e n r a t t t t s i ) d d o n d h d d d h d e e k e e e e e c y y s s s s s s s s r f f t t , , included documentation concerning the licensing process of wind parks. With this combination of methods, our goal was to capture the perspectives of different actors in the process of installation of a wind farm that would allow us to consolidate our knowledge about the local impact of these changes, both in practice and on the level of social representations.
Shadows in Candeeiros
In the course of our field trips, we went to visit the peculiar salt beds in Fonte da Bica, located at the foothills of the Candeeiros Mountain, in Central Portugal. The Marinhas de sal are the sole rock-salt, non-littoral salt beds in the country, preserved by the PNSAC. Through the pedestrian trail maintained by the Park, visitors are invited to get familiar with a long-established and environmentally benign human activity in the region. The salt beds, still active as a communitarian practice, are presented as a ‘re-enactment’ of ‘activities characteristic of the past’ (Lowenthal 1985), particularly suggestive of lively archaisms. Rustic wooden houses along the salt beds – ‘built in this manner since the Roman epoch’, we are told – are presented as vestiges of a distant past. Visitors are also able to observe the ‘mariners’ working, documenting vividly the past there (Herzfeld 1991) and enlivening the picturesque landscape. It is this museum-like place 131 that coexists nowadays with a mechanised landscape, observable from the salines, since 2005 when a wind farm was settled in the Candeeiros Mountain. G l o
The wind farm visible from the marinhas was the first of two to be settled b a l
within the perimeter of the PNSAC. Each of the 37 wind turbines installed in C o
the area is ninety meters high, with blades of 45 meters length, and is rated n c at three megawatt capacity. Around the natural park, other wind farms have e r n s
been installed recently or are projected for the near future. a n
Local authorities struggle for wind power, as it brings them opportunities d
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to get extra incomes by agreeing with the companies a share of the profits o c they obtain from the energy produced locally. The authorities celebrate a new a l
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wind farm, not only as an unquestionable achievement for the development o s t of a local community, but also as a non-negligible effort done in order to s contribute to global environmental concerns. Anthropologists dealing with the theme of wind power dissemination in Portugal have the opportunity to study emergent possibilities of political appropriation of environmental discourses and the production of new senses of ‘locality’ (Appadurai 1996), as it is now increasingly arguable that local decisions in a ‘remote area’ might have a valuable impact on the national level or even on the whole humanity. Wind power seems to be also reshaping political power relationships locally. Recently, in Alqueidão da Serra, after the Junta de Freguesia – the entity that governs 1 3 Wind Power in the Portuguese 2 Landscape: a v p i p o i c v ‘ o v d t t a w o o v W ( v f a i a s t r I c b t c J i b n n n n n d F e h o h o o o u i o i i i o a i r n s n r e f f f a y e f l s c s s e
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a ã t t p o i s n n r o t t e t t t u i
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t o v e u u t t e o n l n m t r i i i a y r t s s l y n n o g g p o n 0 o d e e e e e e e e e y s s s s s t t r t , , ’ . , . l expose themselves in the countryside ‘to the same noise they are used to in the cities’. In a way, wind power brought the ‘city’ to the village (Williams 1973). The political process that turned the wind park possible in Candeeiros is also resented. On the one hand, the Town Council of Rio Maior is accused of usurpation of the collective land in the Aldeia de Chãos. According to a member of the association, the baldios [5], the communal lands were registered as properties of the town council before an assembly of compartes was done in Chãos. On the other, the Junta de Freguesia – to which the assembly of compartes has delegated the management of the collective land – is blamed for complicity with the town council. Despite of the righteousness of the allegations – we had not yet opportunity to confirm –, the fact is a key claim against the wind farm which is based on the traditional rights of a local community to manage the communal lands. The first wind farm in the PNSAC is located close to two limestone quarries, whose activities impose the daily transit of several trucks in the protected area. Apparently, this was decisive for the ICNB, the governmental organisation that manages the Portuguese protected areas, to authorise the settlement of a wind farm in the natural park. We have followed with particular interest a debate between a schoolteacher at a village in the Candeeiros Mountain, who is opposed to the wind farms in the natural park, and a director of the ICNB posted in an environmentalist mailing list at the end of 2005. The director 133 argued that wind parks in protected areas are acceptable inasmuch as they are to be settled in ‘portions of landscape that are not acknowledged as unique G l o or relevant in terms of heritage’. This argument is mostly interesting as it b a l
elaborates on controversial concepts of ‘uniqueness’ and ‘heritage’ that had C o
been at the core of conservationist debates and policies. n c This statement requires to be framed in the process of extensive e r n s
establishment of protected areas in Portugal. Such process, although a n
recent – having started only in the 1970s – consists in one of the most ambitious d
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efforts of ‘heritisation’, of imagining common legacies from the past (Lowenthal o c
2000), in the country. In the last (almost) four decades, the Portuguese a l
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authorities made efforts to decree the suspension of time in a significant o s t portion – nearly a fifth – of the continental territory, majorly inhabited by human s populations. Through interventions of recovery of edified structures (from windmills to granaries) and of ‘historical’ trails, the creation of archaeological sites, the certification of local products or the regulation of villages’ dwellings, the ICNB has been particularly engaged in the interpretation of local culture and history, as well as disciplining the landscape and the collective life of the local populations. As the new authorities were trying to impose their preservationist ideology in the management of social relationships in protected areas, different forms of political resistance have also emerged against an entity frequently 1 3
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d i t t r o t e n e l
w i e e w t e e
a s l s y y t d g n i ’ d d d e a e e e e e y y z y s s t t ’ , ’ , ’ , ’ , , , l of the neighbouring country to our informants who are favourable to the construction of a wind farm in the protected area. On the other hand, the environmentalist quoted above refers that, despite the various environmental problems that affect Spain, at least they do not allow the companies to build wind parks in protected areas. It is also common to evoke the partner countries of this project as particularly successful cases regarding the harmonisation between economic development and environmental protection, or as countries with more developed environmental sensibilities. On Germany, for instance, there may be references to the long-standing environmental consciousness of its inhabitants and the ability of the environmental organisations to mobilise local movements against wind power projects. The difficulties faced by the Portuguese environmental associations in order to emulate these actions in the country are particularly resented as a symptom of social ‘backwardness’. In this sense, it can be said that also the environmentalists who are opposed to wind power in protected areas aim at ‘Europeanizing’ Portugal (Borneman and Fowler 1997). In August 2009, two national environmental groups (LPN and Geota) and another one based in Leiria (Oikos) issued a joint statement on the projected São Bento Wind Park, contesting its construction within the natural park. The largest Portuguese environmental association, Quercus, also had emitted an unfavourable but isolated statement a couple of months earlier. In the history 135 of the Portuguese environmental movement, it is an exceptional practice for different associations to produce a joint statement. That has only occured in G l o emblematic cases (such as the opposition to the dams in Alqueva – ‘the largest b a l
artificial lake in Europe’ – and in Sabor River – ‘the last savage river in Portugal’). C o
Somehow, these joint efforts to protest against the São Bento Wind Park reflect n c the importance they attribute to the areas of the natural park affected by the e r n s
project. At the time, the press release sent by the associations produced news a n
in the major national newspapers. However, this inevitably had very little impact d
L
on public opinion and did not mobilise it. o c
Oikos has two theories about what they consider to be the obsession of the a l
C
companies to install turbines in protected areas and classified sites. Firstly, they o s t relate this to the general peaceful acceptance of renewable energy in the s country that we have outlined in our introduction. They suspect that the companies, taking advantage of this atmosphere of wide acceptance, are trying to take first the most difficult areas – where wind turbines are more susceptible to be challenged – strategically, as the construction of wind parks in the rest of the territory, in non-classified areas, will be relatively peaceful. This strategy will make the expansion of wind farms in the country easier, from their point of view. We also heard this hypothesis from our informants in Aldeia de Chãos. A second reason invoked is related to economic motivations. As in Montesinho, 1 3
Wind Power in the Portuguese 6 Landscape: e p w m e b p d a r s O t h [ C b o i s t t p u a M b c M ( t O c c O n t i t n a 6 e h o w h u c h o o l n x p r
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a b c t h s t b e t o o i e
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8 o e e n i v a e o s i i g e a r u
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m r , d r e P
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f e b t e o t s y s P k r e
,
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a K r c v v w n n
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u s s f M y s e t n r a u p b t T i a i h o a e l n
a e i i g i
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c d
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n t m t v e t h i l r t
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l a r l c
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a p
n l s r n e t m f i c h r p r s t t o d t c y a e
m i i i t
r i e
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a i c h a p t u t r s i o i d s l o
g i s o e t r m t p l e i u d t l
a o o l o s n h
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d n , i i : l o i a
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p n
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n b e n s l s g v d n
m a e
d l
n i e e
e t c t e i i P . t l a
s ‘ r c r m
N
i m m i s o t M e h l h r
s
e e l T h c t t
s m n
e t
a N r L n s o p h y e e w c p t t o p o c r i t e e t r e S e e h e o s e u e a o
o e h u
s e e f r e ó t
. o S a e ) r
u
– A i d q e a t e o r
a g s i n
l n
n n r s l a g e s m t D A s c o e n l m e n s w i
n n y , o o
u
i e t d h C s a g a i t s
, i o
n t h D m
t u v t
r i e C s
i d b t
s – f d e e e t
w l u n e b a m y e h s o a i i
t o
o
r h
A e c s c w a
e i n y s ,
’
i r
s s
t p c l s ( P t
n n i p a
i
u e . m l t c l e e p t e e P a w r l s r
u
s s
s s e v t a o i a o h p e e s . r t o s
r r
l s o o
r
h
L O n r s t e c s
e d i o r r e s t o t s p r i p P a d r e t a e r d h o m e a p e n n a l e r o i r t
t t q e r a
f
P i p l s s r l s r p u
u i i t u s n n d a
e a i a a p i t a e
d m e f e l s
t u r N s c v p t b e u s l i p o w m t c f
l s g
d e n
y s n e n h
t ã o
t i s e m m r l
e y r w
S w l s t a p
r f l f i ,
e i u n l y o o n o d e a w w u h n o o s u e t
o e
i r a o A t l t t
e e h t r e t t t t e t
i
i i
e e i e l n
f n a c r r v e
n n n i o d i n h e d e h h b d e e C l o n s o e t n t t e d m t r a a s t t s l h h d g d n o d d d d ’ e e e e e e e a e e y s s s s r r t f t t ) . . l l Environmental Impact Assessment that was ‘unfavourable’ to the construction of the São Bento Wind Park. The Declaration emphasised justly the risk of vast negative impacts on geological elements, besides the fauna and flora. On the same hand, the unfavourable decision was also justified by expectable negative impacts on the landscape, ‘since the 42 turbines would stand out in the landscape making it less natural’. In fact, in the course of this process, the environmentalists always insisted that, if the wind farm were to be built, there would not remain a single place in the protected area that was not exposed to the vision of wind turbines. Lastly, the verdict of the Declaration was also justified with ‘the direct and indirect effects on heritage elements, especially on the Arco da Memória (an heritage element in the process of classification)’.
Backstage for a Wind Park that Probably Will Be
Following the echo of local reactions in the media to the possibility of future construction of wind farms in another protected area our research lead us to the Montesinho Mountain, further Northeast of the country, close to the Spanish border. Although that is still only a remote possibility which is facing serious technical and administrative barriers (such as licenses issued by ICNB and access points to the network), the restructuring process to which was submitted the 137 Plano de Ordenamento do Parque Natural de Montesinho [7] (from the discussion of the first proposal of ICNB to the stage of public consultation) has G l o contributed to give visibility to the negotiations that are being promoted at b a l
local level, and how the conservationist rhetoric of ICNB, ambiguously perceived, C o
is reactivating old antagonisms. n c In this case, local citizens are willing for the construction of a wind farm on e r n s
communal lands (at the moment almost unproductive), aiming to get some a n
economic benefits from them. At the same time they experience the d
L
conservationist arguments unfavourable to wind energy installation in the o c protected area as an extraneous and illegitimate interference in the a l
C
communitarian management of a local heritage. As an example of this ancient o s t quarrel a sort of emblematic caricature could be drawn, through the episode s that took place during the discussion process of the planning scheme of Montesinho: Led by the regional representative of the committee of commons, the inhabitants of Montesinho tried to provocatively and symbolically prevent the passage of the park officers through the communal lands, arguing that ‘they were being as irrational as the ICNB, with its intrusive attempts of top-down management of lands which do not belong to ICNB’. This whole process allowed shedding light into the ambiguities surrounding 1 3
Wind Power in the Portuguese 8 Landscape: l r c b w c h t p m i t p r e p r m e T i i t t c i M t t c t e t r o o n m n n e e e e h h e r o h h h o o o o n h v n r a a r p a a n h
d s t t s e o a n o a e
o r e e n e n i n d t s p e s s v p e u e d i t u n e a g o n u h e t m
s t i
u o
t t U I S T T W n r t
i
l s n r c r c r t
i e a l i r r c c r s a e
h u r -
a r c i t o t h o n h t m d i t
n
b
i e o d o n a u p
a a p n h i c i t b
i i m
i r r g a c i i d o t n l i f n t m s e i
i c g t o n i n e t w r n u t r r l s r
o c e t u o e t a o d
e
o , h e e e y n i
i g o s e s e e
u s f s h i
c s t m c l
c i t a i n s m r
m y a
f d s f n
c t o a n i n o d
t i v n e i n e r t a t
t a e s u m e o j n
n h . m t
r i e i e
o o l c e i u f e s ,
f
t i t t u g r h e n o u n p
m s m z o z g n
I w n e o u
e
e
t c d n r a
n p r b t n i f c t l w o e d t z c g t o d t
a n
v s c
o w d o t
r
h i
e i t
d h r h a t o h s y t o t
m n o
s u p h e
o r e i i o a o w
i
l a b i n , c o d i e
s n s
e t e s
l e l r r
o l t o s e
f s r m o a r l
p e a l p a i o c
l i e i c
t w a o f u e i
a
e e
t c i m e
n o
i n . l c f s o s a l c
n u n e o i s e m w r v n e l d t t i
a d
i s a
n
g i s n
o
v e t s i t m n t t n
i r v d t m c s . n m w t f b n o , w t e e i s e h e i e
u i
i c s e
c
r v l s i o t s l i n t t n
t i t
a r l s w f a h n y o
p a r e e e
i e n o e p c i h
t c m w r a o o o p
n s g o m n d n
p s s h u t i n p
a o t d a s o
t b o e
r
b f w
u o o e y s p
u s n d d h
o l a s
a e a v m
m t r
c a s
u , a e t w , u f c g g
w o t r c b i t s c
r
e e f t
i
r o a o n e o n
h s d a n e r a i o e e a t
t i t f y i o h e u f y p r
s e t a o s n n r i s h i h d n a r n d f n
o y
d e
s t s n f n h
h n m t c m s e o e b r t o
l m
t d g
n a e r e ,
t
w
t
o m h d l d t g e e t i r h
t e t s o m i s f
t e f i n t
i e a
m i i b v n s h i c h a
t s s t e e
o
e o o u e u
n e e – n n a p t e a e
m
n f i h i
i y v h e s l w
e c o a d e
o n b
n s n v w o e a o
s s
.
l n n P
e
s
a b d
i t a a i e
l
t e g m t n i e r r
l
c s n a f h
t i h a h N t c t s e t p
i r W t t g i m n a s i n
o
r i
c i t i s t n i c o h ,
u t s m h
o a o o , t o v
c
n s i l M i l
h y l n
l
f
m w h
h s a h e d o m a x e i i t
m
i o a a r w f s n e o
t
n n p
i i e i
t q s e i
i e n w e n
w a i h n n n n t n p
f
d i - e a e f t e o o e e a g a
t e
i a
u m
n w v d h
g e
I d
a n v n c a e h t t P t t m h i
c s d
t C
n a i c t a e n h h h t h s e i t e
c r b r
i ,
n
’ t N t
a a o h n e o s o t n t i h
e a l . P t N a
o p d e e m e e
e n i a e
i s c t k c h t i
M e u g w a f n d w o e v N
s
p
e
r o
i l B
e h
o r i b l , e l v u e c o s
e a a
l
, o f m m t n o a o v
a t w i M n d
a n
e , m i s a m s o i h o n n s n f t t e t t x l
n e t c g w s m
r c l m v
h i
e e p r h e w n e
r a e d t i a y d a u d t n a r
o
m m c h b i d t
s a o a r e r a i r n y r r c
h g c e
l o c p
s e h n a g o r e c e
e o e m e ( t r r d e t r t a d t
e i c o s d e a p w f s l
p a g e ,
c d r l
s t m h
r r n l h r
n a y e m
d i s y p s f h r e
a
s s i l
t o
a o n e t a p a e i s m o ,
a
o
t r s y
i i e b e u t o n r d e e
l c i r r e o 7 e t h r f s a d s b n
r v t l h
n c o t , m
t o e a
r s o , r s t i
o e e h
l g p i e
t e e n 5 p a t e e
d
i i
y y
t
s n
e t
s w o o n n m i n o f f t e d i
c
o i r s l h r
p p
o f u c
i b n
o i f i
h
m a
l o f g t s t t i n
t f i t u i a p f
i i o a o e n n e l t n m n s
e r e n n i h
a c a a
c e a c i t
s l t c b e n a s e c s
m c o c a a t e o u t d e p i i g l b
t o c t i s c s o e
t e o e d - h a r e a a r t a h i a n n l f u c c l t
o u l p e e c e c
u h
b t n n r n t
l e n x t a l
o e l s l i a t
a d c o i o l l h e p l p l r g r o e p g c s t a t p e i v s , o c a y a r
y r l e g e c n i
r o s l f e a m d e d r
l e t i l h u a s p d y
o a t e n
w a o u o p e
i
e c
a e e
d i n a c t
e c
t
s l a c
s s o s o t n t t s e c r m n o t w h n m a a i c d o i n e
s o b u e d
h h ’
t o
e s n e t n f n d i . r p i o e r c r e e i d
f n e
u f f b n a c i
a a
u d s s n e h e
o t i
t e
i e u d v c n h o
o g
n
e e t s r t r t h h t c n n w
a y f , u t t e o s e e e n
i l
o r s m e a d f m v o
o s h t a a h s i h l t i n h w i
s s n
n t n i e t t i m d h t r s e c
b w t d t v g n a n e h i
y
e h – a – e u
o m
a t
s i t i o n e m t c e i u s a
o
e e t d t a s s w e n
m
r t a i
i d v o v l C o w f s d
n h s h t
e
h i e b e i n t l r n
a
c e r e s p n h u s u d
p
e l l
d e
u e d e e a r v o o e
l e u u l h a w s s u
m r s a t e c t e a e v b o d t
e
n n s o n
i
i f u r n h t n t h i s t a h o t h d r a p
r a c l
l a a e l l h a
e u t d e o
e i e e b t p
. i d d e r a o n t
n e
t t t o e c t t f y
l a o e n a r r s
e i
c i y a i l m o o s
e w e t u
d o i f c t n i s : b l g a o . t a s e r t t t d t c e
i h l
d r t w
t
t d
i n
t o i
s i l a y T n t s e u t a s e l z i h n o t n n u o t i t t i i
i r
h h
c i
f
o n t h h h h e h n p e d e c b i o o o o a t o o o e s g r e i s a a i i n n n o h d d r e e e e e e e ? e e y s s s s s s f f t t f r , , , l l the two countries) has emerged as a distinctive element of different energy policies, as well as different environmental and landscape management policies. With hindsight, in the context of the debate we were about to follow focusing the possible development of wind energy projects in Montesinho, the evocation of the frontier (as opposed, model, argument, mirror) has been significantly present, although not in a physical and tangible way, but particularly at the symbolic and discursive levels. When we spoke with the Mayor of Vinhais, in the vicinity of the PNM, and we asked him what he thought about the impact of the wind turbines that we could see on the Spanish side, he told us that for him, the wind turbines were ‘like flowers’. Thus, intended to reiterate, using irony, what he truly thought about it: That the aesthetic appreciation of landscape (and consequently its management and preservation) is deeply subjective and that the ideas we have about it are arbitrary and, therefore, negotiable. (We can say about the windmills that they are ‘like flowers’ or anything else, being actually convinced of it or rather by strategic purposes.) It has become quite obvious that this was a strategic perspective, issued by an advocate of wind power in Montesinho, someone who wants to plant flowers in his own garden [8]. Anyway, it was clear that the mayor wanted to neutralise discourses against wind power implementation, stressing that arguments coming from opponents of wind power in the region were also 139 strategic. G l o b a l
Final Remarks: Who Owns the Landscape? C o n c It is ironic that in the PNSAC the populations that wanted to have wind power e r n s
in their communal lands were deprived from its economic benefits, while the a n
ones that were against windmills got it ‘in their backyards’. As in other protected d
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areas all over the world, the management of the ‘commons’ in this natural o c park remains a central issue, in understanding the conflictive relationship a l
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between local populations and the State authorities. Wind power clearly o s t reignited these old tensions. s The local populations are able to recognise the baldios as collective property. They know which neighbours are allowed to make use of them according to customary regulations, and knew who their former owners were. On the other hand, the natural park introduced a new concept of ‘collective property’, that is, the notion that local landscape and natural resources also belong to the ‘national community’ and even – through the Natura 2000 Network – to ‘EU citizens’. This obviously requires some disposition to accept that outsiders may legitimately have a say in the management of the local community’s resources. 1 4
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e b c r e o n t o t e a e l n a a i a s l l d o h i n n d d o d e e e y y y s s s s s f t t t r t , l [2] Retrieved 20 September 2011 from http://www.flickr.com/photos/ptfolio/2126664683/in/photostream/
[3] Parque Natural das Serras de Aire e Candeeiros.
[4] Parque Natural de Montesinho.
[5] Communal lands are named in rural Portugal as baldios. The baldios (sing. baldio) are the property of local communities and are managed by the compartes (sing. comparte) since 1976 when they were returned to the ‘communities that had been dispossessed of them’ previously (Decree-Law nº 39/76, January 19). A comparte is an inhabitant in a parish that has the right to exploit the baldio, ‘according to the [local] uses and customs’ (Law nº 89/97, July 30), customarily established by the oral tradition transmitted from generation to generation. Collective firewood cuts, water distribution for agriculture, animal pastures or the exploit of communitarian structures (as mills and ovens) sited in the baldios can be named as typical examples of these uses. The baldios are ruled by an assembly of compartes, a directive council and a visiting committee, all constituted by neighbours and elected for periods of two years.
[6] Planning Scheme of the Aire and Candeeiros Mountains Natural Park. 141
[7] Planning Scheme of the Montesinho Natural Park. G l o b a l
[8] Suffice to mention here that one of the enterprises that wants to install a wind C o
farm in the region is owned by a company with exclusively municipal capital, n c joined by some private and parish councils). e r n s
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References a l
C o s t
Agrawal, A. 2005. Environmentality: Technologies of Government and the Making s of Subjects. Durham, NC: Duke. Appadurai, A. 1996. Modernity at Large. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press. Bender, B. (ed.). 1993. Landscape: Politics and Perspectives. Providence and Oxford: Berg. Borneman, J. and N. Fowler (1997). ‘Europeanization’, Annual Review of Anthropology 26: 487–514. Bowen, W.M. and K. Haynes. 2000. ‘The Debate over Environmental Justice’, Social Science Quarterly 81(3): 892–894. 1 4
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n m m ! r w , o l , b i p r d
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