Contact, Vol. 1, No. 13

Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education.

The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law.

Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org/.

Page 1 of 30 Alternative title ContactContact: The S.A. news review Author/Creator Selemela Publications (Cape Town) Publisher Selemela Publications (Cape Town) Date 1958-07-26 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language Afrikaans, English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Coverage (temporal) 1958 Source Digital Imaging (DISA) Format extent 16 page(s) (length/size)

Page 2 of 30 The S.A. News ReviewEvery FortnightCONTgCTRegistered at G.P.O. as a Newspaper26th. July l958,.~.,, 28.JUL. i':;"'uVol. I No 13:CAMPAIGNTO ENDRACIALISMIN SPORTGAINSMOMENTUMEMPIRE CAMES VILLACELONDON.-The campaign to end the colour bar in national teams taking part in international sporting events is gathering momentum here.The campaign, launched by a meeting in Cardiff on the eve of the opening of the Commonwealth and Empire Games, is now asking sporting and athletic groups in Britain to press their national associations to urge action to ban racial discrimination in their international federations.The next step will be to communicate with national sporting and athletic associations throughout the world urging that they take similar action.It is certain that Asian, African and Caribbean sportsmen and athletes will support this step, and many European countries are expected to follow suit.A Commonwealth group of athletes passing through the entranceto "Games Village", at the Royal Air Force station at St. Athan,near Cardiff, where they have been living and training during thesixth Empire and Commonwealth Games.Olympic principleAll the :sociations are beingurged to sto it that in future teams competing in international events accept the principle of the Charter of the Olympic Games Association.This lays it down that "no discrimination is allowed against any country or person on grounds of colour, religion or politics".It is probable that as the campaign gets into its stride the call for the ending of the colour bar in sport and athletics will become ever more insistant on a world scale in every sphere.Only two territories apply the colour bar in their national teams in sport and athletics. They are South Africa and the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. First to sweep away the colour bar in international sport has been the International Table TennisFederation, which has excluded the white South African Association on the ground that it excludes Africans, Indians and "Coloureds"It has accepted the South African association to which Africans, Indians and Coloured people belong on the ground that membership is open to whites if they wish to join.The instances in which the colour bar is applied to South African teams are many.Non-white bloodThe cricket teams which are supposed to represent South Africa exclude anyone who is suspected of harbouring a drop of non-European blood in his veins. The white South African teams will not play, in South Africa, anyteam which includes a non-European.K. S. Duleepsinhji and the Nawab of Pataudi, two of the greatest batsmen in the game between the wars, have both played for , but they could not join an English team playing in South Africa.Sorry storyIn other sports the sorry story is the same. In addition to action through the international bodies there is another way in which those of us outside South Africa could help.This would be for visiting sportsmen and athletes to decline to appear in South Africa so long as segregation is maintained. If this happened, it would cause white South Africans to think again.As to action through the world sporting and athletic associations, cricket, soccer, rugby, tennis, , and athletics all have international authorities.The Olympic Games Association will have to face this issue immediately, because the nonwhite South African Body Building and Weightlifting Federation intends to apply for admission to the Olympic Games in Rome in 1960.South Africans, both white and `coloured' are devoted to sport and athletics. I cannot believe that they are not animated by the international spirit of the Olympic Games.Step forwardThis spirit should now be extended to sport and athletics within South Africa itself.If this were done, a great step forward would have been taken to re-establish the Union in the estimation of sportsmen and -athletes the world over.fromFEN NERBROCKWAY, M.P.(by airmail)

Page 3 of 30 2.TABLE TENNIS PLAYERSSTAGE S.A.'s FIRSTALL-RACE SPORTS EVENT,SOME of South Africa's best European and non-Europeantable tennis stars competed against each other in Cape Town last Sunday in the first multi-racial sports event ever held in the Union.Liberal chairman talks toNat. study groupTHE effects of an industrial revolution on social structureand living patterns was the subject of an address on July 4 by Dr. Oscar Wollheim, chairman of the Cape Region of the Liberal Party, to a meeting of the Pretoriase Politieke Studiegroep, a group of Nationalist Afrikaner business and professional men.The groups-there are three on the Rand. one in Stellenbosch and one in -represent a swiftly-growing new school of thought within the Nationalist Party.They are unhappy about the Verweerd legislation and the Group Areas Act and question the morality of the present application of apartheid.The group have gone so far as to invite Chief Luthuli to speak to them late in August.Some 40 members were present at the Pretoria meeting. and many brought guests. mostly in the 3040 age group. About 20 members stayed on for a long discussion after the meeting.Dr. Wollheim, who spoke as a sociologist rather than as a politician, said that industrialisation had forced the bulk of the white group in South Africa to adjust from poverty to wealth, from isolation on farms to close communication by improved postal. radio and transport, and from warring colonies to close union.Ruling groupAfrikaners had had to adjust from being a group discriminated against to being a ruling group. and many had had to learn the new pattern of life involved by migration to the city.As a result very many of the white group. and the majority of the non-white group were undergoing such adjustments. PoliticallyHe quoted the Senate Act, the Group Areas Act and the recent attempt to amend the law for the purposes of the Treason Trial as examples of such behaviour and motivation.The migratory labour system and the application of urban influx control were examples of intolerance. In a mature society one did not find this sort of attitude towards legislation or the rights of others.SOUTH_ AFRICA"Well, go on ... why don't y9 o after it? Don't ruts ttcutt tomake a living?"DEAN WARNS ON ATTACKS AGAINST DE BLANK]PARISHIONERS of theAnglican Church in King William's Town, Eastern Cape. have been warned against being "bamboozled" by attacks on the Archbishop of Cape Town, the Most Reverend Joost de Blank.Writing in the diocesan magazine. the Rector and Rural Dean the Rev. E. G. Welton, says the criticisms of the Archbishop should be viewed critically."It is said that he should not have found fault with the Government's apartheid policy in a foreign country," writes the Dean. "But recently_ Professor Du Plessis went to London to defend that policy. Is freedom of speech for only one side'?Bad Press"When our Archbishop speaks in this country, complaints are made that he gives South Africa a bad Press overseas. When he speaks overseas it is stated that he should express his opinions in South Africa. Whenever and wherever he speaks out against what he believes to be contrary to Christian principles, as it is his duly to do, he is at fault."All sorts of efforts and all kinds of devices arc being used to try and discredit our Archbishop. But not one reasoned statement has been put forward to refute the truth of what he has said. Perhaps it cannot he disproved."The Woodstock Town Hall rocked on its foundations as the excited rn i-racial crowd acclaimed what many of them had thought impossible under the world's crudest colour barEuropean and non-European men and women competing in a field of sport on an equal basis, naturally and unaffectedly. The result was an inter-racial tonic and a stimulating lesson in race relations.With flashing bats. perspiring faces. every nerve and muscle tensed. Indian. Coloured and European contestants called apartheid's Mull.It was something real. health and refreshingly decent, and every spectator in the hall sensed it. There was something more than excitement in the air. The first thunderous round of applause when the South African nonEuropean champion, Ash,,! Valiee. won the opening point of the day. was not merely applause but a release of emotion, an alfirmation of faith in the things that continue to bring ordinary people together. It set the high tone of the afternoon and secured the complete success of the match.Devastating formThe European player, were members of the South African Table Tennis Union and the nonEuropcans were members of the South African Table Tennis Board. In each team were three men and three women. In the men's section the non-European team won, the Indians from South Natal being in devastating form. In the women's section the European team won.But the atmosphere was such that in all the matches everybody won, even the crowd. Points well not important Individual victories became meaningless. The losers were cheered as lustily as were the winners. what really mattered to the people in the hall was the friendliness, the sense of fair play and sportsmanship, the feeling of mutual respect and, above all. the naturalness and rightness of it all. So keen were the players and so eager was each side to demonstrate its qualities and worth to the otherr that when all the games hadbeen played they wanted to play onnthough it was getting darkoutside.A triumphMr. Cassim Bassa, chairman ofthe S.A.T.T.B., said afterwardsthat the match had been a triumphof goodwill and sportmarship.need more of this in South Africa. We wanted to show that we can all come together on a common basis and Ior a common purpose and we have done it." Among the crowd was the Egyptian Supreme Court Judge,Amin Abou Heif. vice-president of the International Table Tennis Federation, and General Secretary of the recently constituted Pan - African Table Tennis Federation. who flew from Cairo to Caps ,t. to open the recently completed South African non-European Table Tennis tournament.NEW MOVFS TO END COLOUR BAR IN SPORTTWO new moves in the campaign to end racial discrimination in sport have been taken in South Africa.The South African Indian Cricket Union has transformed itself into e non-race body: and non-European weightlifters have taken steps to direct an interternational struggle to overcome discrimination against them in the Union.The South African Indian Cricl.ct l niun. mca'.in_ iu Purl Elizabeth on July 13, removed all racial barriers from its constituonc l he and Indian" is to be dropped from the union's title._1 _he new president, Mr. R. Kallie, of Natal, said that it was felt that any man who teas qualified should be eligible for oflice in the union, regardless of his race.The retiring president. Mr. S. J. Reddy, of Port Elizabeth. said it was undesirable that cricket should be played in separate racial groups. He was convinced. m.,,! ocer. that this segregation would one day come to an end.I he weightlifters have set out their case against discrimination in a letter to Mr. Emlyn Jerkins. chairman of the Welsh Amateur Weightlifting

Page 4 of 30 Association.A resolutionMr. Jerkins will move a resolution at the Assembly of the British Empire and Commonwealth Games Association that "The South African Olympics and Commomvealth Games Assoation should cease to discrimciinate against non-white weightlitters in Sotrth Africa."The weightlifters maintain that the South African amateur Weightlifting Union. the controlling body in the Union as far as international events are concerned, has, by declining to admit non-Europeans. violated the principles of fair and equal competition which should apply in international sport.They say that it has forfeited the right to be called truly representative, since more than fourfifths of the population are e\Cl uded front it.The British Empire and Games Federation should call upon it to observe the principles of sportsmanship and cease to discriminate against "the non-white sportsmen of our country''.WOLLHEIMthe white group displayed all the characteristics of the transitional period - intolerance, ostentation and assertiveness.CONTACT26th July, 1958.

Page 5 of 30 Verwoerd "Insensible toAfrican's feelingsR UBINSENATOR LESLIE RUBIN (Lib., Nat. Rep.), commenting, in an interview withCONTACT, on the refusal of Dr. Verwoerd, Minister of Native Affairs. to reply to questions in Parliament in which the word "Africans" was used instead of "Natives", said this week:"It is clear that Dr. Verwoerd is completely unconcerned with what the Atricans themselves want. Surely what the people themselves want to be called is the most important consideration, but to Dr. Verwoerd that seems to be totally irrelevant. Whatever his action may indicate it certainly does not indicate that he has any feeling at all for the sensibilities of the African People."Senator Rubin referred to the normally accepted practice in dealing with the question put by a Member, and said : "provided a question concerns a matter of public interest, and the Minister knows what the question means, one expects him to answer it."There is no doubt at all that Dr. Verwoerd knew what the question concerned meant, particularly since he has in the past not hesitated to answer several questions in which the term `African' has been used.Not an authority"Moreover. I am certainly noty-cr=~ocrd,whatever other qualifications hemay have. as an authority ontint sl-~ aa~ . far ~s,t himthis point are authorities that f am prepared to accept such as the Oxford Dictionary, Lord Hailey, etc. .Senator Rubin also referred to the announced increase in taxation."I am appalled". he said. "that the Go ernme nt has seen fit to increase the burden of taxationthat rests on the Africans and I am patricularly distressed that there has been practically no reaction from the white people in South Africa."What would the reaction of the white people have been if overnight the tax payable by them was to be increased by 75 per cent with the announcement that there were to be substantial further increases within the neat year or two?Harsh proposals"The African people are being called upon to make a payment which on all the available information they cannot afford to make. What makes the new tax proposals even more harsh is the fact that the African population in this country is already, according to reliable authorities, disproportionatel~ taxed. "This statement is borne out by detailed investigations of the cost of living for an average African family on the Reef and in Pretoria. In 1952 the percentage of families with incomes below the essential health minimum for J - hannesburg as a -whole , as 69 per cent. A further tax increase;Z.ean o furtb, r deteriorrtion in the already low standards of health of the African urban population.hhe tax they will be required to pay can only come off money available for absolute necessaries such as food. clothing.In addition to the general tax, which is now to be increased from 1 to 1 15x. occupiers of land in61111 - Iltlia rural location Pay local tax at .s. Per but per annum up to a maximum of (2. 'I hen there are compulsory tribal levies for various purposes such as the equipment of school buildings, construction of dams and bridges. improvement of water supply, etc. and also an education tax of up to 2s. a month is now being imposed on Africans in urban areas.A powerful body_ of ooinionwithin the A.N.C. feels the alliance has not paid due regard to a programme of action drawn up by the A.N.C. in 1949. the A.N.C., by far the largest of the allied bodies, has been outvoted by smaller organisations in the federation. the "white" allied body,the Congress of Democrats, has achieved agreater influence over theA.N.C. than is reasonable.A series of conferences earlier this year, which CONTACT reported fully, were basically the result of an attempt by Africanists to take over the provinc,otexecutive of the A.N.C .from the control of those who are prepared to work with the C.O.D., and to return to the 1949 programme of action. This attempt did not succeed. but it became apparent that ahhough the majority of the It_-, members w-ere neither Africanist nor antiAfricanist, they were prepared to back the Africanists in their attempt to gain complete freedom for the A.N.C.Coined by C.O.D.Dr. Peter Tsele, of Lady Selborne., Pretoria. one of the leading nds behind the Africanist movement, said in an interview with CON] ACT last week:"7 he word'Africanist was coined by the Congress of Democrats to discredit African nationalists who disagree with their political beliefs. African nationalists are pro-African and antinobody, and are totally committed to the principle of freedom and iusticc for the South African people."Our fight is not against individuals or colour groups, but against oppression as a whole. We reject with contempt the belief in he superi_7 or inferiority of national groups in South Africa. All national groups have their mental defectives as well as their men of genius."The Liberal Party has embodied in its constitution uncompromising opposition to totalitarianism in any guise. It is for this reason that the disciples of Alsleorism have genuine sympathy with, and are ready to In practical support to, such a party.Should be purifiedAsked ,ha, he thought Africansought to do in view of the it,creased majority obtained by theNationalist Cioverntnant at thegeneral election, Dr. Tsele replied:"f he A.N.C. should be purifiedmmediately. it must be purelyAfrican-controlled."The A.N.C. must take the longview and desist from its customary protests, however colou-rfuithey may be. Its task is tostrengthen itself politically andorganisationally, by:(1) establishing a national fund for the prosecution of the A.N.C.'s P"ra"me. One shilling a head at reasonable intervals will build up a powerful fund.(2) setting up a labour wing. Its actions should be taken up tep by step. Thus, for example, we should aim at paralysing a single industry, which acted in oe unfairlc discriminatory sway: this in turn would disorganise a number of commercial concerns. Then, if this industry raised wages, others would be compelled to fox low suit.''CNTA CT Legal Bureau Tr servant refuses to apply continuously for more than 151 for a permit to seek for years; orI work in this area, ns she is (c) The wife or unmarriedafraidl daughter of a person who falls +(I) Are nn~nicipulit' renily within paragraphs (a) or (b). 11 empowered to compel all Any permit to remain in the+i female Africans to regi, ter? area given by the local a it ho(2) I ii i.rh to uo to Cape rity must indicate the purpose +Town on holiday, and to take for which, the period during;I-- kith me. Do I require which, the African concerned~.rpecinl permission to take her? may remain in the area.+ YLB., Florida, TO. The Native Urban Areas l0 * Act also provides that no per1 ALL Africans. whether male son may employ any AfricanL,", female, may not remain m oe urban area unless suchfor longer than 72 hours in an African has a permit to seek or +urban atea without the per- take up employment, or elsemission of the local authorityi falls within any of the exemptedunless the fall within certain classes mentioned above+ limited classes of exempted The maximum fine for a first+ persons. These exemptions in- oiler 'e is 10.elude broadly: You must get special per+ (a) Africans who have resided mission if you wish to take +continuously since birth in the your servant into any

Page 6 of 30 urbanarea; area where she has not already 4(b) those who have worked got permission to remain for 1 continuously for one employer longer than 72 hours or is not for more than 10 years, or exempt from having to get who have resided in the area such permission. ; ------STRONG A. N. C. MOVEMENT TO BREAK ALLIANCEAg",it6im A-' /////.A STRONG movement has grown within the African National Congress to break away from the federal "Congress movement", in which it has been allied since 1952 with the South African Indian Congress and the Congress of Democrats.BALANCE OF PROGRESSCreditOO N the recummendotion of studs from `, the University of Nat at the recent Nusas conference passed a resolution suggesting that the Pietermaritzburg section of the University be opened to undergraduates and graduates irrespective of colour.KIN a recently published booklet the Methodist Church says "Inter-racial marriages. provided they are securely founded on common cultural attainments and spiritual ideals. are not contrary to the law of God. and the law of man should not prohibit them."T HE National Union of South African Students has affirmed its intention to disregard any ban on Africans at its meetings which might be imposed by the Minister of Native Affairs.IN L. recent article sent to the Stca. Professor L. I. du Plessis. of Potchefstroom University, said: 'The principle of baasskap must beet changed immediately for a policy of freedom for all non-whites and national selfdetermination with the co-operation of all Europeans . . . We can wait no longer. Our time is short.'Debitrf7Y;H doctors have an incredible grip ~~ on mans whites in Natal, it appears from an inquiry carried out by Die Natallet as a result of the news that many people had consulted witch doctors about their bets on the Iuly Handicap."Native herbs are used on a great scale by whites. often after native rituals have been toll owed . . . Whites often . . . enter locations illegally to consult the witch doctors, end sometimes they invite witch doctors into their houses."(Report in Die Nataller, Nationalist newspaper)._1IR. W. E. BARKER, Iransvaal secretaryof Sabra. has attacked Prof. L. .I. du Plessis for his outspoken articles on apartheid. His main criticism was that the Professor is not representative of Afrikaner intellectuals. He blamed the "English Press for saying that Afrikaner intellectuals are dissatisfied with the Government.TSELECONTACT26th July, 19.68.

Page 7 of 30 BandaA new eye withoutany ` graft'THE highlight of the recent visit of 20 East African chiefs to Liverpool was the neweye fitted for Chief LambertoMashunzhu, who has had only one eye for the past eleven years. For good measure Chief Mashun7hu is having a spare eye prepared, to takeback with hi- to Ankole,Uganda, at the end of the tour. Chief Mashunhu was prepared to pay for the false eyebut 11, e was toldin Liverpoolthis would not be necessary,and that the eye and the ' spa,,would be supplied normally under Britain's National Health Scheme.adamant that Nyasaland must secede from FederationBUT MAY ACCEPT DELAYFrom JAMES SKINNERBLANTYRE.-Secession from the Rhodesian Federation and constitutional reform are the twin aims ahead of Dr. Hastings K. Banda, President of the Nyasaland African Congress, who has just made a triumphal return to the country after a 30-year absence in Europe and Ghana.END OF ALONGEXILECONGRESS OF NEGRO ARTISTSP A R I S. - Dr. Price-Mars, Ambassador from the Republic of Haiti, outlined the second Congress of Negro Writers and Artists, to be held in Rome from September 21 to 25, at a Press conference organised here by the African Culture Society. The A.S. C. founded immediately after the first Congress of Negro Culture held in Paris in 1956, is intended to serve as a liaison centre between cultured Negroes dispersed about the world. The Ambassador explained that despite themovement of abolitionism and the promotion of Negroes to the ranks of higher culture, this Negro elite lived in a certain state of isolation and its members did not knowone another.Their grouping together is beingattempted in two stages. Thefirstby a census of problems and menof culture (the Paris e., andthe second by seeking the conditions for the unity and responsibilities of African-Negro culture (the next congress in Rome).Same fields"The coloured writer or artist," said Dr. Price-Mars, "whatever his nationality or wherever he lives should feel bound by a duty of solidarity to his colleagues of the Negro world who cultivate the same fields of intellectual activity.Ali-7 Diop, president of the Presence "fricaine group, andM. Jacques Rabemananjara, a Madagascan poet, both members of the steering committee of the African Culture Society, said that at a time when the universality ofWestern culture might be contested, it as perhaps useful to achieve the solidarity of Negro culture in order to defend together human values.Miss Cardad Ramirez, Cultural Attach& at the Cuban Embassy, pointed out that the choice of thecolour of the ski. 'e serve v,ascommon denominator did not imply any consideration of racialism, which both African tempera- and African culture rejected. CONTACTIn an exclusive interview withme here, Dr. Banda made itclear that he was adamant in his support for secession from the Federation, and that he felt strongly that in the minds of Africans, political considerations came first and economic advantages decidedly second. He was reluctant to give details of his proposals for reforming the Legislative Council, probably wishing to commit himself before not the Governor return from leave on August 7 ' armed with negotiating powers from the BritishGovernment.However, in the delegation thathe led to see Mr. Lennox-Boyd inLondon last month, Dr. Banda demanded 22 out of 30 seats in the Council for Africans. His --l aim seems to be to gain for the Africans the responsibility of self-government, without necessarily wielding the full powers of government just yet. Thus, the primary powers such as police and finance would be held by the Colonial Office. in the same way as in Ghana before independence."His boys"He frankly admits that he foresees considerable difficulties " running a government f this sort, and is obviously somewhat embarrassed by some of his more hot-headed supporters, such as Mr. Chiurne and Mr. Chipernbere. He claims however that hewould know what to do with ",hisboys" in such a situation.That this i_probably true e is oneofthe main for the , overwhelming importance of Dr. Banda's position i n Nyasaland. He felt that -en moreresponsible positions and a leader who knew how to handle them, they would settle down to the problems of good government andtreat them as a challenge to theircapabilities.He realised that v- few Europeans considered the Africans sufficiently advanced to take responsibility of his sort, but "people in power have never agreed that anybody else is fit to rule".Becomes heatedOn the subject of sec-ion, he even went so far as to deny the economic benefits of Federation. When discussing economic questions, Dr. Banda is inclined to become heated.He insists vehemently that "Africans are not pigs or hogs who think only of filling theirstomachs", and quotes with disgust a Kenya politician who is reported to have said that African needs proteins not tics".His own view is the exact opposite. He believes that until the African people of Nyasaland can feel politically secure, its is useless to try to comfort them with economic "sops". Federation, he declares, is incompatible with African political security and, therefore, no progress can be made until Federation has been unscrambled. This attitude is not so strange as it sounds to Europeans, who are used to thinking of politics in terms of welfare economics, as i n England.Welfare StateMost Nyasaland Africans know only too well the restrictions on liberty that exist in the Union and in Southern Rhodesia, many from first-hand experience. They know nothing of the State. It is - -that they shouldbe concerned with averting the =,,r than will encouraging the latter.It is a pity that more of the people who share Dr. Barida's European background do not realise, like him, the vital importance of this point. In theof the Africans, theminds of advantages of unionmost emphatically do not compensate for the loss of political rights.In spite of his firm stand on the subject of secession, Dr. Banda gave the impression that he realised that Government resistance to his demand for immediate "unscrambling" would be adamant, and that rather than risk failure he might well be prepared to use his considerable persona, influence to persuade his _pporters to accept a 'mail compromise.Speedy reformObviously he would not admitthis as it would ruin his bargaining power. Nevertheless on present form Dr. Banda is likely tohow sufficient statesmanship tobe able to makea constructive`compromise with the Governor,and still retain his powerful position with the Africans. Such a compromise might take the form of the Government granting a speedy reform of the constitution that would place Dr. Banda at-the head of an African majority in the Legislative Cooncil where they could exerciseresponsibility, if not power in its fullestIn exchange, Dr. Banda might agree to shelve the question ofsecession for a few years, while he tried to work out a method of milking the Federal cow without.rany risk of being kicked by it.Such a system would clearly be more advantageous to the whole population than if they insisted on denying themselves the milk, because nobody could think of a efficient method of tethering theFrom what has so far emerged

Page 8 of 30 of Dr. Banda's policy and personality, it is obvious that he represents the bourgeois element ofrevolution rather than the sans_culotte.Nyasaland Europeans can be thankful that they have to deal with a man who has so much in common with them. He can justlyI.L.O. AFRICAN CONFERENCEGENEVA.-By 191 votes, with 19 abstentions, the International Labour Conference oted in principle for the summoning in 1959 of the first tripartite regional African conference (comprising government, employer,' and workers' representatives).A resolution to this effect was sent to the administrative council of the International Labour Organisation for examination.be looked on as an ally who is concerned with solving the same vital problems that face the_Government and with the same methods.It is to be hoped that Europeans will look upon him in this lightand n1 merely as a potentialenemy from the other camp".NUSAS MANDENIES`RIOT' TALKPRESS reports of a so-called "riot" at the recent PanAfrican Students' conference in Kampala, Uganda, had beengrossly exaggerated, Mr. Gunther, a member of the executivelive of the National Union of South African Students, who was a delegate, ftold the 34th annual congress Nusas in Grahamstown.si"In spite of the fact that scarcely one of the students from the 16 different nations knew one another, the meeting managed to break through the barriers of tenons and differences," said Mbr. Gunther, who attended the Kam pala conference with another member of the Nusas executive, Mr. L. Mutambanengwe.12th July, 1958."the PoliDr. Hastings Banda, Nyasaland African leader, was garlanded by enthusiastic admirers when be arrived by air at Blantvre this month.after spending 30 years overseas.

Page 9 of 30 AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT `AN ACT OF FAITH'LONDON. Speaking at the recent Economic Study Conference in London on "the European Common Market and the Free Trade Area", Dr. Youlfouta Sylla, technical adviser in the cabinet of Mr. Felix Houphouct-Boi~gny, French Minister of State, outlined the position of French Africa with regard to the European projects.B. B. C. talks onhistory of AfricaHOUPHOU EA'-BOIG N YINVITATION SURPRISES M IN I STERABIDJAN.-- Mr. Jacoh Williams. Minister for Economic Affairs in the Ivory Cost Government, made the following declaration to Agence FrancePresse :"I was very surprised to learn through the Press that I had been invited to represent the Ivory Coast at the forthcoming PanAfrican conference at Accra. I should make it clear that when I made a private visit to Ghana in March 1957 on the occasion of that country's independence. 1 did in fact meet Dr. Nknrmah. the Prime Minister, and certain of his colleagues. All the same. there was never any question during our talks of my taking part in this conference.Pan-Africanpolicy"Since that date, the leaders of Ghana have become the promoters of a Pan-African policy which is in direct contradiction with the policy of Franco-African collaboration to which the Ivory Coast Government and myself remain firmly attached."I shall not, therefore, under these circumstances. be present at the Pan-African conference at Accra."Dr. Sylla said that French overseas territories saw ins the Common Market an advantageous means of marketing their products and raw materials. He said that the F.I.D.E.S. lEconomic and Social Investment and Development Fund) was an act of faith in the future relations hetween Europe and Africa. Africa received guarantees which w-ere an incentive for it to enter. through the intermediary of France, into an international economic feclcralism likely to become a political federalism. As regards the Common Market. French Africa opted for the West, he said.As far as the Free Trade Area is concerned, llr. Sylla said the situation was much less favourahle. French African agricultural products san the risk of being eliminated. There were also two other danacrs: the re-establishment of mercantile and colonial relations with overseas territories, and the ruin of the new-born industrialisation of the overseas territories. The widening gap between Europe and Africa might incrtI Africa to turn ") other organisations for aid to underdc cloned ~nuniriec. he eaid.Dr. Stlla. who is the SceretanGeneral of the Europe-Africa Alliance. called for a `soIidarih area' rather than a "Free Trade Area."This area would be based on a political. economic, social and financial harmonisation of Europe aimed at the development of Africa. Africa should receive regional European aid without excluding greater collaboration on certain points.Large-scale projectsAmerican, Canadian and other investments would be added to those of Europe in large scale projects in Africa.This "solidarity area" would increase the African standard of living and would provide bases for the new Furope other than unequal competition which would be disastcrous from all points of view.Mr. Hammond. Ghana's Economic Vice-Commissioner in London. raising the question of the Commsmveahh and the Common Market, said Ghana feared the Common Market plan might threaten its cocoa exports. He said Ghana did not enjoy imperial preference, sought foreign investments and profited from no regular foreign aid. The Eurafric, projects seemed to spell a threat for Ghana's economy, he said.Dr. Sylla then proposed that Ghana join a regional economic area comprising French Africa. He suggested a cocoa pool could be set up with the Ivory Coast. French Africa provided less than half the needs of the six "littleEurope" countries and therefore markets sill remained open to Ghana.Replying. Mr. Hammond said he was "very interested" b Dr. Sylla's idea. Observers pointed out, however. that Ghana leaders would see political rather than economic obstacles to the realisation of such a project.Finally. Dr. Sylla announced that the Europe-Africa Alliance would open its first exhibition on the theme of the Common Market in Paris on July 1. 1959.M. Teitgen outlined the four possible solutions for association : assimilation, autonomy, federation and confederation. The first teas unanimously rejected, he said. The second inspired the Outline Law, but this law was to-clay largely out of date. Africans now wished to be associated with maior state responsibilities and for this reason thoughts turned to a federal organisation.M r. Teitgen did not consider that a rigid federal system could operate in a grouping in which France supported almost all the financial burden. He felt that France should also offer to the overseas territories the choice of e confederation in which independent states were linked only by treaties and in which each state received only what is laid down in the treaty. The Franco-African community should. in fact, be based on the free will of the parties.M. Jaquet considered that the Outline Law called for a prompt reform if the risk ei secession was to be avoided. Territory chick, who were French officials, should no longer preside over Government Councils. This should be the task of African prime ministers: truly responsible to the Territorial Assemblies. I he authoTO understand the present drama being played out on the African stage, it is necessary to know the past -and with the possible exception of Sir Harry Johnston's "The opening up of Africa" published 47 years ago, there is no history of Africa on a continental scale to set the scene for the student of African affairs.Bold attemptA bold attempt to provide a popular remedy for this defect is to be made next month by the BBC with the launching of a series of thirteen talks entitled "The dawn of Africa". which will be broadcast in the general overseas service.In order to present as clear a picture as possible in the limited framework, the BBC has selected as the subject for the talks those periods in Africa's history duringrity of the Territorial Assembly should also be increased, he said. while preserving France's control over essential affairs such as defence, diplomacy and currency.Finally, M. Jaquet considered it was necessary to revise Article VII of the French (constitution. which deals kith overseas territories. This could take place after consultations with the territories which could. in agreement with France, choose the most appropriate solution for association. These projects would then be submitted to a referendum.M. Jaquet favoured a federal system with a federal parliament in which the representation of the different associates would be in relation to the resources of each."we must offer to the Africans and the Madagascans a federative formula which will permit the achievement of independence within association," he said.M. D'Arboussier considered that the association between France and her overseas territories should operate in complete freedom. He considered the claim for complete independence demagogic and completely theoretical. Ihere were too main cultural and economic bonds existing le-day between

Page 10 of 30 France and her overseas territoriesSIR '01. 10111 11 1 10which the most important. and for the most part indigenous, cultures rose, tlourishcd and declined.Each speaker will be an expert in the region and period with which he deals. Among them will be two African historians. Mr. A. A. Kwapong, Lecturer in Classics in the University College of Ghana, and Dr. S. O. Biobaku, who formerly lectured at the University College of Ibadan.Repeat talkThe series will be introduced by the eminent British archeologist Sir Mertimer Wheeler. who has carried out a good deal of research in the continent. particularly in East Africa. He will review Africa's prehistorv.for them to be broken.Future relations between France and the overseas territories should he established by successive approximations. he said."lt seems likely that Africans will in general accept the idea of balanced representation in a federal parliament." he added. He said that local administrative senior officials should he appointed so that the new rights granted to the territories could be effectively exercised.As regards the manner in which the territories would be associated with France. either singly or grouped together, M. D'Arboussier said all African parties agreed en the principle that the basic unit was the territory, but that there was the possibility of them grouping together at an intermediate level to assure a certain co-ordination. particularly regarding political economy.M. D'Arboussier concluded bystating that the Franco-African community would not be created solely on the basis of reciprocal interests. but also on that of cultural bonds and on a leaning towards French culture and science. The constitution of the French community should be a work of mutual confidence. he said.26th Juh, I9S8.Party went witha bangCONAKRY. French west Africa.-More than 100,000 tons or rock was blasted out of the mountainside un the Isle of Kassa in one tremendous explosion to provide rock to lengthen the dykc in the port of Conakry.Neighbouring villagers celebrated the big bang by songs and dances. Only casualty-an ox. sacrificed for a f east.Franco-African federationPARIS.-The form of the future Franco-African political community was the subject of a recent debate at the Left European Study Circle, attended by two former French Ministers for Overseas Territories, M. Pierre-Henri Teitgen and M. Gerard Jaquet, and by M. Gabriel d'Arboussier, President of the Grand Council of French West Africa.

Page 11 of 30 SURVEYN ehru's India is forging aclassless societyEQUALITY ENSHRINED IN THE LAWINDIA, the largest democracy in the world, is to-day strong andenergetic. The peasantry has made distinct economic progress; Untouchability is on its death-bed and the caste system is disappearing, feudalism is at its destined journey's end with the princely order abolished and the land returning to its legitimate heir, the tiller; equality of all people, irrespective of their economic or social status, is unequivocally enshrined in the law.new,ADORNED FOR THE FESTIVALbyP. S. JOSHI,South African Indian author and teacher, who recently returned to India.This was the new India I encountered when I landed on its shores. The country pulsated with activity and reconstruction in every sphere of life. The people, whose progress was perceptible to any dispassionate observer, looked changed psychologically. Straining every nerve to explore the country's vast resources and to enjoy the fruits of freedom, they eloquently expressed their aspirations and ambitions and were unsparing of criticism of even the most eminent leader, if, in their opinion, he went wrong.Positively' Nehru's India is on the march, educationally, industrially, economically. The State Transport Service has connected every village in the country ; electric power has reached the furthest corners ; irrigation works-some of them among the mightiest in the whole world - have brought water to the farms, plantations and fields ; industries have sprung up everywhere.Great progress has been made in the eradication of illiteracy ; every year many thousands matriculate and many hundreds graduate in science and arts. Girls vie with the boys in achieving distinction in the examination'.A Hindu girl from Saurashtra, a member of the Patel tribe, infestival garb. Mr. Joshi describes the progress made by voluntaryworkers in her district.Great and growing asset to every motorist . ..and that means you!Make no mistake, the I.C.A. in Shell petrol is more vital than ever in your car today. If you don't believe it you can't have tried it-I.C.A., Shell's exclusive ignition control additive, successfully overcomes the de-its that form in combustion cchambers and on spark plugs when your engine is running. These are the major causes of power loss. But the I.C.A. that's in Shell petrol and in Supershell makes =td posits harmless and you find that you get full, smooth engine power.And because today's cars have higher compression engines they are even more prone to suffer deposits. That's why more and more modern car owners are switching to Supershell plus I.C.A.-It gives them all th-crisp, responsive power their engine was built to deliver.from engine'Get all the power you -paid for withSUPERSHELL plus I-CACONTACTS1.156Gandhi, Patel and NehruN wonder the world has watched with marvelling eyes the miracle of India, which produced Mahatma Gandhi to stem the -hill tide of colour repression in South Africa, India) Sardar Patel dispenseBismarck dia) to di8pn, sewith the princely order and unify the country as never before, and Jawaharlal Nehru, architect of the new India and hope of the underprivileged world.India has not, however, yet succeeded in solving all problems,most of which arePoverty and unemployment still march side by side among the =try's teeming millions. andbaffled even its intellectual giants.lThe problem of the hour is to feed, clothe and shelter the popuation 360,000,000, which is increased by 5,000,000 every year. The two Five-year Plans have been mainly directed at achieving this, and the leaders hope to make thecountry economical., self-sufficientand prosperous without resorting to totalitarian methods.India has b- vying with Communist China in realising the targets of progress. While China obtains manpower by official decrees, India secures h labour by an appeal to patriotism and self-sacrifice.It was a pleasant surprise for me to visit labour camps conducted by the Bharat Sevak Samaj (Servants of India Society) in the villages of Sa-rashtra, in Western India, and to see batches of students, sacrificing their vacation, at work 0n rural roads connecting villages, planting, fencing trees, sweeping streets, beautifying homes, imprinting sermons 0nwalls, etc., with the losecooperation ,n of villagers who drewox-wagons to convey loads ofmetal, stone and soil. The femalecampers visited every village home to impart lessons in art and culture, hygiene and sanitation.Progress of the peasantryWhat is not remarkable inmodern India i, the. comparativeprogress of the peasantry, depressed classes, farm-hands and artisans. Untouchability-the nearest practice to which in South Africa is apartheid-has been abolished legally and constitutionally. The Untouchables, who are popularly known as Harijans today, are not .",v regarded as under-privileged outcasts. Being of the depressed class, they are afforded special privileges in all sphere, including services and education. They have become so well integrated into society that their identity has become almost indistinguishable. They have direct representation in every democratic institution fromthe village board to the CentralParliament. There i s no State parliament in the country withouta Harijan cabinet minister. Whatwould South Africa think of a plan to extend equality to Africans and all the other non-Europeans,on the same level as India, to adjust race relationship.Ref= of land-ownership has been of modern India's outstanding achievements. The peasantry no longer spends its life in debt. It is almost free from want as a result of the good prices for crops and of Government assis1tance at every stage of agricultu,al development. The feudal system has been buried in history; the serfdom of the farm-hands is a story of the past. Saint Vinoba Shave's Land Gift movement has supplied thousands of acres to the dispossessed.India would be justified today if she claimed that she is marching rapidly towards the goal of forging a tasteless, classless society - a human brotherhood knowing no barriers of race, colour or creed.The foundation, have been solidlylaid.Heritage of cultureWhile ethe degradation, is in the gripof moral de radation, India has r.ot remained unaffected. Her intellectuals, such as Dr. Radhakrishnan, Deputy President of India, and Mr. C. Rjagopalachari, elder statesman -and former Governor-General, have been laying great stress, in their speeches and writings, on thebuilding ofo character. he, wish to see India preserve its heritage of culture and to follow the path f idealism as preached by their master, Gandhi. India without idealism, it is said, would be an India without a soul. . - -26th July, 1958.

Page 12 of 30 PEOPLEFIROW-FROSECUTOR IN THE TREASON TRIALA bewildering career7.WATCHING THE NAZI JACKBOOTSON August 1, with the world as audience, the curtain will rise onthe forensic swan-song of 67-year-old Oswald Pirow. With his never-failing flair for the dramatic, the aging lawyer-politician is returning from his retirement from the bar to lead a team of lesser prosecutors into the sparkling spotlights of the treason trial.Born in the Northern Cape on August 14, 1890, the future stormy petrel of South African politics spent the first eight years of his life playing happily with African companions.Of German stock, '.th.,syoung ! and that steps should be taken to Pir.w had been t m restore to her a colonial empire inbarrassingly showered with gifts Africa.b y a Teutonically thorough Late in 1938, after the ominousfairy godmother. rumblings of Munich, h danotherextensive tour of Europeand talked, among others, with Franco, Mussolini and Hitler.Smuts, he has said, asked him to see Hitler to try to hod a way of easing the tension between and Britain over the Jews, and Chamberlain had give him his blessing and an unofficial briefing.He had conversations withGoering, Ribbentrop and Funk, as well as with the Fi1hrer. Onceagain German colonial aspirations were discussed.Pirow's hopes that Hitler would be accommodated were dashed,and on the eve of his ,-turn to London, he admitted that he leftEurope with a feeling of unqualified anxiety. The main gleamof ho' - that Chamberlain would spare no effort to secure a lasting basis for peace. But Britain had done enough and it was the turn of the other parties to the Munich Accord to make agesture.A CONTACT NEWSNAMEIOne mass trial of which Piroodefinitely did not approve was that f the Nazi war criminals at Nuremburg.The hanging of Von Ribbentrop, Rosenberg, Streicher and the rest touched off the most reverberating discharge of all his postwar political musketry.In October 1949, after the hangings, The New Order appeared with its front page bearing a black border. Inside, under a heading in funereal script : "Inmemory of the, martyrsof NureTburg appeared the names of the I I r~_ headed by Goering, who cheated the gallows by poisoninghi-elf in his cell.Underneath, in Latin, for the be-fit of the erudite read- of the sheet, appeared by way o f epitaph: Exoriare aliquis ex ossiI , "_Iris ultor-Arise from our ashes the unknown avenger.On an inner page, The New Order declared bitterly : "On October 16 the butchers of the ghetto hanged 11 German leaders after a `trial' of which every honest man is ashamed, and treatment of the prisoners which compares very unfavourably with the manner in which we d-1 witha e who has raped a whitewoman."The trial is intended as a piece of which would justify all the war crimes committed by the allies .. ."Commenting on the hanged men, the news-sheet "aid: "They have gained i-mortality. Inhundred 'ears time, an schoolchildren will learn - theirnames and honour their history as victims of a German Slagtersnek."Mr. Pirow (marked with a cross), when South African Minister ofDefence in 1938, watches a march past of German troops in Berlin,at which the salute was taken by General Sciffert.A powerful youth, h, soon became known for his prowess.as a boxer, wrestler, weightlifter and athlete. He was an excellent swimmer and a magnificent horseman.Nor, seemingly, were supplementary mental qualities lacking. A suppleness of mind matched his agility of limb. An arresting and perky personality,a quick wit, a restless ambitionand boundless courage completed a formid*ble armoury. Selecting the law a., a vehiclefor his talents, Pi'-after taking degrees in Germany and in Britain, began to build up a lucrative practice i " Johannesburg. Butpolitical aspirations soon began to show themselves.HLaunching himself at 25 as a ertz_og Nationalist with characteristic audacity h fought Parktown in 1915, and failing, filled intime by serving as a provincial councillor.Returning to the political field, he three times challenged the redoubtable CColonel Me t7 at Zoutpansberg, and 0 '1 his third attempt succeeded in unseating that political veteran in 1924.The door was now open. Hesurrendered his seat to a broth" Nationalist, but Hertzog had an eye on the tenacious young advocate and mad, him his Ministerof Justice. A 'eat was found forhim at Gezina-a constituency that Pirow cntinued to hold till 1143.Skilled debaterAn efficient Minister and a luminous addition to the Assembly, skilful in debate and disarmingly quick with kopskote, Pirowseemed 'et for a brilliantparliamentary career.In the coalition government of 1933 he was given the important portfolio of Railways and~any began to thinkDefence.they could discern in him the figure of a future Premier.1, s~'t already dark clouds hadbegun to dim his political tanIn 1933, during a trip to Europe, h, had visited Germany and talked with Hitler at lechtgaden, and had become hisstaunch admirer. He becameconvinced that Nazi Germanymust be given a place in the sun CONTACTThe following year the outbreakPof ' sounded the knell of irZs' political care_Though Pirow had built up thecommandos, when Smuts took over from him as DefenceMinis- it - claimed that theArmy 7s force. a "paper and bushcart e.The bushcarts were wooden affairs, drawn by oxen. Pirow, it is said, firmly believed that they would prove a powerful weapon in the event of bushveld warfare. They did see service. Reinforced with corrugated iron, they used in military camps as removers of refuse.Finding himself finally in the political bund, Pirow, still full of fight, proceeded to set up a Beau Geste outpost from which he continually peppered the body politic with his own particular brand of national socialist buckshot.Having formed a party called the _ Order reflect and further his political t aspirations, he went on to negotiate a "national socialist front" with the National Socialist Bond-the reyhils.Since then he has made fewspeeches and has mostly funneled his views through a newsletter, incorporated in his s weekly The New Order.Russian ape menIn the same issue, The Neu, Order 'til, had shot enough in its lockers for another barrel aimed at the ineptitude that had led to the Russians acquiring atomic weapons:"When the first atom bomb bursts over London, the civilised world will remember that Roosevelt and Churchill rought theRussian Ape Men from CentralAsia to the heart of Europe, and that Truman and A tlee allowed them to `recruit' German atomic experts for their trans-Ural laboratories."In a news-letter of November 19.55, P,= views on - racialismemerge in another pungent whiff of verbal cordite."Multi-racialism is not British. Its origins are in Article I of _` Soviet Constitution; its designers and active protagonists are the Eastern Europeans of Wall Street who control America and are forcing integration on to the U.S.A.-the -e people who built up Russia and communismthe same people who admitted Russia into the heart of Europe and handed over China and the East to communist control-the same people who aimed at world via their agencies, U.N., Unesco and the World Bank..."The

Page 13 of 30 present choice is essentially one between the AngloSaxon ideal of racial integrity and the communist goal of amalgamation which aims at wiping out all racial and national distinctions."The same news-letter declared: "The longer Churchill lives, the more he exposes the war he fought with such gusto to have been an utter disaster for his country."January 1946 issue of The N,~ Order described 'the blessings of national-socialist law, saying that the present system of law in South Africa was an "un-national conglomerate" calling itself Roman Dutch but bearing a strong English influence.Call for warIn one of his rare speeches, at a meeting in Johannesburg in August 1946, held under the auspices of the Afrikaanse Nasionale Studentebond, Pirow boldly called for an immediate war against Russia. But he said it was doubtful whether "the thirdrate and fourth-rate leaders of Britain and France" would have sufficient perspicacity.He ended his survey of world affairs by advising his audience to "think revolutionarily and live dangerously".Pirow has put forward startling proposals for the solution of racial problems both of the Union and of the lfti-n continent.In 1952, calling for a "just and generous solution of the Native problem", he proposed nothing less than the partition of Africa. Two-thirds of the continent, he said, was unfit for permanent white settlement because of theclimate, though most African,could live there.By consultation with otherEuropean powers in Africa, areascould be wt apart as independent African states, where the white man would have no rights.Nearer home, he has proposedthat the, Union should set up a Coloured province, to which Coloured people could go if they wished and govern themselvesIn 1947, an unusually forthright article in The New Order headed"Take the law into you, ownhands" led to his appearance in court and a fine of110 for inciting to violence.The article urged Europeans to use violence against non-Europeans intruding among Europeans.Pirow pleaded not guilty and gaveevidence in the Pretoria Magistrate's Court in his own defence. Late in 1947, Pirow announced that he had entered into friendly relations with Sir , former leader leader of the British Union of Fascists, then heading a newlyformed British Union -nt. The two 0',wald, got together i. London in the following April, when Pirow said the purpose of his meeting -s to discuss witha o implications of hisMotley the i.P,icti. nUnion movement, to suggest to Sir Oswald his acceptance of a "South African approach" to any scheme of African development, and to find out how close the world wasto a third world war.Pirow added that the two Oswalds intended to form a new party called "The Enemies of the ", but little more hasbeen heard of this project so farOne trial that has never come off, but of which -r. Pirow wouldstrongly a would involve approve,South Africa's 'war criminals".In two articles in The NewOrder in 1946, he demanded the establishment of a People's Court to try those "miscreants" who, he said, were "guilty of treason, corruption and waste and victimisation and misuse of power' mostly stlycoupled with bribery and intimidation, since September 1939."Offered judgeshipIn May 1952, M . Swart disclosed that Pirow had declined an offer o f a judgeship in the Transvaal Provincial Division of the Supreme Court.The bewildering Pirow possesses yet one string to hisHe i., an =r Characteristically, h has written not only the expected biography of Hertog but a couple of delightful books in lighter vein. One is "Shangani", the story of the adventures of a 12-year-old Lowveld African boy a hundred years ago.The other' dating back to the time of 1haka tells the exploits of Asha,~b e.i, a hound of enormous size, strength and intelligence.26th July, 1958.The bushcarts

Page 14 of 30 8.`Positive apartheid'VIEWPOINTa no MOP SHOCKS ARE IN STORE FORtilk. SABRA MENTHE view seems fairly widespread among leading Sabra men that the advocates of positive apartheid will be doing the African a favour if they offer him self-government in states of his own. Self-delusion could not go to greater extremes.A brief glance at the history 0, theAfrican people Afr , sin_ 1912will show that development has b- in the direction the exact opposite to that favoured bySabra. Two years afterUnionleaders the of the serious At ri African peoples met at .1.emnteinand took a decision which wasI- affect profoundly the relations between black and white.They gave up the idea ofseparate destinies for the Ba otho, Xhosas and Zulus. They agreed to unite these andcreate out of them a new peoplei' history, the pressure of whose numbers would he used to extend the area of liberty in national life.Since then this purpose has been P_ so consistently and soTHE Nationalists are happily debating whether tohave their republic inside oroutside the Commonwealth. Has't occurred to them that perhaps after all the choice i s notSouth Africa's? Perhaps the choice will be made by theother members.It was Dr. Milan who dwelt frequently and at length on the proposition that alterations in inter-Commonwealth relations were a matter for all the members of the club, and not merelyfor the United Kingdom. He was then thinking a a possible application for membership by Ghana, and wanted to have his own right to veto it acknowledged.Now the decision to end the link between the Queen and South Africa cannot be considered as purely internal. then When India, and PakPakistan, decided to become republics they asked if it would be possible for them to be republics within the Commonwealth. The club agreed. But it did not undertake to agree in every future _;,.Full freedomSo, when the Nationalists vote in the South African Parliament for a republic, the Commonwealth will have full freedom to aagree to maintain or to decide to terminate, the link with the Commonwealth.It is possible that South Africa will be allowed to stayon BUT IT IS NOT CERTAIN. T' "iwill be tremendous forces lined lined up against maintaining the link.THE views expressed in this feature are those of the individual writers. CONTACT takes no responsibility for them and does not necessarily endorse them. Nor do these writers necessarily subscribe to CONTACT'S views.successfully that in the Alexandra bus boycott the African community was able to show that the point had b- reached when African unity was a facto, to reckon with on the political plane.This awakened must also have awaknd Sab ra to the fact thatpolicies which were not supportedIndia and Pakistan wcrc to stay n because allowed they were important countries which formed a link between East and West. Is this true of South Africa`? Is South Africa's race policy a bridge between East and West? Is it a factor for peace in the modern world? Do the white and the non-white races enjoy friendlier relations 'cause of apartheid? Does apartheid strengthen the Common calth?Detestable conceptLet - remember that the non-white s i n the _ clubare n a majority (West Indies, Pakistan, India, Malaya, Ghana, Ceylon). To them, as to the majority of the inhabitants '' the four white states. the concept of apartheid, and its practical application, are detestable.Could Mr. Lo.wreason suggest h, the other membersof the club should want SouthAfrica to remain on,.More and more people in Britain are saying that "South Africa will have to be kicked out of the Commonwealth." Inan in-view with CONTACTsome months ago Bertrand Russell used those very words.Mr. Gaitskell, the probable next Prime Minister of Britain, showed his views on the subject when h e said that theComm-wealth was a multiracial community which couldnot beheld together without the acceptance of the principle of basically equal relations between the different races. Obviously referring to South Africa, h e said that the absenceby the African were an invitation to disaster.From this a few fact, -r" which, well-known I who to " w whileevents o thoseon the Africanside of the colour line, might give the Sabra -m unexpected shocks.The first is that the African is satisfied that his numbers, the way e has organised them and the presento.d .I world opinion placehim in the t position where _thin,that apartheid, with its insistenceon race separation, can offer 'ant be, got by the African on hisown.Myth explodedThe growing political consciousness of the African has cracked the white side and produced theof racial equality here is one of the sources of strain within the Commonwealth. Those are strong words. Britain's prime purpose in foreign affairs is to maintain the Commonwealth. A nd h -reis r.Gaitskell saysaying that it cannot be held together without racial equality.Clearly the republican question is not going to be an easy one for Mr. Strijdom - He hasto weigh in his mind manyfactors which exist abroad. And his knowledge of other countries, though no doubt adequate for day-to-day business, is not as profound s his knowledge of the party organisation of the Waterberg area ofthe Transvaal. He must _d=e, good we shall give himod advice. Unfriendly worldapartheid is an embarrassment s,ment to the Commonwealth. It a'lead South Africa being mt-iedad.t ' friendless in an unfriendlymore than an embarrassmentto the 14 million South Africans. It i s directly responsiblefordistorting the lives of millions, for condemning thousands of children to starvation, and for holding back in poverty and ignorance three-quarters of our populationHe can solveall these problems by giving everyone I h e do ,tthe vote. Why doesn't he do it?He would be acclaimed as the wisest ruler in our history. And, republic or n he would win the Commonwealth popularity prize. Inside the Commonwealth.byJORDANNGUBANELiberal Party n the , one hand ,,,,d what Professor on pi't.i u, "a" on the other, called Afrikaner liberalism, -d i " that way exploded the myth that white unity is a condition of dominance forthe European. To o this i added 'edthe fact that the men of aparthear,da s-11 minority and couldnever under any circumstances__._ the security of the African-tes. On the contrary,African goodwill will progressively as one of the principalguarantees of Afrikaner survival in this part of the world.Against these facts the idea ofpartition becomes a retrogradeand transparent white trick, signedh i to push back the African to the days before 1912 and in that way destroy the unity which has brought within sight the , goals e set himself a t the ffl.en,fo ntein conference. The second fact is that even if partition meant giving the African one sovereign independent state, it can never be fair. How would the land be divided? Would thewealthiest have rtio? Or would the acreage be distributed n a count of head,?P Plessis hinted so-,,here that those who contributedmost would have the biggest 'a'-which meant that the white man would have the bias's share, in other words. I this the African reply is that the man of colour has played no insignificant role in the creation of wealth. This, and his numbers would entitle him to having the largest part of

Page 15 of 30 theproposition the advocate, . separation would not be likely to favour.Vassal statenow I have assumed that th~Satb to ra men want for the African what they would ant for themselves and that what theyhave in mind is a sovereign independent state. But in view of the frequent mention o I "links- between the white and African states by the leaders of Sabra, it is possible that they might be having in min the idea of a -sad state. Against this I can quote the colourful reply of an old African with whom I discussed the idea shortly after the Sabra conference: "The idea stinks themoment it is heard !That returns us to a sovereignstate. 0- significant fact about it is that it would be bon of repudiation of the African by the white man in a predominantly African continent. That would leave the African-against the background of his sufferings under white rule - with a deep sense of grievance. The Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity Council in Cairo would gladly furnish him with the arms to translate his feelings into deeds. The recent''Accra conference would be akeenly interested partisan on the African's side. . All these factorswould create a climate of opinion in sovereign independent Bantustan in which the aggrieved African, could gladly allow theSoviet Union to build base, n nits territory in readiness for a showdown with that white South Africa which would have humiliated the man of Africa.thUltimate], separation would give Russia a foothold in a part of the continent where her presence could never be in the interests of e woen of apartheid themselves.The fourth shock will affect apartheid's moral foundations. Spokesmen of positive apartheidargue that separation -illl enablethe, African to rise to thehighest positions among his own people. This materialistic end is not thebasic issue at stake in the acedispute. The African does not oppose apartheid simply because itkeeps him poor. He opposes its very assessment of the individual's worth. The problem might be posed in the form of a question: thus: How shall I regard m, fellow human being? As a friend or an enemy. as wy equal or my inferior,if is n the other side'_"the ,rlour 0, racial lin?of the replygiven issue patterns of socialvalues and relationships which, inturn, give form to economic "lationships. To speak of highest positions and economic opportunities is thus to tack'e the problem from its tail end.There is a second danger to this. Pointing to materialistic goals to conceal the moral bankruptcy of repudiation creates in the African mind the impression that the white Christians of the Dutch Reformed Church and S bhave reached the point where they find Christian values no longer adequate for purposes of regulating the relationsbetween black and white. If this is the case' the question might as well be asked : Why D.R.C. waste so much should moneypreaching values which the whites find impracticable in giving form to their relations with their black countrymen?Logical answerFinally, too muchemphasisseparatethat racial destinies has the danger it drives the African to the extreme o saying that theonly really logical thing for themen of apartheid, if they feel so nastily about integration, is to pack and return to Europe here the, will be spared the agonies of living among black men.One fact emerges = this very brief review of of the shocks the men of Sabra might prepare themselves for: that the African does not think he is being done a favour when he is told to see brighter prospects of a fuller life for himself in the ideal of a separate state. That should at least encourage a more openminded approach to the conference planned by Sabra.pl,EDITORIALWe embarrass the CommonwealthCONTACT26th July, 1958.

Page 16 of 30 COMMENT,THE LONG VIEWcan Press Association reports reaching Natal, ProfessorS. P. Cill iers, of S"ll enboschUniversity' an executive member of Sabra, told the Cape Town Institute of Citizenship recently that he envisaged territorial separation as an intermediate, and not necssarily the final, stage inthe solution of the Union's racialproblems.Professor Cill iers emphasisedthat he was speaking in hisprivate capacity and that theseviews were his own. Nevertheless, they are not only his own.There are quite a number oftadvocates of total apartheid and. I suspect, quite a number of members of Sabra, who concede that total apartheid may not be he final answer to our problem, ,but who think that we must have a shot at it all the same.They base their case on thecontention that can alwaysbe a retreat ,0there apartheid to afully-integrated society but thatthere can b e no similar retreatfrom an integrated society to a total apartheid one. They are quite right in the second of these conclusions but almost certainly quite wrong in the first.Those of us who believe in establishing a common, nonracial society South African , recognise that there are certain necessary pre-condition, to its creation if it is going to have a fair chance of survival. One that people of all races shouldknow' something about oneanother. A second is that interracial bitterness should be at a minimum.But the attempt to drive us all towards the apartheid state is destroying precisely these foundations on which the successfulcommon society must be built. People can only get to know andlike one _ another if they canmeet together and work together. Dr. Verwoerd and Dr. Donge, regard it as one of their missions in life to make this more andmore difficult.But, unless we start learningto know and like oneanothertoday, what possible chanceisthere that we will be able to do either if the retreat from apartheid starts in 10 or 15 or 20years time? None at all.Is the attempt to establish the apartheid state te reducing racial bitterness? Whatever its protagonists may say its present effects are precisely the opposite to their professed intentions. The process of trans it on, whichthey ~,rroctry`ig to set in motion,creates more bitterness every day. What are some of the thing that it is doing to South Africans right now?In Durban, the cost of enforcing the residential segregation which the Group Areas Act demands is going to be the removal of at least 100,000 people.Perhaps by the time the finalproclamations are out it will be twice as many. According to some prophets one-third of the population of what is the Union's third largest city will have to move. Over 40 per cent of the Coloured population may be uprooted, over 50 per cent of the African and Indian, onlytwo to three per cent of thewhite. Not since _ Hiroshima and Nagasaki will there have beensuch a fantastic "',_'a'.Johannesburg's first proclamations last year weren't much different. What is happening in Pretoria? What ` threatens in Cape Town idPort Elizabeth and P, art? Almost everywhere the pattern is the same. Those who don't call the tune pay thepiper. It is not the comfortableCity Councillors of Durban whomust pack up and go, or theplush politicians of the Cape Town caucuses who are uprooted from their homes. They only make the plans.The Group Areas Act hangs darkly over every single city anddorp in South Africa. It promises suffering, not security.But it is not the only Act. ThePopulation Register's officialsdays inspecting hair andnails and genealogies, topping upthe reservoirs of bitterness.Every day the Native t UrbansomeAras Act sears ~ , youngAfrican soul and scatters somepainfully-erected family life to the winds. The Langa "Divorce Court" keeps busy. The Industrial Conciliation Act can send a man back tomorrow to the job he started off on 30 yearsago and up from which he hasbeen steadily working himself for the best part of his life. Presumably p t him backon the = it saZry scale as'e".The Natives Administration Act hang, like the sword OfDamocles over countles, Afticfami I ic.; living in freehold in N orthern Natal, promising themonly the certainly that 'On"n".someday, they will have to leave the hornes their fathe s and theirgr a ndfathers built, because nowthose homes are "black spotsThe list is end e ss. The wellsof bi t--ss grow deeper,T ilosewho subscribe to the apartheid dream shold not bea lowed t. d"_eivc themselvesinto thinking that there can be an easy start n a new direction 'hen the i r bubble bursts. The steps which they will have taken t 0 m ake the dream come true wi I have left too deep a wound on too many people for things to be a s simple as that.Their best hope for a successful retreat to a no"-raci " societyis not going to depend on vhatsteps they take to establish a segregated society. It will depend on w1at thos,:ho dowopposeapa'theid do t. bre n the,barriers which D'. Verwoerd and Dr. Donges erect, and howbroad a non-raci al opposition toapartheid n be created.It nay a ha d fact for them to fa- b ut the future of the people who gre, itl Irofe,so,Ci 'I ier, i , n ot 'ikel v to depend1"uch on what they do to make apartheid work but on what ot hers do to make it not work .[11 lal- i, on I ... e in th, B,I,hu, Con-Heisarticles tvill hecontinued ", a, , ,,, . date.]Foundations of a common societyare being destroyed& UA'11 AYRICANLOONING-Gla5'sFir8l, 1here ` the room you can see t4ro,,l th, la,, th.t,S just th, -e as our drthinU3 go the other-Throuah the L-kino-Glass._DAIING LIP-SERVICE TO APARTHEID.-The Chief Magistratof W,nberg, Mr. C. E. Cuff. ruled in the Wynberg Magilrate's Court yesterday that for a Europea n to kiss a Coloured w.. was not an offence under the Immorality Act.He found a man and woman not guilty of contravening the Act.ab" - ". W'straa' aid he found the two in the back seat .f a=t.n lul 22 at 2.11 a.m. par, ed off the Liesbeek Park Road, Mowbray.Cros=in "d by Mr. Herbert Saacks. Const ble Westraar said tha t the can man told him he was just whiling the time away kissing the girl before going fishing.There was a fishing r. , d and t-kle inside the car. and he - to be in Hout Bay at 4 _ . ( Report in Cape Tinies.)BLANK I I...D.--r. loost de Blan '. in~hisshort tnime her has "s'd infinite =age. nly be 'en ~hite an d on-,hi but al,. between the I language groups There are many in our land who would be glad to see the Government act against these people. (I a letter i,, I)ie I "'..)UNFAIR IDENTITY PARADE.-"After more than 49 years' setvicewith the Cape Town City Council's Cleansing Department, Mr.(right) is retiring to-day. He is seen here with hisfavourite horse Prince w i'h whorn he has worked for the p- fewyears." (Caption to a picture in the C_ Tin"').FAIR COMMENTT HE Neiv York Herald Tributie recently issued a thumping advertisemen t numbe on So uth Africa, I f ardent Erician saIle'talk. Must have cost ma . y bottles 0 , 'Cho.M,, k"MANY =cans were delighted when ak n cirCLIS came to KroonsladBtit their hope, -re d shed when the authorities ref"'od to a,_, the to see it." (Report in Pr_).Circ-apartheid. H ow ver, appropriate! I wonder if the chief clo,,n had a stump-nose, and if he wore white clothe, with ]a rge black spots, and if the bored audience walked out every time he opened his m*outh.by Patrick DuncanThe

Page 17 of 30 weakness here is that if the~o mvernement should accept the advice, and the ak the ~fricans pay for it, as Verwoerd is busy doing ith his tax increase, what does the lV-1d do? It has ruled out , not only all boycotts but all protests.The joke is that the editorial is entitled: "A bolder strategy against apa rtheidT HE (BantLI) World, in a recent editorial opposing apartheid, criticised the use of bovcotts, demonstrations and protes, ts, on the-unds that they have merely hard-ed theh e arts of th e itevoers. Thes methods " have mad' (the white voter) ask for m. eap-heid . So 1h I it means that ~by employing'he'em.ns "': :re. virtually l voting for apartheid,'* runs the article. The arlid ' c'o'es wi ththis recommendation: "13 ut it by no m ansmea ns that are beaten at the game. ela,from it. All have to do is to employ what looks like a formidable weapon. This -apons to cha,, e- the E.ropean -er and theLvernment to carry out apartheid. We must dare them to do it. We must say: "All right;you want apartheid. A pp,y i t and pay for it."][T seems to be the accepted practice forMinisters to gi- information to one section of the Press-that supporting the. Govegn,-and not to all the Press.lf Mi n isters carry into their ministries the sectional habits they gained while organising support in their constituencies, they cannot 11 pect full recognition as representative, f SoM Africa.jA4 I 11. SWART, Minister of Justice was:skedParliament to give his reasonforhavin decided not to allow his department togiv -idence before the Centlivres Cornmissio nof Inquiry into the 1957 Johannesburg riots.His reply: reported v"'ati-':a' : "" iew ofthe previous inquirie,, whic were institutedwhen s imilaroccur= s took place, and the,known facts of the ts in esp,., of wh ich the commission wanted to inquire into, I didnot consi er the furnishing of ev idence to anoutside body necessary."No doubt, it he had given evidence, no one would have understood i,.'CONTACTPETER BROWN takes CCORDING to South Afri26th Jully, 1958.

Page 18 of 30 POLITICS10.GRAAFF THREW IN THE TOWEL INCENSURE DEBATEU.P.'s role dismayed anti-NatsPARLIAMENT IN PERSPECTIVEIF the opening days of the session are anything to judge by, the life of the present Parliament is likely to be exceedingly dull.Traditionally, the session starts with a debate on a motion of no confidence in the Government, introduced by the Leader of the Opposition. This year, to mark the mood of the United Party, the no-confidence motion was dropped.by V 11QuillHeaven knows there is plenty of reason for anybody not to have confidence in the Government. The racial situation has never been worse, the economic baromete' is falling, international opinion of South Africa is at its lowest ebb; moreover the Government's legislative and administrative programme indicates that worse is in store.The apartheid machine doesn't work, and never will work, in spite of all Government attempts toforce it to G=ent it is not constructed on sound scientific principles but out of emotion and make-believe. Of all times, this was a time for the Opposition, in spite of its election defeat, to stand by fundamental principles and fight back, confident that in the long run right must triumph over might.Yet Sir De Villiers Graaff chose this occasion to throw in the towel. Read his motion carefully. It is not a motion of no confidence; it is not even a motion of censure. It is an offer of advice to the Government on how to govern, with the suggestion in the last paragraph that "unless the Government give immediate effect to the above-mentioned proposals, and in the meantime desist from ideological legislation and ill-timed action and propaganda calculated to exacerb rte race relations and disturb national progress, they will forfeit the confidence of this House".Change of mind?"Will forfeit", mark you; not "have forfeited"! Apparently Sir De Vi lliers still has confidence in the Government-or had at the beginning of the session, for it is just possible that the Government's contemptuous treatment of him may have made him change his mind by now.What, one wonders, did Sir De Villiers hope to achwe by his offer of co-operation? He surely did not seriously expect the Government to take him at his word and give him a seat in the Cabinet? Nor could he be aiming to persuade his own side of the reasonableness of his own point of vie', for it is presumably a waste of time to preach to the converted.Earned contemptThe performance of the United Party during this debate earned the contempt of the Nationalists and the dismay of all antiNationalists. Is this the way to fight? One remembers, by comparison, the fight put up by the Nationalists themselves when they were a small minority in opposition during the war. Though the whole Western world was against them, though their cause suffered defeat in the international arena, they never came crawling to Smuts with fictitious offers of co-operation. They knew better than to make weak-kneed appeals from a position of weakness. Instead, they stuck to their guns and fought tenaciously for their point of view in season and out-and won the final victory in consequence.GRAAFF ...confidence in the Government?Of course, the trouble with the United Party-as Strijdom, Swart, Donges and Verwoerd all pointed out during the debate-is that it hasn't got a point of view to fight Ins; and no one can be expected to have the courage of his lack of convictions. Indeed, if one examines the circumstances of the United Party a little more closely, its position is so hopeless, it is amazing it still has the cheek to open its mouth. A prisoner of the Constitution, which limits the franchise, for 11 practical purposes, to Whites only, the United Party finds itself now doomed to perpetual opposition. It cannot turnfor aid to the non-whites, whom it fears as greatly as the Nationalists do, and who in any case haven't the vote. Nor can it ever hope to outbid the Nationalists in appeals to the racial pride and prejudice of the white electorate.Lost causesA practical politician never fights for lost causes. And Sir De Villiers Graaff is every inch the practical politician. So, since there is no future in barren opposition for its own sake, and least of all for the sake of principle, why not try a little toenadering instead? That is, at any rate, what appear to have been in Sir De Villiers' mind when he offered a truce.He forgot, though, that "victory is by nature insolent and haughty", to quote Cicero. He turned the other cheek before the first had even been slapped, but the Nationalist big guns more than made up for it in their replies, exacting a double measure of punishment. The Nationalists don't need Sir De Villiers at the moment; and they made it abundantly clear that in their opinion he and his offers of co-operation were expendable.Perhaps the only point of substance to emerge from the debatewas the following: Sir De Villiers had said, in his opening speech:"It would be futile for the white section to lay down a policy which affects both the whites and nonwhites without consultation with the non-whites ... We are also in agreement that no proposals which are not acceptable to the non whites can be a permanent and peaceful solution."To which Verwoerd replied:"That was not the Government's standpoint. The United Party held that nothing could be done for the future of South Africa without the acceptance and agreement of the non-whites. To do so would be to give the non-whites a veto right ."Old argumentHaven't we heard that argument before? The two-thirds majority rule was cut out of the Union Constitution because it meant the one-third who disagreed could exercise a veto. Now the majority of the population of South Africa are to be denied a hearing because that would give them, too, a veto. The Nationalists demand for themselves alone the right to rule without veto-least of all, the veto of Parliament. This is naked dictatorship by a minority of a minority.ECONOMICSTALKING BUSINESSwith RALPH HORWITZNaude's Charlie Chaplin actAFRICAN AID ASSOCIATION Pty. Ltd.Monthly membershipfor advice on legal,financial and socialassistance, includingFREE life and burialinsuranceWrite now for full particulars P.O. Ban 7895, JohannesburgCONTACTTHE image conjured up by Mr. Naude delivering his Budget is of Charlie Chaplin exposing the linings of pocket after pocket in mounting desperation to look for a non-existent coin. Indeed the role of Mr. Naude this year was very much that of the pathetic little figure brought to his present straits by the overbearing demands of his big -time friends. The big-time boys of the Cabinet,having embarked on gigantic capital expenditures in pursuit of their ideological fantasies, thrust on poor Mr. Naude the insoluble problems of finding the money. The ideological fantasies are by no means confined to Dr. Verwoerd. Successive Ministers of Agriculture have erected some mighty monuments to the goddess of state marketing; the Minister of Interiorhas wanted his temples and electronicmachinery to decide who is white, near-white and non-white; the Ministers of Economic Affairs have had their initial complexes such as Sasol and Foskor but above all it has been the country's all-greedy and

Page 19 of 30 all-powerful monopoly of the state-owned railway system which*brought poor little Mr. Naude to his parlous present position.The whole Budget was a desperate search to raise capital for the loan account. The direct contribution of income tax payers is to be the very large sum of 57,500,000. Super-tax payers with substantial capital are offered a most attractive tax-free investment bond, always provided that they do not receive back excessively depreciated pounds after fiveyears. One way and another it is now possible for those in the high income tax brackets to obtain substantial tax-free investments for their savings.Although the Budget superficially may appear to have let off the individual taxpayer lightly, the implications and probable consequences of the various financial measures are far from favourable for business. Private businessother than those successfully tendering for Government orders -seems certain to suffer a further decline in activity. Apart from a special incentive for mineral prospecting, there is no incentive whatsoever to stimulate investment in the private sector of the economy. On the contrary the heavy drain of taxation and forced savings tofinance Government expenditure, both on loan and on current account, will not stimulate spending by consumers.Furthermore the private sector will be hard pressed to find risk capital and some of the most significant concessions to the wealthier strongly favour non-risk investment. For example, the taxpayer with a marginal rate of taxation of 50 per cent can earn the equivalent of 10 per cent on his money in investment bonds, Union loan certificates and other similar avenues.At a time, therefore, when it is of the greatest importance to revive industrial expansion in South Africa, the Government's own pressing needs for capital may well force contraction.26th July, 1958.

Page 20 of 30 INTERNATIONALAMERICAN ASSEMBLY VOTES; AFRICANSELF-DETERMINATIONTHE 13TH AMERICAN ASSEMBLY took a firm stand in favourof African self-determination at the conclusion of a four-day conference at Arden House, on top of Ramapo Mountain, 50 miles north of New York City, recently.It was the most elaborate conference on Africa ever held in the United States. Sixty distinguished Americans from all parts of the country gathered at the secluded mountain estate to eat, sleep, hear speeches, participate in discussions, and in the end to draft reccommendations on what America's "posture" should be towards tropical Africa.Participants included American publishers, top Government officials concerned with Africa, businessmen, heads of philanthropic institutions, area specialists, missionaries and others. Their topic, "The United Statesand Africa", was one thatwould hardly have been chosen eight years ago when Dwight D. Eisenhower, as president of Columbia University, founded the American Assembly to stimulate thought among American leaders on "matters of large public interestAssembly participants agreed that Africa "demands the attention of the American people".In the final plenary session, the group adopted as its "fundamental premise" the view that "the peoples of Africa will ultimately determine their own relationships with each other, with Europe, and with the rest of the world".The final statement asserted that the pace of political advance in Africa must be "fast enough to respond to the growing aspirations of the African peoples".Call on the free worldThe original draft said the political pace should at the same time, be "slow enough" to permit deveopment of the necessary governmental institutions and vidual skills, but the phrase "slow enough" was struck out by the Assembly for fear it would be misunderstood in Africa and seized upon in some quarters as a justification for delay.In one of its major recommendations, the Assembly called for free-world co-operative efforts to ensure that emergent African states be given the means toachieve economic and political viability. Although it was not specifically mentioned in the final resolution, one proposal along this line aroused widespread interest in the panel discussions and is certain to be investigated further in coming months. This was the plan of M.I.T.'s Dr. Arnold Rivkin to create an entirely new international agency to channel free-world assistance money to African dependent and independent states through multilateral and bilateral agreements. The report itself firmly endorsed an increase in U.S. economic aid to Africa and stressed also the necessity of maintaining a continuing flow of private capital into the area.U.S. and BritishexpertsOn hand at Arden House to outline U.S. Government policies and programmes affecting Africa were Julius C. Holmes, special assistant to the Secretary of State; Stuart H. Van Dyke, regional director for African operations in the International Co-operation Administration; and Edward V. Roberts, director of African operations in the United States Information Agency. Also participating in the panels were Lady Barbara Ward Jackson, British writer and economist, and Sir Andrew Cohen, British representative on the U.N. Trusteeship Council and former Governor of Uganda.Participants ranged from specialists intimately acquainted with African problems to leaders in other fields who were getting their first detailed introduction to Africa in the four-day Arden House session.Although there were some dissenters who did not want to go oo record in favour of "giveaways", the majority of Assembly participants agreed on the necessity of increased U.S. aid to Africa and urged greater use of multilateral arrangements. It was felt the latter are often more acceptable politically and psychologically to the recipient countries. In some cases, the Assembly felt American financial support should be given to projects which are "politically or socially justifiable" even though they do not meet the "full range of economic criteria". In this passage of the report, many participants appeared to have in mind such projects as Ghana'sproposed Volta River hydroelectric scheme, which was reported in the panels to beeconomically promising, but notsufficiently so to attract the necessary private capital.The Assembly called on theUnited States to promote thedevelopment of viable economicand political systems in Africa "byevery means appropriate to agreat power which has no territorial possessions in the area".In other significant sections ofthe report, the Assembly in effect urged the European governments not to halt their assistance to African countries after the granting of independence, cautioned against the premature granting of. independence to multi-racial areas and called for increasing participation by Africans in the governments of these areas, accepted the view that formal alliances are not essential in the maintenance of friendly assiciations between Africa and the West, called on the United States to reflect its commitment to the principles of selfdetermination and human equality on African issues in the United Nations, and to refrain from lending support in the U.N. to racial or colonial policies which are opposed to those principles.Eight-chapterbookOne product of the Assembly isan eight chapter book, TheUnited States and Africa, preparedby area specialists. Advance textswere distributed to participants asbackground reading. Those whodid their homework were giventhese factors to consider aboutpresent day Africa An estimate by political scientist James S. Coleman that many of the remaining territorities in colonial Africa will probably achieve or approach independence in two decades or less. In some of these territories, Coleman writes, the transition could come within a decade:"It is quite possibleindeed, if one accepts Mr. Chester Bowles's proposition that African nationalismFORwill inevitably triumph, it is a certitude-that within a decade many of the colonial territories now classified as "multi-racial" (British Kenya), "Euro-African" (French Algeria or the Belgian Congo), or "special status" (Bechuanaland) will be fully independent under African prime ministers." A warning from economist Andrew Kamarck of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development that Britain and France may not be able or willing to continue their flow of investment funds into Africa on so large a scale as in the past.A further note of urgency wasinjected at the conference sessionsby Lady Jackson's emphaticreminder that the "orderly evolution" towards democratic selfgovernment in Africa was a tremendously expensive process, calling for economic assistance on acontinuing and systematic basis.Drafting finalreportConsiderations such as these were not overlooked in the three days of morning and afternoon panel discussions which preceded the drafting of the final report.Participants were divided into three panels which met separately each day to discuss various points on the agenda. The report was drawn up by panel leaders as a consensus of the conclusions reached by the three groups. In the plenary session the fourth and final day, the report

Page 21 of 30 was debated and approved after some modification.In an interim report to the Press, all three panel leaders said their groups viewed sympathetically the policies of "neutralism" or "non-involvement" which habee n espoused in the newly emergent African states. Prof. Gwendolen Carter of Smith College, leader of Panel 2, said her group felt the African states are just in the process of "feeling their way" internationally, and should not be pressured for formal alliance. It was felt pressure might only result in divisions among the African states and possibly work to America's disadvantage.Andrew Kamarck, leader of Panel 3, and Vernon McKay, of(Continued on Page 14) 26th July, f958.byROBERT C.KEITHJULIUS C. HOLMES, Deputy Assistant to Seertary of State Dulles,outlines official American policy towards Africa on the first dayof the Arden House meeting. Holmes, who is earmarked for thepost of Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, alsoparticipated in the panels. Seated behind the speaker is Dr. HenryM-. Wriston, president of the American Assembly.CONTACT

Page 22 of 30 12.WRITINGRELIGIOUS CULTS--!md0W! GHANAThe Akan of Ghana; their ancient beliefs, by Eva L. R. Meyerowitz (Faber and Faber. 45s.)THE city-states of West Africa contrast so remarkably with the pastoral and peasant economics of Southern Africa that it is most difficult to see the peoples of Ghana in anything approaching a proper perspective. Nor does this book help us much as it is one volume in a still continuing series.OF= ---, , ,,The names of his godare legionNo writer who deals with the religion of a people exclusively is expected to survey the economics or the cultural status of the people concerned. Mrs. Meyerowitz quite rightly steps straight into her major topic after a brief introduction giving the ancestry and early historical migrations of the founders of the Akan states which form the nucleus of Ghana to-day. From the Niger bend (the region of Timbuktu) their movement southward is certain, but the identification of legendary Diadom with Djada purely on grounds of linguistic similarity is less sure.Complex patternThe author postulates four religious cult periods, inferred from her analysis of a most complex religious pattern. During the first period the Moon was worshipped as a mother-goddess, progenitor of the heavenly bodies. The second period is marked by a preference for a father-god who moulded the earth, like a potter. Oddly enough he is symbolised by the Pole-star which is visible some eight degrees above the northern horizon, the only constant point in a revolving sky. This resulted in a sharing of celestial power and in the introduction of a seven-day week associated with the deities of seven heavenly bodies, including Sun, Moon and Venus. This last planet symbolises the period.With the third period the supremacy of the Sun as ruler over the other deities becomesevident, while in the fourth period the supernatural ancestor in each male family line becomes prominent. This imposes a patrilineal grouping upon an inferredly earlier matrilineal pattern.Basic elementsThis brutally oversimplified digest is enough to show how different the pattern of religion can be in a distant part of Africa. complicated by city-states under complex systems of government. The basic elements of African ritual and symbolism are present. Initiates are painted white, patterns of hair-cutting are important, the dancing, the drums, conical shrines and so on are all essentially African. More localised in West Africa are the sacredness of the grove, the tendency to fall into cataleptic trances and the intensity of the funeral cult.In all, one gets the feeling that Mrs. Meyerowitz has perhaps seen Africa through the distorting glasses of the German culturehistory school. In anthropology attachment to any school of thought means in fact that the investigator brings more into the field of study than he takes out. There is no evidence here to suggest that four culture periods did in fact exist. One might just as readily presume that Sudanic pastoralists of the Niger bend had brought a patrilineal pattern to the agricultural and matrilineal forest area, with whose inhabitants they have cleary fused.The linking of Ghana religion with that of Carthage under Elissa(not Helissa) or Did, loses all force when we realize that Elissa was the near relative of biblical Jezebel, that she brought an almost Jewish religion to Carthage and that this was quickly Africanised locally by the immense African peasant population working under the Hundred Punic Families brought by Dido. The author is only linking one African religionwith one other. If we bust, knew early Mauretanian religions, they might link with Ghana just as strongly.Parallel columns of this type were employed just as effectively a century ago to prove that the Xhosa religion was based upon the Pentateuch.A. J. H. GOODWIN.An Abrofohene master of ceremonies calling out the titles ofthe god.How You Can HelpCONTACT is not only reporting emergent Africa: it is fighting for freedom in South Africa.This costs money. Please do what you can to help. You can.(a) pass CONTACT on to a friend who may be interested.(b) ask for it at newsagents.(c) get us new subscriptions (rates on p.15) and advertisements.(d) send us donations.(e) - and this may be the most important-send us news that you would like to see us print.ON THE ROADJack Kerouac 16/-.(A novel about the `BeatGeneration' - vivid andexciting.)SPECIAL FRIENDSHIPSRoger Peyrefitte 19/-.SIMPLE STAKES A CLAIMLangston Hughes 13/-.THE REVOLUTIONBETRAYEDLeon Trotsky .. .. 20/-.(An -ld classic-What is theSoviet Union and where is itgoing?)All prices post freeVANGUARD BOOKSELLERS23 Joubert Street, Johannesburg...HEAR AFRICA'S NEW CALYPSO SINGER!Sixteen-year-oldJOHNNY PONDOsings"NDI YE JOZI"and"AGEKHO MUNTU"on U.S.A. 33available from all record dealersHear also the two "Tsotsi" Sketches, "My Braar"_ on U.S.A. 10 and "Cook Dhladhla" and "Die Beauty Conteston U.S.A. 23A priest in a sacred grove at Nkranza, Central Ghana, has justfinished pouring a libation.CONTACT26th July, 1958,

Page 23 of 30 ERTA NPIEIsIT13.BLACK AND WHITE NOTES BUT NO PIANONo colours were barred noteven the `blues'CONCERT A LESSON IN `INTEGRATION'LOVERS of jazz of all races comprised the audience, and white,black and "coloured" instrumentalists and singers showed how "harmonious" race relations can be established through the common bond of a love of music, at a concert at the Cape Town City Hall a few days ago.Organised by the Golden City Post, and enjoying the patronage of the Mayor of Cape Town, the concert was given in aid of the Cape Mental Health Society to build a home for nonwhite mentally defective children.Trumpeter Henry Mokone plays solo bars while drummer CecilRicer and bassist George Kussel await their cues.THE STATE AS A KILLER A BITTER NOVELMy Mother W" "--red, by E. S. Willmd (Heinemann).THIS extraordinary novel, translated from the Dutch, isone of the most effective indictments of capital punishment ever published. It tells, in simple and austere words, the story ci Li-a a young man accidentally discovers that his mother, an actress of uncertain life, was hanged for murdering her lover in a fit of jealous rage.This discovery alters his whole orientation to life. The thought of her death obsesses him until in an effort to attain identity with her and to show his contempt for the society which has taken its revenge he kills without apparent motive an acquaintance whom he identifies with his mother's lover, and meets his end silently on the gallows too.Overwhelming bitternessThe novel is written with anoverwhelming bitterness_a savagecontempt that, while it mars its value as a purely literary work. gives it a certain quality of documentary truth.What happens to the children of executed criminals is a disquieting thought. rarely dealt with. Mr. Willard's central character says. with convincing savagery. that society logically should execute them too.The quality of the writing, its uncompromising mordancy, can be judged from the following extract."The trial was a bad joke. A damned bad joke. A travesty. A relic of primitive ages. The counsel for the prosecution, sniffing blood again; the judge with his parchment brain under his silly wig: the members of the jury with their put-on sense of justice, their hypocrisy and their narrowmindedness and stupidity; the blowflies of the Press; and the riffCONTACTraft in the public gallery. I was alone in front of that gang.''Another telling extract is:"I am afraid. But she had to go through this too. This dread. and this waiting until they cat. fetch her. and the procession to the scaffold. She too was delivered over to a human creatw-e who was paid to kill her. She felt her arms and legs being tied together. and a cape being pulled over her head. She too felt the coarse rope round her neck, and the brass eyelet against her ear from underneath. She too knew that last moment before the trap opened under her feet. that last contraction of the nerves. that last shudder- that last time she breathed out and the blood pulsed in her veins. What do you feel in the second then the weight of your body stretches the rope and your neck breaks-that is, if all goes well? She knew it."Murderers bydefaultThe quality of Willard's writing has a mild element of hysteria which only slightly mars the impact of his message. A point he labours, and which is unanswerable. is that the state by killing makes itself as guilty as the murderer. The culpability for ahanainc g belongs. therefore. to allmembers of the state who do not actively protest against this barbarous customOWEN WILLIAMS.Contact between the cast and audience was established from the very beginning, when an all-cast group opened with a fast Parker blues number "Now's thee time", which became a fullsteam Hucklebuck from. halfway through.The Anthony Schilder Trio (a name to remember) followed with a hard-hitting "I hear music", also a favourite theme of the late Charles Parker. This is not coincidental, since even the jazz listeners in Cape Town begin to realise that there are some more substantial sounds than certain "cnnl" so,_tn 1s from overseas.Schilder`s "Tenderly" was unusually economical, and the brilliant cleanness of his playing was very apparent in "Blues in G". Anthony got good support from bassist Joe Colussi and drummer Dave Austin. Considering that they had hardly played together before, they sounded very integrated (after all, they are. At least racially).Penny-whistleNext came a huge sax case, carried by Harold Jephtha, out of which he dragged a penny-whistle. In the hands of such a master, this modern instrument can cover more than only three chords. After jumping through "Symphony Sid", he came on with his tenor sax, with which he is really at home. First he met a request for a fast "Perdido", and then he went from a most polished Banzi Bangazi on trumpet into `'Oscar for Treadwell" which he took with proper Parker-speed and stopped it abruptly in unisono. With that they blew down the back, the last of those Westy-coasty lukewarm Coolie-disciples.He looked up to Bird and torward to Sonny Stitt and Rollins and therefore didn't seem to mind when occasional squeaks occurred from blowing too hard. Banzi, who combines the different qualities of Shavers. Gill` psi and Miles in his playing. was more than competent. The pianist iii this group, Vincent Kolbe, surprised with a very inventive piano style, and helped, together with Don Stegman's excellent and unobtrusive drumming and bassist Mitch Pike. who is an artist by profession as well, to a maximum. The last two, by the way7 are Europeans.Beaty Benjamin, backed by the brassy sounds of the Jimmy Adams big-band, sang three ballads: "Someone to watch over me," "Almost like being in love", and "Maybe you'll be there". Her phrasing has improved quite a lot. though her voice needs a microphone.It was unfortunate that the organisers couldn't give more space to the fine arrangements of Adams. His "Imagination" was well done and after hearing Henry Mokone's trumpet, which was by far the outstanding voice in the group, one could hardly make up one's mind whether he or Banzi is the greater trumpet player.There were. to these ears, too many- vocalists in the concert. Bernie Smith sang "Falling in love with love" and "Isn't it romantic". The classic opera star Yusuf William, made his debut in the jazzworld with "Embraceable you". His voice is magnificent, but that doesn't make a jazz singer-yet. .He lacks an important thing . phrasing.The third male singer, Charles McWallis, was rather a shouter. In fact he used to go for rock 'n roll. He gave a blues number which he swung. His gestures were rather awful, but he will probably make the grade with moreThe loudestThe show ended with the inevitable raucous blues, with the whole cast on stage. The two drummers went into chasechoruses, where one noticed that Cecil Ricca was the loudest, without losing his good taste, thoughThe Peninsula Jazz Six convinced very much with their music. They are led by Anthony Schilder's brother Richard on the piano. Jimmy Adams plays alto in the group but he doesn't seem to have too many ideas in his solos. The trumpet of Henry Mokone makes the thing really go. The George Cussel

Page 24 of 30 QuartetCussel, base, Brian Welsh, piano. Merton Barron, vibes, and Cecil Ricca, drums-presented the most polished music of the evening.They work hard together, and the result is a wonderful communication between the single members. Although nearly "classical" in their approach, they don't remind one much of the "modern jazz quartet" as one might expect. Their original '`Blues for Paul" was most moving.PAUL MEYER,careful training.After an up-tempo "Indiana". the guitarist Norman Delaharpe played an excellent alto sax and was really a big surprise.The climax of the evening came with Johannesburg's singer Rose Mathyse. There are hardly any words to describe her "Cry me a river'; Julie London's famous version seems to fade away in comparison. "Bewitched" was one of the most sensitive versions to be heard, and with a seductiveswineing "All of me" she simply brought the house down. 0ho pes to hear her in Cape Town again. n.Recommended readingISRAELRICHARD LANNOYSpectacular camera work catches the spirit of Israel, its scenes, cities, people and work in 132 moving photographs. With an introductory essay and historical notes. this is a magnfieent volumeto give or to keep.S5/6PILGRIM'S BOOKSELLERS(Cape) Pty. Ltd.59 St. George's Street, CAPE TOWN. Tel. 3-0318, 3-5511. P.O. Box 3559.26th July, 1956

Page 25 of 30 14.THE PRESSTHE PRESS HAS A DUTY TO REPORTTHE TREASON TRIALPublic must be kept informedTHERE can be no doubt that the treason trial-due to open in Pretoria on August 1 -will go down in our history as the most fantastic trial ever to be staged in South Africa. From the time of the mass raids in September 1955 (on which the arrests of December 1956 were based), there has been an atmosphere of theatricality about the trial which has left the man in the steet more than slightly bemused."Can it be true?", he has asked himself. "Is this really treason? Or is it, as the defence claims, a gigantic political plot aimed at outlawing the extra-parliamentary opposition to the Nationalist Government?"Since the case is still sub jiidice, one may not comment on its merits. But one is entitled to draw attention to those of its characteristics which distinguish it from the ordinary run of cases which come before our courts.This is the first time a charge of treason has been based on public political activity in peace-time as distinct from secret conspiracy, armed rebellion or activity on behalf of an enemy in war-time.This is the first time so nuns people have been charged with treasonable conspiracy. At first 156 people and one company were arrested and brought to court on an allegation of treason. Before the end of the preparatory examination 61 were discharged from the trial on grounds that they had no case to meet. Among those discharged were the PresidentGeneral and SecretaryGeneral (Chief Luthuli andOliver Tambo) of the African National Congress, the most important of the various organisations which are alleged to have taken part in the treasonable conspiracy. At the end of the preparatory examination the magistrate committed theremaining :wee trial, butfour of these were later also discharged from the case by the Attorney-General on the grounds that they had no case to meet. That leaves 91 who will appear in court on August 1.No explanationMost people who have kept a close watch on the proceedings have been unable to understand why the 65 were arrested in the first place, or why they were released in the second. No explanation has been offered by the Crown, and the former accused have received no compensation for their months-long ordeal before the court.by P. E. N.This is the first time a South African Government has shown itself so anxious for a conviction that it has altered the law four times to the prejudice of the accused - extending the nature of cases which can be tried by special courts to include cases under the Suppression of Communism Act (there are two charges under the Suppression of Communism Act alternative to the charge of treason); enabling an accused to be tried in his absence; providing for presumptions relating to documents; and, during the present session of Parliament, enabling the Government to override the wishes of the accused, sidestep the prerogative of the Judge-President, and appoint all three judges of the Special Court itself.defence by ordering that the trialbe transferred from Johannesburgto Pretoria. Although this will involve the accused in great extracost and inconvenience; again noexplanation has been forthcomingfrom the crown.This is the longest criminal trial in South African history. The preparatory examination ended more than a year after it started. The trial itself is expected to last the best part of a year. The lives of the 150 (now 91) accused and their families have been irretrievably disrupted. Never before has a trial aroused such interest and concern, not only throughout South Africa. but throughout the world. In In many foreign countries committees have been set up to aid the treason accused.Government on trialFor all these reasons, it can be said that in this treason case, it is not only the accused who are on trial, but the Government as well, whose reputation will be gravely affected by the outcome. If thecharge sticks, it will be read as a victory for apartheid, all etfeci ve opposition to which may be outlawed by the judgment. If the charge fails, it w ill be a victory for the policy of integration, as expressed in the Freedom Charter, for which the accused stand. In these circumstances, the South African Press owes a duty to the people-a duty to keep its readers informed as to what is going on in the treason trial, a duty to remain ever-vigilant and anxious to see that justice is done. Where a suspicion exists that the Government has thrown more than one spanner into con legal works in the course of this case, the only protection (not only for the accused, but also for the reputation of our courts) is public opinion, and its only weapon a free, enlightened and informative Press.Badly misinformedThe treason trial must not be treated on the same basis as any other case, played up for its sensational features, forgotten about for the rest of the time ... which is what happened during the preparatory examination. Week after week of court hearing passed without a line in the: apart from a report of the occasional brush between defence counsel and the Bench. The result is that the general public, though keenly interested in the trial, is badly misinformed about its general nature.The responsibility of the Press is also greatly increased because the two books which have so far been written on the trial-the one by Lioncl Forman and , the other by Anthony Sampsonhave been prevented from circulating freely in South Africa. It is to be hoped editors will rise to the occasion and keep the issues in the treason trial perpetually before the public conscience.P.E.N.HE WILL PRESIDE:Mr. Justice RurnpffThe Government has further acted to the prejudice of theAmerican vote for African self-determinationthe School of Advanced International Studies, leader of Panel I, reported a general consensus that the United States should recognise the strong appeal of neutralism. The panels felt a "healthy neutralism" is not necessarily detrimental, although, as one panel member put it, "we don't want African states to be neutral against us". Ensuing Press dispatches on their neutralism decisions appeared to give pause to some of the Assembly participants; at any rate the final report said simply that the United States should strive for friendly associations between Africa and the West, and "formal alliance is not essential to that end".In order to preserve its focus on the tropical areas of Africa, the Assembly attempted to avoid lengthy discussions of problems relating to Egypt, Algeria and the Union of South Africa. However, race tensions in Central Africa came under close scrutiny.Some diversion was found in the fact that the United States offered a "prime example" of settler rule, but it was generally felt that in Africa the direction is towards rule by the indigenous majority. The panels seemed to agree that Africans should be given a strong voice in governCONTACTment before multi-racial territories are set free from colonial control.In Panel 1. the view was ex. pressed that the European minorities were not doing enough to assist African advancement in the Central African Federation, but that it would be tragic for the Africans if the Europeans should leave. . It was felt that the Africans must

Page 26 of 30 have an increasing share in the economic progress of the Federation and should be given opportunities for advancement in every area-jobs, political representation, and above all education.Transition periodPanel 3 reportedly accepted African majority rule in a "colourblind" state as the ultimate goal, and felt that "partnership" was an intermediate stage. It was hoped that in the transition period the Europeans would be given safeguards against later suppression.There was obvious concern in Panel 3 over a report that white immigration into Portuguese Africa was continuing at a high rate and that 30,000 Europeans arrived in 1957 alone. Te the extent thatracial tensions are in proportion to the size of the immigrant European community, it was felt by several participants that the immigration policies in Portuguese Africa were creating a potentially dangerous situation. Several Africa area specialists reported furthermore that in their view Portugal does not intend to implement to any significant degree her policy of "assimilation" of Africans into the European community.There was some talk in the panels about giving American aid to "socialistic" projects in Africa. Panel 3 finally settled on the view that the United States should not give assistance when this would result directly in confiscation of the holdings of American private enterprise, but that aid should not be withheld just because it competes with American private enterprise. The panel generally felt that public ownership should be accepted as a fact of life in Africa and that economic aid should not be used as a device to influence changes in African governmental policy.The Assembly's views on African education were most extensively developed in Panel 2, which reached a consensus that in most African countries primary education. and to a large extentsecondary education, should be a local responsibility. The panel agreed that American money could be most effectively used at the unversity level. in providing teachers and funds, and in bringing a number of Africans to the United States for study.U.S.-type universityPanel 3 felt that in terms of Africa's all-round needs, universities in Africa should move in the direction of the American type of institution rather than the British type.Several panels discussed the question of establishing American contacts with African nationalist movements in the period before they take over power. In panel 3, it was recognised that U.S. governmental contacts must be "correct", but that a useful function in demonstrating American sympathy for colonial peoples could be performed by businesses, missionary organisations and private foundations. It was urged that private activities be constructive and educational in colonial areas and not open to charges of "subversion"nTRENDSA LOAN of 12.000 for the construction of two lower primary schools in East London's Duncan Village location is being negotiated from the Department of Native Affairs by the East London City Council. A Bantu Education Act levy of one shilling on every house or dwelling site in the location is planned as the means of financing the project.A PHOTOGRAPH has appeared in a Welsh newspaper of South African women athletes eating an ice cream with two Ghanaian men athletes.T HERE is an "International Parliament" in Durban, a debating society where questions are dealt with in parliamentary fashion. The new Prime Minister is Mr. Ronald Morris, who will form a Liberal government. Mr. H. J. Bhengu is the new Leader of the Opposition.(Continued from page 11)26th July, 1958.

Page 27 of 30 New African taxationis unjust15.VERWOERD HOLDS FALSE THEORYS IR,"I do not foresee that increases in Native taxation will be necessary this year or next year." That is what Dr. Verwoerd told the House of Assembly on June 4, 1956.Why, then, has he produced a new Bill, now before Parliament, to raise the rate of taxation payable by Africans?The true reason for this measure is the false theory that Dr. Verwoerd holds in his head. He believes that Africans must be made to pay for "all their own services". In the paradise of apartheid that his imagination builds, these "services" will be something to admire-hence the =thing more money to be extracted from African pockets. The new scales of taxation are unjust for several reasons. Firstly, a uniform flat rate of taxation is always unfair because it means that rich, comfortable, and poor people all pay the same amount, regardless of their income. This principle is obviously unsound; it is followed in no civilised country; and it is condemned by every primer of public finance.Secondly, Africans already pay income tax on exactly the same scale as Europeans, if their incomes reach the same levels. Why tax them according to a heavier scale?Apartheid plungesintoWonderlandSIR,Apartheid plunges into wonderland. I was sitting on my usual seat in my bus the other day. No one sat next to me. But it was the wrong seat for my complexion, and the conductor raked me to move. I went to one of the middle seats. At the next stop a "Coloured" man came and sat next to me. He was allowed to, as I was in one of the "open" seats. So the conductor had moved me to where I had to sit next to a "Coloured" man. But I thought apartheid was introduced to prevent this very thing from happening !"PERPLEXED", Cape Town.NEW SUBSCRIPTION RATES FOR AFRICANPOSTAL UNIONWith our issue of 1 November our subscription rates for all places in the African Postal Union (excluding the Union of South Africa) will be:6 months 11/-.12 months 1 Is.Subscription rates for the Union, West Africa and overseas will remain as they are at present.It is true that Europeans below the income-tax level pay a personal tax on a graduated scale. Then why not apply this same scale to Africans who earn more than 150 a year?Thirdly-and most important"no taxation without representation" is a cry the justice of which was recognised centuries ago in English constitutional history. That will hardly commend it to Dr. Verwoerd, but no reasonable man can fail to appreciate its significance here in South Africa.A mockeryThe voice that Africans have in Parliament, provincial or local government is a mockery of what true representation should be. Whether Africans contribute more or less in taxation, they never have an effective voice in how their money-or any public money-is spent. They would be fully entitled to say no taxation x,ithout proper representation, aMr. Davies talks of his business executives being so much more fit to rule. They might be "fit to rule". They certainly can't qualify as human beings on the wages of 12 (urban) and possibly 3 (rural) paid monthly to their African workers. After all, like Sabra in its majesty of silence,democratic demand that has echoed round the world.At the root of the present argument lies the mischievous idea that your money has a colour.The Nationalists hate the thought that all the people of South Africa form one society and that every civilised society has long recognised that the rich and the comfortable classes must of necessity be taxed to pay for the minimum social needs of the poor. The Nationalists want the poor (if their skins are not white) to pay for themselves, knowing that this will keep them down in poverty.This attitude to taxation is characteristic of the lack of common humanity that has marked all the Nationalist handling of moral problems.South Africa will never be a just and decent society as long as it is run by the Nationalists, who reject the social standards on which western civilisation rests.SAUL SAGE, Johannesburg.Planned parenthood immoralSIR,Your news report ' Nurse runs family planning clinic" (CONTACT, July 12) should have read: "Nurse runs family (and nation) killing clinic"."Planned parenthood" is another phrase for "killing the unwanted child". These immoral practices are always clothed in respectable-looking terms, but underneath we find utter depravity and selfishness.There are two methods of birth control which are legitimate, but which are seldom or never propagated. They are: (a), abstention and (b), "the rhythm period", which latter is a mild form of abstention. Naturally, they call for some self-control, and so the cry is, "away with them". All other methods are birth prevention and work against natural laws; they are foul and cry to heaven for vengeance.The old story is told to bolster up the iniquitous practice of getting rid of the unwanted child by talking of such things as infant mortality through starvation or disease or what have you, but the real pestilence is never mentioned, viz., selfishness.Cruel practiceYour paper is pledged to justice, yet you make no comment on the sadistically cruel practice of depriving innocent, helpless and lonely infants of their lives. You preach against the injustices caused to those who have life and limb to defend themselves, but for those who are helpless and dependent for very life itself on others, you make no defence. If ever there was a noble cause, calling for a crusade of all that is finest, it is the cause of the unborn child whose life is snatched away through the selfishness of manman who arrogates to himself the powers of God Almighty, when he says who will live and who will die.JOHN R. NORTON, Claremont, Cape.CONTACT SMALLSO f f ice : Fourth Floor, Pmdiament Chambers, 47, ParliamentStreet, Cape Town.Telephones: 26697, 35771.Postal address : P.O. Box 1979, Cape Town.SMALLS RATES Id. a word; minimum Is.AFRICANAOffered-Books on Africa, South of Sahara, old and new. Write for special lists or requirements.Urgently wanted - Theal's South East African Records Volt. IV & VI. Write M. K. Jeffreys, Africana Consultant. 210 Parliament Chambers, 47 Parliament St., Cape Town.FOR LIBERTARIANSLand & Liberty is the independent, international monthly magazine for equal rights and equal freedom for all, based en the Henry George philosophy and practical policy of landvalue taxation and free trade. Annual postal subscription 8s. Three months free trial. 177 Vauxhall Bridge Road, London S.W. 1.PERSONALRector of poor country parish appeals for a car so essential for parish work. Own car now completely worn out, no longer of any use. Both parish and rector too poor to purchase a car. Please help us. Reply . Contact A.24.Safer than crutches: Pedaid enables those who have lost the use of one leg or the partial use of both, to walk safely. It cannot slip or fall. It is light but very strong.-Details from H. Bysshe, P.O. Kwelegha.FOR SALE"Punch" 1918-1922. What offers for the eight bound volumes? In good condition. Postage paid in Union P.O. Box 24, .FULL DEMOCRACYIS OUR FUTURESIR,When I originally wrote (CONTACT, May 31)

Page 28 of 30 advocating a universal and fully equal franchise for all South Africans regardless of race, it was to counter just those arguments put forward in your issue of June 14 by Mr. V. G. Davies.He gives not a jot of evidencethey concur and work with the to show that a European withuniversity degrees cunz laudis is any the more a human being in the world sense of the word than an illiterate African worker -illiterate because we educated Europeans keep him thus as a fundamental part of our national policy.Instead, he fails to realise that in any normal country people vote for or against a policy depending upon how it affects them in their daily lives.When a party reaches the useless stage reached by the Nats. and the U.P. to-day, they ossify, and we hope pass away.Government in applying its system of oppression."The ideal democracy," says Mr. Davies, "would be one in which the right to vote could only be earned by proving one's responsibility to vote . . . certain educational and social qualifications should be the test." What have cabbages to do with onions? Must a hockey player be skilled in canasta to earn selection? Must a cow lay eggs-isn't that the function of the hen?SUBSCRIPTION RATESPartnership outIt seems to me nothing more than a dubious method of keeping Africans off the roll in any numher for ever. Like across the Zambesi. No, partnership is out. Our future is full democracy, or Nat. haasskap. The African is choosing. Only the "civilised" whites hold back in silent concurrence of Nat. misrule. We haven't much longer to choose.B. L. GOSSCHALK,Newlands, Cape Town.The subscription rates for CONTACT (post free) are as follows:UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA AND AFRICAN POSTAL UNION (Angola, Basutoland, Bechuanaland Protectorate, Belgian Congo, French Cameroons, French Equatorial Africa, Madagascar, M(gambique, Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Swaziland, Kenya, Tanganyika and Uganda) . . . 1 a year, 10/6 a half-year.CONTACTELSEWHERE: 1/3/6 a year, 12/- a half-year. Send cheque/postal order/money order/cash toCONTACT, P.O. Box 1979,CAPE TOWN, S.A.(Name)(Address)...... Enclosed: / s/ d.26th July, 1958.

Page 29 of 30 1,22=9dI-,/ WOW! `11k~A DRIVE LIKE THATDESERVES ACAVALLA KINGS!P4wIMuffer or maestro, bungler or Bobby Locke, a drive right down the middle gives you a sense of achievement for which a pat on the back and a good cigarette are rich rewards. As Bobby himself says:- "Playing in the big money tournamentsconcentration. tration. And when n it's al ver, like ' intense o h a g d garetle that's when I appreciate 1: rrelax o with the rich full flavour o;ia Caval la Kings".91 - *-111; RICHCavalla K1119S FULL FLAVOURONLY 14-AND WORTH A PACKET! TRY THEMCONTACT 28th June, 1958.Published by the proprietors, SE EMELA PUBLICATIONS (PTY.) LTD.. Fourth Fioor, Pailia -A Chambers, 47 Parliament Street, Cape To- P.O. Box 3618Telephones 26697 and 35771. Printed by Samuel Griffiths and Co., (Pty.) Ltd., Dock Road, Cape To-

Page 30 of 30