For-Profit Managers As Public Fiduciaries: a Neo-Classical Republican Perspective
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Repurposing Economies—And Businesses”
“Repurposing economies—and businesses” By: Colm Kelly, Global Leader—Tax and Legal Services and Global Leader—Purpose, PwC Introduction This article is an invitation. It is an invitation to debate, challenge, supplement and evolve the content. But most of all, it is an invitation to recognise the need for fundamental systemic change to the manner in which our economies interact with our societies and to consider some of the primary elements of such change and how they might be developed and adapted to allow our “system” to function more effectively. The case for change, and the basis on which this has come about, has been considered in some detail elsewherei — and will not be repeated. This piece will focus on a deeper understanding of the changes to the basic premise and assumptions underpinning the way in which our economies and businesses have been designed to operate for many decades (and indeed beyond), and therefore a deeper understanding of what needs to change, and how, if we are to bring about greater alignment between business, economies and the societies within which they operate. How can we reconcile two apparently conflicting scenarios? 1. It is fair to say that we have seen massive 2. It is also fair to say that we are seeing large-scale unprecedented global progress by almost any dislocation, mistrust and dissatisfaction in growing portions measure over the last 70 years. A billion people of the population in many — perhaps especially developed have been lifted out of poverty,ii world capita — countries. Over recent years, we have seen unexpected income has quadrupled,iii global average life election and referendum results, the polarisation of expectancy has increased from 48 years in 1955iv communities and regular street protests as people make to 72 in 2016v and now more than 300,000 people their discontent known. -
Bad Agent, Good Citizen?
BAD AGENT, GOOD CITIZEN? Claire Hill,* Brett McDonnell** & Aaron Stenz*** INTRODUCTION Lawyers are agents for their principals—their clients.1 The Restatement (Third) of Agency sets forth an agent’s duty: “[A]n agent has a fiduciary duty to act loyally for the principal’s benefit in all matters connected with the agency relationship.”2 A good agent is a loyal agent. The Restatement also sets forth several important components of the duty: “An agent has a duty not to acquire a material benefit from a third party in connection with transactions conducted or other actions taken on behalf of the principal or otherwise through the agent’s use of the agent’s position.”3 Further, “[a]n agent has a duty not to deal with the principal as or on behalf of an adverse party in a transaction connected with the agency relationship.”4 A lawyer who violates these duties is a bad agent, in breach of her fiduciary duty of loyalty to her principal.5 Lawyers also have professional obligations to the broader society. Notably, they cannot help their clients commit crimes, nor can they be party to their client’s concealment of crimes.6 Even consistent with those obligations, and certainly in gray areas (such as avoiding inconvenient knowledge),7 whether they are being good agents or bad agents for their clients, lawyers can help—or harm—the broader society.8 * Professor and James L. Krusemark Chair in Law, University of Minnesota Law School. ** Dorsey & Whitney Chair in Law, University of Minnesota Law School *** J.D. Candidate, 2020, University of Minnesota Law School, This Article was prepared for the Colloquium on Corporate Lawyers, hosted by the Fordham Law Review and the Stein Center for Law and Ethics on October 11, 2019, at Fordham University School of Law. -
Republican Citizenship Richard Dagger University of Richmond, [email protected]
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Political Science Faculty Publications Political Science 2002 Republican Citizenship Richard Dagger University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/polisci-faculty-publications Part of the American Politics Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Dagger, Richard. "Republican Citizenship." In Handbook of Citizenship Studies, edited by Engin F. Isin and Bryan S. Turner, 145-57. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, 2002. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 9 Republican Citizenship RICHARD DAGGER To speak of republican citizenship is to risk There might also be no need for this confusion, at least in the United States, chapter if it were not for the revival of where it is often necessary to explain that scholarly interest in republicanism in recent one is referring to 'small-r' republicanism years. Such a revival has definitely rather than a position taken by the Republi occurred, though, and occurred simultane can Party. But just as one may be a democrat ously with a renewed interest in citizenship. without being a Democrat, so one may be a This coincidence suggests that republican republican without being a Republican. The citizenship is well worth our attention, not ideas of democracy and the republic are far only for purposes of historical understand older than any political party and far richer ing but also as a way of thinking about than any partisan label can convey - rich citizenship in the twenty-first century. -
Globalism and Sustainable Vineyard Practices
University of the Pacific Law Review Volume 52 Issue 3 Article 11 1-10-2021 Globalism and Sustainable Vineyard Practices Micheal Vitiello University of the Pacific, McGeorge School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uoplawreview Recommended Citation Micheal Vitiello, Globalism and Sustainable Vineyard Practices, 52 U. PAC. L. REV. 623 (2021). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uoplawreview/vol52/iss3/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals and Law Reviews at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of the Pacific Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Globalism and Sustainable Vineyard Practices Michael Vitiello* I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................. 623 II. DEVELOPING SUSTAINABLE VINEYARD PRACTICES .................................... 627 III. INSOFAR AS POPULAR SUPPORT EXISTS FOR SUSTAINABLE VINEYARD AND WINERY PRACTICES, WHAT IS THE LEGAL CLIMATE LIKE FOR LEGISLATING SUCH PRACTICES IN THE UNITED STATES? ...................... 634 IV. AN EFFECTIVE EPA .................................................................................... 638 V. THE THREAT OF NATIONALISM AND THE HOPE OF GLOBALISM .................. 642 VI. CONCLUSION .............................................................................................. 647 I. INTRODUCTION My work on this Article -
Republicanism
ONIVI C C Re PUBLICANISM ANCIENT LESSONS FOR GLOBAL POLITICS EDIT ED BY GEOFFREY C. KELLOW AND NeVEN LeDDY ON CIVIC REPUBLICANISM Ancient Lessons for Global Politics EDITED BY GEOFFREY C. KELLOW AND NEVEN LEDDY On Civic Republicanism Ancient Lessons for Global Politics UNIVERSITY OF ToronTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London © University of Toronto Press 2016 Toronto Buffalo London www.utppublishing.com Printed in the U.S.A. ISBN 978-1-4426-3749-8 Printed on acid-free, 100% post-consumer recycled paper with vegetable- based inks. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication On civic republicanism : ancient lessons for global politics / edited by Geoffrey C. Kellow and Neven Leddy. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-1-4426-3749-8 (bound) 1. Republicanism – History. I. Leddy, Neven, editor II.Kellow, Geoffrey C., 1970–, editor JC421.O5 2016 321.8'6 C2015-906926-2 CC-BY-NC-ND This work is published subject to a Creative Commons Attribution Non-commercial No Derivative License. For permission to publish commercial versions please contact University of Toronto Press. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council, an agency of the Government of Ontario. an Ontario government agency un organisme du gouvernement de l’Ontario Funded by the Financé par le Government gouvernement of Canada du Canada Contents Preface: A Return to Classical Regimes Theory vii david edward tabachnick and toivo koivukoski Introduction 3 geoffrey c. kellow Part One: The Classical Heritage 1 The Problematic Character of Periclean Athens 15 timothy w. -
Original Paper Friedman Doctrine
Journal of Economics and Public Finance ISSN 2377-1038 (Print) ISSN 2377-1046 (Online) Vol. 7, No. 3, 2021 www.scholink.org/ojs/index.php/jepf Original Paper Friedman Doctrine: Maximizing Profits is Neither Good for Society Nor Even for the Shareholders Y. Datta1* 1 Professor Emeritus, Northern KY University, Highland Heights, KY 41099, USA * Y. Datta, Professor Emeritus, Northern KY University, Highland Heights, KY 41099, USA Received: May 15, 2021 Accepted: May 27, 2021 Online Published: May 31, 2021 doi:10.22158/jepf.v7n3p153 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jepf.v7n3p153 Abstract This paper is an attempt at a critique of Milton Friedman’s article titled: “A Friedman doctrine—The Social Responsibility of Business is to Increase Its Profits” published in the New York Times Magazine fifty years ago. The publication of this doctrine sparked a revolution. Ronald Reagan found it a powerful platform from which to launch his radical free-market agenda. The event marked a turning point when America embarked on a journey towards unfettered capitalism. Encouraged by the Friedman doctrine American CEOs chose a path toward profit maximization/maximizing shareholder value: a mindset that favored risk aversion and a short-term focus on cost reduction vs. long-term need for innovation, quality and customer satisfaction. And it is this historic psychological shift that has contributed so much to America’s industrial decline. Economic inequality in America has been going up persistently since 1974, squeezing the middle class. America’s income inequality has now widened so much that it rivals the highest level recorded in 1928 that led to the Great Depression of 1929. -
1980 Friedman Doctrine
From The Collected Works of Milton Friedman, compiled and edited by Robert Leeson and Charles G. Palm. "The Friedman Doctrine" by Robert McKenzie, J.M. Pick, and Dr. Peter Howells The Listener, 8 May 1980 © Immediate Media Company London Limited SIR: May I add three points to Peter Jay’s very interesting article on Professor Milton Friedman (THE LISTENER, 1 May). As Jay indicates, I chaired, at the University of Chicago, nine discussions for American television based on Friedman’s Free to Choose films, which paralleled Jay’s own six-part discussion on BBC television here. (1) Friedman readily acknowledges that he is not a Conservative; and that he is especially scornful regarding the British Conservative tradition as developed from Disraeli’s Crystal Palace speech through the post-’45 policies adumbrated in particular by R. A. Butler and Harold Macmillan. Friedman considers this ‘One Nation’ tradition to be unacceptably paternalistic and far too preoccupied with the use of state power, in Disraeli’s phrase, ‘to elevate the condition of the people’. (2) Professor Friedman is, of course, in British terms, a classical 19th-century Liberal, deeply committed to the modern application of the ideas of Adam Smith. Like a true Manchester Liberal, he is opposed to anything that interferes with the operation of the ‘invisible hand’, whether it be factory legislation, the limitation of hours of work, minimum wages, social welfare legislation, or any other attempt to use the power of the state to advance the welfare of the people. (3) While Friedman is personally very charming and a most skilful proponent of his own ideas, he is also as dogmatic in advancing these ideas as any Marxist. -
Friedman's Legacy How Milton Friedman's Doctrine
Friedman’s Legacy How Milton Friedman’s Doctrine Affected How People Communicated with and Ran Their Business Alex Choi Korea International School Abstract: When choosing the topic to fit under the theme, communication, there were a wide variety of topics and ideas to select from, and many questions I wanted to find the answer to and dive deeper into. One topic I was intrigued by was how businesses have evolved over time into what it is today. When I was conducting initial research just to decide on a final topic, I settled on Milton Friedman, specifically his Friedman Doctrine. I had been interested in business and economics for a long time, and Friedman is an important figure in business, so that is why I decided to use his doctrine for my topic. Friedman was an expert economist who was widely known for his economic theories and research on stockholders and consumption. When the brainstorming process was complete, the strategy was to find more broad sources about Friedman, as well as how businesses were being run at the time. After I found these broader sources from online databases and libraries, a lot of them had bibliographies with many other sources. These were sources specific enough to fulfill my needs and had what I was looking for, which was the connection between Milton Friedman, economics, and communi- cation, the theme of this year’s National History Day. It was overall a complicated but successful creation process and ended up well. For the communication angle of my paper, in the 1900s, there was a lot of com- munication happening due to the Friedman Doctrine when there were more discussions and debates between economists and business leaders when it came to Friedman's beliefs It was included in the paper that there were many discussions among economists about how the way businesses were being run could change in the future. -
MACHIAVELLI, TOCQUEVILLE and NIETZSCHE on AUTHORITY and EQUALITY Mikael Hörnqvist, Uppsala University
THE FEW AND THE MANY: MACHIAVELLI, TOCQUEVILLE AND NIETZSCHE ON AUTHORITY AND EQUALITY Mikael Hörnqvist, Uppsala University Machiavelli In Machiavelli’s writings the ruling few go under many different names. In the ancient context they are often simply called “the Senate,” but he also refers to them as i grandi, gli ottimati, la nobilità and i potenti. The fact that the aristocratic element here appears under a wide variety of names, it could be argued, reflects the open nature of the class structure of early sixteenth century Florence in general, and its ruling class, the Reggimento, in particular. It also seems to suggest that Machiavelli considers the ruling elite to be too complex and fleeting a phenomenon to be fixed or contained in a single name. Machiavelli’s account of the relation between the people and the nobles displays a similar complexity. On the one hand, throughout the Discourses, he describes the Plebs as gullible and easily deceived and the nobles as shrewd and cunning. But far from condemning the elite’s manipulation of the populace’s religious beliefs for political ends, Machiavelli praises it and even exhorts his contemporaries to revive it, as he puts it, by reinterpreting Christianity “according to virtue.” He contrasts the Roman Senate, which according to him (D.I.38) “always judged things as they should be judged and always took the less bad policy for the better,” to the rash, undisciplined and imprudent elites of modern Florence. But on the other hand, it could be argued, Machiavelli endorses an aggressive and ferocious form of popular republicanism in which the general populace, acting as “the guardians of liberty,” controls the elites by often harsh and brutal methods. -
Corporate Governance, Compliance, Social Responsibility, and Enterprise Risk Management in the Trump/Pence Era
CORPORATE GOVERNANCE, COMPLIANCE, SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY, AND ENTERPRISE RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE TRUMP/PENCE ERA Marcia Narine Weldon* [T]here is one and only one social responsibility of business—to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profits so long as it stays within the rules of the game, which is to say, engages in open and free competition without deception and fraud. - Milton Friedman, 19701 INTRODUCTION With Republicans controlling Congress, a Republican CEO as President, a “czar” appointed to oversee deregulation,2 and billionaires leading key Cabinet posts, corporate America had reason for optimism following President Trump’s unexpected election in 2016. However, the first year of the Trump Administration has not yielded the kinds of re- sults that many business people had originally anticipated. Candidate Trump promised an aggressive agenda of, among other things, disman- *Lecturer in law at the University of Miami, former Deputy General Counsel, Vice President of Global Conduct and Business Standards, and Chief Privacy Officer of a Fortune 500 Company. I would like to thank Jaymar Bonet, Janna Mateo, Daniel Jo- seph, Amal Uthman, and the organizers and participants of the Business Law: Connect- ing the Threads Symposium at the University of Tennessee College of Law. 1 Milton Friedman, A Friedman doctrine—The Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, N.Y. TIMES MAG., Sept. 13, 1970, at 32, 126. 2 Carl Icahn, the President’s advisor on deregulation, stepped down from his appoint- ment in August 2017. See Tom DiChristopher & Everett Rosenfield, Carl Ichan Resigned from Trump Advisor Role Ahead of Article Alleging Conflict of Interest, CNBC (Aug. -
Executive Intelligence Review, Volume 22, Number 30, July 28, 1995
DOPE, INC. Is Bacl{! Third edition of the $16 plus $4.50 shipping and handling. Order today!. explosive best seller Make check or money order payable to: DOPE, INC. Ben Franklin Booksellers 107 South King Street, Leesburg, Virginia 22075 PH: (800) 453-4108 FAX: (703) 777-8287 updated and expanded Visa and MasterCard accepted. Virginia residents please add 4.5%. sales tax. Founder and Contributing Editor: Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. Editorial Board: Melvin Klenetsky, Antony Papert, Gerald Rose, Dennis Small, Edward From the Associate Editor Spannaus, Nancy Spannaus, Jeffrey Steinberg, Webster Tarpley, Carol White, Christopher White Senior Editor: Nora Hamerman Some among our readers may think that Lyndon LaRouche's blis Susan Welsh Associate Editor: tering attack on "classroom mathematics," the subject of our cover Managing Editors: John Sigerson, Ronald Kokinda Feature, is over their heads."After all," some might say, "I don't Science and Technology: Carol White know a thing about mathematics, I am totally ignorant; so whatever Special Projects: Mark Burdman Book Editor: Katherine Notley he is saying about bad mathematicians certainly does not apply to Advertising Director: Marsha Freeman me." Oh, really? Then why do you support the British doctrine of Circulation Manager: Stanley Ezrol free trade? Why did so many of your countrymen elect a Congress INTELLIGENCE DIRECTORS: Agriculture: Marcia Merry that thinks we can solve the nation's economic problems by cutting Asia and Africa: Linda de Hoyos the federal budget? Counterintelligence: Jeffrey Steinberg, Paul Goldstein The idiocy that passes for economic policy these days derives Economics: Christopher White from the British school of Isaac Newton and Adam Smith, and you European Economics: William Engdahl Ibero-America: Robyn Quijano, Dennis Small need to know about it, and change it-and have fun doing so. -
The Problem with Predators
The Problem with Predators June Carbone and William K. Black ABSTRACT Both corporate theory and sex discrimination law start with presumptions that CEOs seek to advance legitimate ends and design the internal organization of business enterprises to achieve such ends. Yet, a growing literature questions why CEOs and boards of directors nonetheless select for Machiavellianism, narcissism, psychopathy, and toxic masculinity, despite the downsides associated with these traits. Three scholarly literatures—economics, criminology, and gender theory—draw on advances in psychology to shed new light on the construction of seemingly dysfunctional corporate cultures. They start by questioning the assumption that CEOs—even CEOs of seemingly mainstream businesses—necessarily seek to advance “legitimate” ends. Instead, they suggest that a persistent issue is predation: the exploitation of asymmetries in information and power to the disadvantage of shareholders, creditors, customers, or employees. These literatures then explore how such CEOs may rationally choose to employ seemingly dysfunctional practices, such as “masculinity contests,” which reward employees more likely to buy into ethically dubious activities that range from predatory lending to sexual harassment. This Article maintains that questioning the presumption of legitimacy has profound and largely unexplored implications for corporate theory and anti-discrimination law. It extends the theory of “control fraud” central to white-collar criminology to a new concept of “control predation” that includes conduct that is ethically objectionable, if not necessarily illegal. This Article concludes that only by questioning the legitimacy of these practices in business terms can gender theory adequately address women’s workplace equality. Robina Chair in Law, Science and Technology, University of Minnesota.