337 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of

Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury. Managing Punjabi Heritage in Rural NSW, Australia

Dirk HR Spennemann Institute for Land, Water and Society; Charles Sturt University

______

During the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, Punjabi hawkers provided a vital retail link between the town‐based drapery and household goods stores and the isolated farms in the country‐side. Vilified as unwanted competition during the 1890s depression, Punjabi hawkers were respected, but remained marginalised in the first decade of the twentieth century. The town of Albury, a rural service centre in southern NSW, was the first of only two communities in Australia to dedicate a parcel of land as a burial ground for Punjabi. While the Muslim section was never used, cremations of Sikh and Hindu occurred until the mid 1940s. Today, the area remains gazetted as such, but has now become part of a public park. Not only is the community oblivious of the locational continuity of the cremation space and public barbeque facility, but nearby streets bear the names of American Indian, rather than South Asian ethnic groups. This paper discusses the changing use of the space and discusses implications on heritage management

Keywords: Marginalisation of Immigrants; Cultural Heritage Management; burial grounds; town planning; street naming. ______Cultural Heritage is comprised of the tangible and intangible manifestations of peoples’ spatial, emotional and social connections with those elements of their personal, or communal past that still have meaning to them. It is these connections that anchor a person’s past in the social or physical environment to the current physical world. These are commonly circumscribed by the built environment as well as places where meaningful or significant events occurred. Some of these have found expression in the physical remains and remnants, while others are recognised through memorialisation. One of these means of memorialisation are place and street names. The latter commonly reflect destinations (e.g. ‘Sydney Road’), localities (e.g. ‘Creek Street,’ ‘Church Place’), names of local, national or colonial JSPS 27:2 338 identities (e.g. ‘Macquarie Street,’ ‘ Parade’), as well as events (e.g. ‘Coronation Avenue’). Common to all is that they reference local environmental or historical conditions that were meaningful to the community at the time of naming. Only in the more recent development of accelerated urban sprawl the demand for new, unique and unambiguous names forces developers to find of street names that do not seem to follow that pattern. A perusal of a street map of Albury, a rural service centre in south‐ eastern Australia at the border between and Victoria, presents the reader with three unusual names: Cheyenne Drive, Indiana Court and Sioux Court. These streets are not in one of the new estates, but in a well‐established part of town. One thus wonders what connections the Indians of the Great Plains of North America had with Albury. As it turns out, the naming of the streets was based on a misconception. This paper will examine the spatial manifestation of the history and heritage of the Punjabi in the Southern and of Albury in particular. It will show that during their lifetime the Punjabi were marginalised in both the social and the environmental space. This marginalisation continued after their death and is perpetuated through the management of their heritage until the present day.

Albury as a rural service centre

Albury developed as a rural service centre because of its location on the Sydney to Melbourne communications corridor, as pioneered for European minds by Hamilton Hume and William Hovell in 1824,1 and its location at several fords across the Murray River, which had long been used by Indigenous communities.2 Soon after commencement of as a township in 1839, Albury flourished, servicing the goldfields in North‐ Eastern Victoria (Beechworth, Yackandandah, Chiltern) with dairy products and meat.3 Albury benefitted from the passage of the Robertson Land Acts of 1861, with a leading Albury‐based regional newspaper activity promoting selection by small‐scale land holders.4 The fertile lands

1. (Andrews [ed.], 1981; Bland, 1831). 2. (Spennemann, 2015b). 3. (Andrews, 1912; Bayley, 1954). 4. (Spennemann, 2014a). 339 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury of the southern Riverina were soon taken up by selectors,5 often of German origin,6 leading to agricultural intensification. Albury prospered as a result of this, but also due to the mining boom and agricultural expansion in the Upper Murray.7 The advent of the railway in Wodonga in 1872 and especially at Albury in 18818 cemented Albury’s significance as a rural service centre.9 The expansion of the railway network allowed further intensification of agricultural production.10 The recession of 1890‐95 affected the Albury area, with bankruptcies and farm foreclosures both in the fertile Riverina11 and in the Upper Murray,12 as well a termination of public building projects. Underlying viability of Albury remained, however, despite the decline in Albury’s wine industry, as a result of Phylloxera, slowing down the recovery. Federation, with its removal of customs and tariff barriers, benefitted Albury in particular, as it formed the only node where the standard (New South Wales) and the broad (Victoria) railway gauges met, necessitating the shifting of all cargo (and passengers) from one train to the other. A plethora of shops as well as a small‐scale manufacturing industry serviced the regions. The establishment of large wool and grain stores, as well as the establishment of a regional high school soon followed. The military developments during World War II further added economic muscle. Albury grew at a faster pace than the neighbouring communities, especially Lavington, thus cementing its role as the regional service centre. The community continued to grow in the post‐World War II period, eventually incorporating Lavington as of 1962.13 Since then the area has seen both planned growth as part of Whitlam’s decentralisation scheme,14 as well as organic growth.

5. (Buxton, 1967). 6. (Spennemann, 2007, 2014b, 2015a; Spennemann & Sutherland, 2008). 7. (Spennemann, 2016). 8. (Spennemann, 2002). 9. (Spennemann, 2003). 10. (Robinson, 1976). 11. (Gammage, 1986; Spennemann, 2014b). 12. (Spennemann, 2016). 13. (Woodward, 1961). 14. The Albury‐Wodonga Development Corporation, see (Pennay, 2003). JSPS 27:2 340

The Indian Hawkers

During the late 1880s to mid 1890s a considerable number of Punjabi men emigrated to Australia. This is not the place to review the various drivers for the men to leave their home communities, suffice to say that they did so to avail themselves to the economic opportunities in order to acquire a modicum of wealth and to further their family’s status and prestige (izzat) at home.15 As the Punjabi were British subjects, they could travel without too much hindrance from one British colony (India) to another (e.g. Victoria or New South Wales).16 In Australia, many of the Punjabi immigrants, aged in their twenties and thirties,17 took to hawking, as that profession required comparatively little capital, yet allowed for good returns, depending on the effort made.18 In rural areas of Australia, hawkers operated from rural service centres and, following loosely defined circuits, serviced the outlying farms by selling drapery, haberdashery, clothing, specialty goods and the like.19 Travelling hawkers acted as the interface between the resident shop keepers in town and the farmers on the land, their wagons often described as a ‘general store on wheels.’20 Even though it was the intent of most Punjabi men to eventually return to their home community,21 some died from accident and illness while abroad, while others settled in their new homeland, acquired property and abandoned any intent of returning home.22 With late nineteenth and early twentieth century Australia being an overwhelming Christian population of Western European ancestry,23 the emergent male Indian community was marginalised in more ways than one, especially during the economic depression of the mid 1890s. ‘Asiatics’ was a very simplistic, yet easy, label to collectively marginalise all those immigrants who were accused of taking the jobs of deserving upright

15. (McLeod, 1986, 1989, 2001). 16. (Potts, 1997; Rhook, 2014). 17. (Spennemann, 2017a). 18. (Gonzalez, Spennemann & Allan, 2017). 19. (Spennemann, 2018) 20. (Anonymous, 1874). 21. (Bhatti, 2001). 22. (Spennemann, 2018). 23. (Knibbs, 1914). 341 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury white men struggling to support their large families.24 Unfair competition, referring to the more frugal life style of the Indian hawkers, was widely asserted.25 The Punjabi were visually readily identifiable by their complexion, their beards, their flowing dress and, in many cases, their turbans; their ability to converse in English was often limited and even if they were fluent, they spoke with a readily discernible accent; and, finally, they differed spiritually, inasmuch as they were Hindu, Sikh or Muslim. The ethnic ‘otherness’ of the Indian rivals lent itself to racist stereotyping, serving as a vehicle for white males to mask their own inadequacies. Fear‐ mongering abounded, ranging from unsubstantiated and later disproven claims that the hawkers would engage in arson to penalise those farmers who refused to purchase their goods;26 would force their way into homes to effect a sale,27 would terrorise or even molest women on isolated farms,28 and would attempt to buy or even steal white children.29 Government instrumentalities, such as magistrates presiding over police and licencing courts, often acted in concert with local interests and attempted to limit the number of Syrian and Punjabi hawkers. Such restrictions were more difficult to put in place against the Punjabi as they were British subjects and thus could travel from one British colony (i.e. India) to another (e.g. Victoria or New South Wales).30 Yet the failure to clearly articulate their applications in English could be employed as a justification for the dismissal of a license application for the current year.31 Moreover, magistrates exercised additional latitude, ruling for example that enough licences had been issued to serve a region32 and some individual applicants were deemed of an ‘unfit’ nature, frequently referring to the widely stated, yet unproven threat to women and children.

24. e.g. at Chiltern (Anonymous, 1896a). 25. (Anonymous, 1896a, 1898b). 26. (Anonymous, 1898a). 27. (Anonymous, 1897a). 28. (Anonymous, 1896b, 1897b, 1898b; Selector, 1892). 29. (Anonymous, 1894b). 30. (Potts, 1997; Rhook, 2014). 31. (Rhook, 2014). 32. (Anonymous, 1894a). JSPS 27:2 342

The creation of a nation spanning the entire continent of Australia in 190133 saw the institutionalisation of racist policies in the form of the Immigration Restriction Act of 190134 which tightly controlled any immigration from persons of non‐European background.35 As the nationhood status also severed the British subjecthood nexus with India, Punjabi were likewise prevented from immigration and were unable to recruit spouses from their home area. Even a temporary departure on family visits back to India was strictly regulated.36

Indian Hawkers in Albury

By vehemently opposing Lebanese and Indian hawkers, the majority of white European shop‐owners failed to avail themselves to a unique and lucrative business opportunity. Instead of regarding the hawkers as rivals, they could have acted as mobile retailers and sale agents, distributing the shopkeepers’ wares to remote communities. In fact, such a symbiotic relationship developed later, when many of the Lebanese hawkers opened stores in their rural service centres and not only supplied the Indian hawkers with wares, but also acted as their guarantors (‘bondsmen’) for the hawking licences. According to §11 of the Hawkers and Pedlers Act NSW (1901), hawkers operating from a cart of pack animal required that two persons (bondsmen) posted a surety of £20 each. Albury was one of those licensing courts, as was Wodonga across the river. In the absence of the formal records for the Albury area, data on who provided these sureties are scarce. A sole exception is a 1907 newspaper item on the granting of hawkers licences, which also lists numerous bondmen.37 Additional information could be derived from individual licence notices and other sources,38 which reveals an intricate web of relationships between the hawkers and their bondmen, all of whom were store owners in Albury.

33. (Hirst, 2000). 34. (Immigration Restriction Act [Cth],, 1901). 35. (McGowan, 2013). 36. (Allen, 2005). 37. (Anonymous, 1907c). 38. for details see (Spennemann, in prep.). 343 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury

The broader pattern of land use by Punjabi hawkers in Southern New South Wales has been explored elsewhere.39 In the Albury area, a number of localities were frequented (Figure 1). During the 1890s these were well outside town, such as a stock and camping reserve at Mungabareena near the waterworks40 or a camping reserve on the Wagga Road.41 In the latter part of the first decade of the twentieth century, camping occurred closer to town, such as the river bank,42 as well as several paddocks to the west of Albury’s CBD.43

39. (Spennemann, 2018). 40. (Anonymous, 1896c, 1901).—For the reserve and its location at a major ford across the Murray see Spennemann (2015b). 41. A twelve and a half acre camping reserve had been declared on 14 July 1888 (R6,743)(Garrett, 1888a). The reserve, located 6.3km from the Albury Post Office corner, was frequented by both bullock teams leaving Albury, and by travelling hawkers. On 24 February 1928 the reserve was revoked in its full form and subdivided into a reserve for public recreation (7.5 acres, R60,313), a storage reserve (2.5 acres, R60,314) and as a reserve for a resting place (2.5 acres, R60,315) (Ball, 1928a, 1928b). 42. (Anonymous, 1909b). 43. (Anonymous, 1909a, 1911). JSPS 27:2 344

camping reserve

wagon builder

blacksmiths Lavington camping reserve

Indian cemetery European cemetery † Albury

Paine’s Pdck Elizabeth St hospital Mungabareena railway stn Murray River

Half‐way Hotel river bank

McKoy’s Pdck Belvoir (Wodonga) North 05123 4

kilometres

Figure 1. Spatial use of the Albury and environs by Indian hawkers 345 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury

The ‘Hindu Burial Ground’ in Albury

In the mid 1880s, Albury as well as the smaller community of Lavington were expanding. While Albury was pushing northwards towards the cemetery, Lavington was expanding eastwards. Economic growth and continual expansion seemed certain. To facilitate this, the Albury Permanent Commons was gradually subdivided into residential areas. Projecting future need, one area of the common, comprising 37 acres, 1 rood and 74 perches, was formally reserved as a burial ground (R 6,744) and gazetted as such on 14 July 1888.44 The surrounding land was sold to residential purchasers.45 The cemetery reserve was watered by a small creek (now turned into a piped drain), with a more substantial creek (Nine Mile Creek) running some 400m to the east (measured from the nominal centre of the reserve). At the time of gazettal, the cemetery reserve was some 700m to the northeast of a major intersection, where the road to Jindera, and from there on to , forked off the road to (Figure 1). The projected economic growth was curtailed by the recession of 1890‐95. While Albury recovered after Federation, mainly because of the associated removal of borders and customs tariffs between NSW and Victoria, the growth of Lavington stalled. The cemetery reserve, however, remained unused. When Devan Singh died in the Albury hospital on 18 July 1905, it was Albury’s turn to come to terms with where to dispose of the body of a Punjabi hawker. Given that the custom of cremation was deemed legal as long as it did not cause a public nuisance,46 and given that it had been practiced throughout Victoria and in several NSW communities since 189247 there was nothing to prevent the same from happening in Albury.

44. (Garrett, 1888b; Rochford, 1888). 45. The land allotments to the west (nº 443–446), north (nº 447–449) and east (nº 461–467) of the Albury Commons (Rochford, 1888). were marked as ‘sold’ on the office copy of the Parish Map which was cancelled from service on 3 February 1905 (Rochford, 1905). 46. (Anonymous, 1892). 47. (Spennemann, 2017b). JSPS 27:2 346

In most cases, the cremations of Indian hawkers occurred on the local commons, which also served as camping locations of the hawkers, on road sides, river banks, or on open spaces near the cemeteries.48 Even though the first crematorium had operated in Adelaide since 1903,49 formalised cremation grounds did not exist in Albury or elsewhere in the region. While Albury’s cemetery had a non‐sectarian section, where inter alia Chinese were interred, there seems to have been resistance for the cremation to take place there. It would appear that while burying Jews and Chinese was one thing,50 cremating a Hindu (or Sikh) in an open funeral pyre was quite a different matter, especially as the morality of cremations was still a hotly contested public discourse at the time.51 Thus the public nuisance component of the approval process could be invoked. The solution was to utilise the hitherto unused cemetery reserve, which was well out of town (4 ½ km from the town centre of) and close to a public camping reserve adjacent to the road to Wagga Wagga. At the time of Devan Singh’s cremation, it was unused and unfenced and thus possibly grazed as an extension of the common. The place was conveniently out of town and a cremation at that place would not cause a public nuisance: in the public mind, the location was known as part of the common, as well as being in the vicinity of Albury’s night soil depot,52 but not as a cemetery reserve. Yet it was, for all practical purposes, a gazetted cemetery and thus no offense would be caused.

The Cremation of Devan Singh, 18 July 1905

The newspaper account of the funeral and its preparations describes the event in great detail allowing the reader who did not attend to gain a good impression:

“Since his demise Singhʹs body has lain on the floor of the hospital mortuary, and on Tuesday, prior to being placed in the coffin, deceased’s relatives washed the body with cream, afterwards anointing it with

48. (Spennemann, 2017c). 49. (Anonymous, 1903). 50. see comments in (Anonymous, 1907d). 51. (Spennemann, 2019). 52. (Anonymous, 1905h). 347 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury

butter…Two large loads of fire wood and several big logs were in readiness, although no attempt was made to build the funeral pyre until the arrival of the corpse. As soon as this arrived eight or nine of the deceased’s countrymen who were present at once proceeded with the building of the pile. The long, thick logs were placed length‐wise a couple of foot apart, and the space filled with the shorter wood until the stack was about 18 inches or so high by about 7 feet in length. The party then repaired to the hearse close by, and after a prayer or service for the dead had been read, the coffin was lifted from the hearse and placed on the pile. More wood was then piled around and above the coffin until the pyre was some 4 feet high and the coffin completely obscured. A quantity of twigs, brushwood, leaves etc. was interwoven in the stack and also distributed at intervals around the pyre. The building portion of the ceremony being completed, sandalwood oil was poured on the kindling wood at the head of the coffin and set alight, one of the deceased’s countrymen meanwhile dropping pieces of butter in the blaze while another through on incense. The numerous kindling spots were then ignited and in the course of a few minutes the pile was well ablaze. As the solid wood caught, the pile became a roaring furnace. The fire burned fiercely throughout the whole afternoon and well into the night, when the process of incineration was complete. Some of the Hindoos remained in attendance during the whole afternoon”53

Clearly, a number of Punjabi men attended the funeral (for ex Figure 3, shows at least nine of them), both carrying out the necessary preparations and the reading the required funeral text. None of the Punjabi were mentioned by name, unlike the cremations of the 1920s. The latter is, of course, evidence of both an increased familiarity with individual Punjabi hawkers, and also an indication of the increased acceptance of the Punjabi in the community as a whole. Given the age profile of the Indian hawkers at the time, usually men in their mid 30s and 40s, there was little immediate need for culturally appropriate disposal of the dead. Yet it was foreseeable that more ‘demand’ would develop in the light of Albury as a rural service centre and supply and licensing node for the hawkers.

53. (Anonymous, 1905h). JSPS 27:2 348

Figure 2. The cremation of Devan Singh on 18 July 1905.54

54. Photograph by J.W. Hunter, in (Anonymous, 1905g). 349 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury

Figure 3. The cremation of Devan Singh on 18 July 1905.55 Consequently, Esse(r) Singh and Sher (‘Chere’) Singh, both hawkers in the Albury area, formally forwarded a petition, on behalf of all Hindu in the area, to the meeting of the Albury Borough Council on 29 September 1905. The requested that the Albury Borough Council should grant them one acre of land of the Common, “embracing the site of the recent cremation, for the purpose of cremating their dead.”56 The aldermen were generally supportive of the request and directed the Council Clerk to provide a report. The engineer’s report, presented at the next fortnightly meeting of the Borough Council on 4 October 1905, noted:

“In regard to the site for burial purposes of the Hindoo people, I visited Popp’s Lane. There is an area of 38 acres fronting this road, and about 20 chains east from main Wagga road, which has been set apart by the Government as a cemetery reserve. I would suggest that one acre be set

55. Photograph by John W. Hunter, courtesy PhotoSupplies Albury. 56. (Anonymous, 1905f). JSPS 27:2 350

apart in the N.W. corner of the reserve, half‐an‐acre to be for the Buddhists, and half‐an‐acre for the Mohammedans, provided they fence it in to council’s approval”57

At its next meeting, the Council approved the Public Works Committee recommendation that the engineer’s suggestions be adopted.58 The council engineer recommendation to set aside parts of the reserve for what he called the ‘Buddhists’ (i.e. Hindu and Sikh), and the ‘Mohammedans’ (i.e. Muslim) was very advanced. It indicates a recognition that the Punjabi were a multi‐denominational community. It also addresses the sectarian violence that had occurred in in 189959 and Lismore in 1904 and 1905.60 This declaration of a cemetery section specifically reserved for cremations and burial of ashes by the Hindu and Sikh community is such reserve in Australia. This is followed by the declaration of Hindu and a Muslim section in the new general cemetery in Lismore which was first used in 1908.61 The land was formally set aside by the Lands Department sometime in 1906.62 In December 1906 the Lands Department required Albury Council to put forward the names of seven trustees for the non‐sectarian section. The council approached the trustees of the general cemetery for nominations and advice.63 The section was formally surveyed on 4 July 1907 (Figure 5). At the time it was described as “level clayey soil timbered thickly with box seedlings and suckers.64” At that time the area was addressed as the “Hindoo portion of the new cemetery.’65

57. (Anonymous, 1905c). 58. (Anonymous, 1905a, 1905d). 59. (Anonymous, 1899). 60. (Anonymous, 1905e). 61. The first burial occurred in the Anglican section in 1908 (Anonymous, 1927). 62. (Anonymous, 1906b). 63. (Anonymous, 1906b).—The account of the meeting of the cemetery trust in February 1907 makes no reference to this (Anonymous, 1907b). 64. (Ryan, 1907). 65. (Anonymous, 1907a). 351 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury

Even though the Hindu/Sikh and Muslim sections of the Lavington cemetery had been set aside in 1905 and formally surveyed by the Lands Department in 1907, this decision is not reflected in the printed copy of the 1916 Parish map66 but it is included on the hand‐annotated office copy.67 It shows a small hand‐drawn rectangle, labelled ‘IRC’ (presumably ‘Indian Religious Cemetery’) in the north‐western corner of the reserve (Figure 6). The chart carries the annotation “Unsectarian Burial Ground 1 ac Ms906Wga within reserve 6744”.68 The rectangle continues to be marked, without any text, on the printed 1925 edition,69 but is omitted on the 1938 edition. The latter now references the entire area as portion “846 (G3970)”.70 The 1956 edition shows a smaller rectangle with an external access. It also indicates the subdivision of the southern fringe of the cemetery reserve, creating two rows of ¼ acre‐sized urban lots with a road indicated.71

Subsequent Cremations

Usually a cremation occurred on the same day of the death and at the location or nearest community where the death occurred. Exceptions to this are three deaths that occurred in the vicinity of Albury and where the bodies were brought to Albury’s unsectarian burial ground for cremation. These were Utcher (‘Atcher’) Singh (1917), who died at ; Tarum (‘Narra’) Singh (1918), who died at Kergunyah; and Naran Singh (1933), who died at Dederang. This attests to the significance of Albury as a rural service centre and to the relevance that the unsectarian burial ground had to the Indian community of the wider region. The burial of Punjabi men in the Hindu cemetery was always going to be a limited affair as there was only a finite number of Punjabi men in Australia. Until Australian Federation in 1901 when that nexus was broken, Punjabi were as much British subjects as were citizens of Victoria and New South Wales, and consequently could not be denied entry to the

66. (Department of Lands, 1916). 67. (Department of Lands, 1927). 68. (Department of Lands, 1927). 69. (Department of Lands, 1925). 70. (Department of Lands, 1938). 71. Now Nowland Avenue (Department of Lands, 1956). JSPS 27:2 352 various colonies. The passing of the Immigration Restriction Act in 1901 terminated the chain migration of Punjabi to Australia; effectively prevented Punjabi men, once they had sufficient capital to do so, from recruiting spouses; and put in place difficult hurdles for Punjabi desiring to temporarily return to India. While numerous Punjabi returned to India, those who remained all died during the 1940s and early 1950s.72

Physical evidence

After the cremation, some of the ashes were collected for transmission to India, while the remainder was discarded. In some instances, the ashes were disposed of in the closest water body, while in others they were buried at or near the spot of cremation. Photography of the cremation of Rur Singh in June 1939 shows the existence of two graves marked with simple grave markers, one of which is broken off (Figure 4). That grave also has a small grave surround. Other images of the same cremation show a grave marker flat on the ground near the funeral pyre, presumable ready for later use. A 1959 source noted that the area where the ashes were interred was a “30 to 40 square yard block” and that “a few tombstones still stand, and outlines of other graves can be traced or could be until recently.”73

72. (Spennemann, in prep.). 73. (Anonymous, 1959). 353 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury

Figure 4. Graves of Indian Hawkers as they appeared in June 1939. Note the fence posts in the background.74

Ongoing development of the reserve

While the Hindu section was eventually fenced off and used, the remainder of the reserved area remained unused. In October 1905 a L Gehrig of Albury enquired whether he could lease the grounds of the cemetery reserve.75 While this does not seem to have progressed, it caused the Albury Borough Council to apply to be appointed as Trustees of the reserve.76 While this was not granted, Albury Council was appointed Trustee of the unsectarian burial ground in October 1907.77 When the existing Albury cemetery, in particular the Roman Catholic and Anglican sections, were close to capacity in 1919, the cemetery trust looked into the development of a new cemetery either adjacent to or separate from the existing land. It appears that despite difficulties in finding a suitable piece of land, no consideration was given, by the

74. Image Albury Library Museum Photograph ‐ Fielder ARM 11.367 B 75. (Anonymous, 1905d). 76. (Anonymous, 1905b, 1906a). 77. (S. W. Moore, 1907). JSPS 27:2 354 cemetery trust or by the Albury Council, to utilising the hitherto unused cemetery reserve of which the Hindu section formed part.78 On 20 December 1929, permitted James Gray of Lynden, Albury to lease cemetery reserve 6744 for the purposes of dairying and grazing.79 Excluded from the ten‐year lease was the unsectarian burial ground. Gray had to “erect a substantial stock‐proof fence around the graves on the part of the unsectarian burial ground excluded from the land leased…within one year from date of notification in the Government Gazette of the granting of the lease.”80 It would appear that at the time of the lease the land was still covered in saplings, as another of the stipulations of the lease was “within one year [to] clear the land of all sapling growths, and … thereafter keep the land clear of such growths during the currency of the lease.”81 In October 1930 the lease was altered (reg nº 1930–17434) with the portion of land defined and minimally enlarged.82 The difference in size is equivalent to the ½ acre Muslim section of the unsectarian cemetery, which had never seen an interment. It can be surmised that this area had been resumed on that date and added to the leased land. The stipulations for sapling removal and fencing were maintained. The dairy lease was extended in July 1940 for another ten years until end 31 December 1949 (reg. nº 1940–5048), with the stipulation that “existing fencing shall be maintained in a satisfactory condition.”83 As terms of the lease no longer contain any reference to sapling and sucker removal, we can assume that at that time the land was a largely open paddock with scattered shade trees. On 11 November 1949 the lease was not renewed84 and the original reserve was broken up. While the ½ acre Hindu section of the burial ground continued to be retained as a cemetery reserve (‘unsectarian burial ground, Ms905’)85 under the original reserve title (R 6744), the rest of the area was gazetted for Public Recreation and for that

78. (Anonymous, 1919a, 1919b, 1919c, 1919d). 79. Special lease 1929–12, reg. nº 1929‐23455 80. (Ball, 1929, p. 5087). 81. (Ball, 1929). 82. (Ball, 1930, p. 4020). 83. (Sinclair, 1940). 84. (Sheahan, 1949b). 85. (NSW Department of Lands, 1956). 355 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury purpose reserved both from sale (R 73373) and from lease generally (R 73374).86 In November 1952 the southern boundary of the reserve was shifted northward and land excised for the creation of 18 housing lots.87 At the time, the excised area was described as “[m]ostly flat land, brown clayey soil, scattered gum and box trees and stumps.”88 A 1984 map shows that the Hindu section still remained classified as “allotment 1, unsectarian burial ground, 2023m2 Ms905‐3110, enclosed with the remnant of R 6744.89 The latter appears to be a one‐metre wide envelope. Today, the Hindu section is listed as DP 1023483 (Figure 9a; Figure 13).90 The cadastral map still shows the area of the former Muslim section as a white rectangle (Figure 9b; Figure 13), even though it is no longer identified as a separate title.91 Even though gazetted as a reserve for public recreation, the space does not seem to have seen any development or management action. In August 1959, when some of the grave markers were still in existence, it was mooted to allocate the space as the grounds of the Lavington Show Society. In the event, nothing come of these plans. On May 21, 1963 Albury City Council acceded to a request by the Lavington Progress Association to rename the area ‘Jelbart Park’ and to lobby Hume Shire for concurrence.92 Some Albury residents deplored the action as a major loss of historic connections through place names, as the area had been colloquial known as the ‘Indian cemetery.’93

86. (NSW Department of Lands, 1956; Sheahan, 1949a). 87. (Hawkins, 1952). 88. (Hawkins, 1952). 89. (NSW Department of Lands, 1984). 90. according to (Department of Finance and Services, 2016). 91. (Department of Finance and Services, 2016). 92. (Anonymous, 1963). 93. (The Mailman, 1963).—A name that has been on record since 1918 (Anonymous, 1918). JSPS 27:2 356

Figure 5. Survey Plan of the unsectarian burial ground in Albury.94

94. Source: (Ryan, 1907). 357 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury

Figure 6. Section of the hand‐annotated Albury Parish Map of 1916 (1927), showing the land reserved for a cemetery. Note the rectangle marked ‘IRC’.95

Figure 7. Section of the Town Map of Lavington, showing the reduced cemetery reserve.96

95. (Department of Lands, 1927). 96. (NSW Department of Lands, 1956). JSPS 27:2 358

Figure 8. Aerial view of Jelbart Park.97

b

a

Figure 9. Annotated aerial view of Jelbart Park.98

97. Source: (Land and Property Information, 2014). 98. Base image (Land and Property Information, 2014). 359 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury

Figure 10. Undated cremation scene, unsectarian burial ground in Albury.99

Figure 11. The cremation of Rur Singh on 25 June 1939100

99 . Image Albury Library Museum Photograph. 100. Image Albury Library Museum Photograph ‐‐ Fielder ARM 11.365 JSPS 27:2 360

Table 1. Chronology of the non‐sectarian Burial Ground on the former Albury Commons (cremations shown in italics)

Date Event Ref 1868, Jun 26 Albury Temporary Common declared 101 1888, July 14 Section of Albury Common reserved as a burial 102 ground (R6,744) 1893, Apr 25 Portions 459–462 to the east of the reserve 103 alienated by Charles A Conley Portions 464–465 possibly alienated on the same day 1905, July 18 Cremation of Devan (‘Dingh’) Singh (40) 104 1905, Sep 29 Request by Esser and Chere Singh to have 1 acre 105 of the commons set aside as cremation ground 1905, Oct 19 Albury Borough Council approved the request, 106 setting aside 1 acre of the commons as burial ground, ½ acre for “the Buddhists” and ½ acre for “the Mohammedans” 1907, Aug 5 Cremation of Jundan (‘Gundar’) Singh (30 or 33) 107 1907, Oct 9 Council of the Municipality of Albury appointed 108 as trustees of the Unsectarian Burial Ground on Reserve 6,744. The rest of the reserve remained under the control of the Lands Department 1917, Mar 17 Cremation of Sumar Singh 109

101. (Wilson, 1868). 102. (Garrett, 1888b, 1888c; Rochford, 1888). 103. (Cowper, 1895b). 104. (Spennemann, 2017c). 105. (Anonymous, 1905f). 106. (Anonymous, 1905d). 107. (Spennemann, 2017c). 108. (S. W. Moore, 1907). 109. (Spennemann, 2017c). 361 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury

Date Event Ref 1917, Aug 22 Cremation of Utcher (‘Atcher’) Singh (50) (died at 110 Gerogery) 1918, May 4 Cremation Naran Singh (47) (died at Kergunyah) 111 1918, Jun 6 generally referred to as the ‘Indian Cemetery’ 112 1918, Apr 24 Cremation of Tarum (‘Narra’) Singh (60) 113 1923, Apr 3 Death of Poorn Singh (45) 114 1928 Reputed but unconfirmed occurrence of a 115 cremation 1929, Dec 20 Surrounding reserve (6744) leased by James Gray 116 for dairy purposes 1930, Oct 10 Resumption of the Muslim section of the cemetery 117 (never used) 1930, Dec 19 Stock proof fence presumably present (acc. to 118 stipulations of lease) 1933, Aug 18 Cremation of Naran Singh (57) (died at Dederang) 119 1935, Dec 27 Cremation of Hamel (Ameer) Singh (102) 120 1939, Jun 25 Cremation of Rur(al) Singh (72) 121 1940, Jul 12 Renewal of lease of surrounding reserve for dairy 122 purposes

110. (Spennemann, 2017c). 111. (Spennemann, 2017c). 112. (Anonymous, 1918). 113. (Spennemann, 2017c). 114. (Spennemann, 2017c). 115. (Spennemann, 2017c). 116. (Ball, 1929). 117. (Ball, 1930, p. 4020). 118. (Ball, 1929). 119. (Anonymous, 1933). 120. (Spennemann, 2017c).120 121. (Spennemann, 2017c). 122. (Sinclair, 1940). JSPS 27:2 362

Date Event Ref 1944, May 16 Cremation of Rutten Singh (90+). Last cremation on 123 record. 1947 Vandals reputedly destroy or damage some of the grave markers that may have been present (markers visible in 1939 imagery) 1949, Nov 11 The ½ acre Hindu burial ground is retained as a 124 cemetery reserve, rest reserved from sale (R73373) and from lease generally (R73374) for Public Recreation 1952, Nov 21 Southern section of area excised from reserve and 125 subdivided into 36 housing lots (portions 963–998) 1959, Aug 1 Some grave markers still in existence 126 1959, Aug 1 Mooted as showground location for the Lavington 127 Show Society 1963, May Hume Shire Council supports the request by the 128 Lavington Progress Association to rename the ‘Indian cemetery’ to ‘Jelbart Park’ 1963, May 15 Albury City Council accedes to request by Hume 129 Shire Council to rename the ‘Indian cemetery’ to ‘Jelbart Park’ 1964, Sep Fundraising for the North Albury – Lavington 130 Olympic Pool under way 1966 Construction for the Jelbart Park (North Albury) 131 Swimming Centre commences

123. (Spennemann, 2017c). 124. (Sheahan, 1949a). 125. (Hawkins, 1952).—The portions 973–980 and 991–998 were available for public purchase, while 963–972 and 981–990 were reserved for the Director of War Service Homes (Hawkins, 1952). See also (NSW Department of Lands, 1956). 126. (Anonymous, 1959). 127. (Anonymous, 1959). 128. (Anonymous, 1963). 129. (Council of the City of Albury, 1963). 130. (Anonymous, 1964). 131. pers comm Michael Stanton 363 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury

Date Event Ref 1966, Nov 18 Albury United Soccer Club formed 132 1967, Feb 4 Jelbart Park (North Albury) Swimming Centre opens 1967, Jul 27 Indiana Court subdivision surveyed 133 1967, Nov Albury United Soccer Club commences playing at 134 Jelbart Park 1967, Dec 21 Cheyenne Drive subdivision surveyed 135 1968, May 22 Sioux Court subdivision surveyed 136 1970, July 10 Shirleen Crescent subdivision surveyed 137

132 . (Anonymous, 2017). 133. DP 234,467._Comprised of portions 460 and 461, originally alienated on 25 April 1893 by Charles Alexander Conley (who owned the 3 acre portions 459– 464); repossessed by Bank and put up for public auction in July 1895 (occurred 14 September 1895) (Cowper, 1895a, 1895b; NSW Department of Lands, 1956).—Subdivision lodged by Morris, Hayes & Edgar (Sydney) on 5 September 1967; registered on 10 November 1967 (NSW Register of Deposited Plans); former plan DP 230,921 (title reference 10420–225). 134 . (Anonymous, 2017). 135. DP 235,770.—Comprised of portions 459 and 460, originally alienated on 25 April 1893 by Charles Alexander Conley (who owned the 3 acre portions 459– 464); repossessed by Bank and put up for public auction in July 1895 (occurred 14 September 1895) (Cowper, 1895a, 1895b; NSW Department of Lands, 1956).—Subdivision lodged by Morris, Hayes & Edgar (Sydney) on 12 January 1968; registered on 22 April 1968 (NSW Register of Deposited Plans); former plan DP 234,467 (=Indiana Court) (title reference 10687–112). 136. DP 236,681.—Comprised of portions 461 and 462, alienated on 25 April 1893 by Charles Alexander Conley (who owned the 3 acre portions 459–464); repossessed by Bank and put up for public auction in July 1895 (occurred 14 September 1895) (Cowper, 1895a, 1895b; NSW Department of Lands, 1956).— Subdidivison lodged by Morris, Hayes & Edgar (Sydney) on 28 June 1968; registered on 9 August 1968 (NSW Register of Deposited Plans); former plan DP 235,770 (=Cheyenne Drive) (title reference 10801–83). 137. DP 239,780.—Comprised of portions 463 and 464, originally alienated on 25 April 1893 by Charles Alexander Conley (who owned the 3 acre portions 459– 464) (NSW Department of Lands, 1956). JSPS 27:2 364

Date Event Ref 1973‐74 construction of a barbeque near burial ground by 138 Albury North Rotary Club 1975‐76 construction of a playground equipment near 139 burial ground by Albury North Rotary Club 1977–78 construction of manual activities centre by Albury 140 North Rotary Club 1981, Aug 7 Jacinta Court subdivision surveyed 141 1995, Feb 3 Albury City becomes Crown Reserves Trustee of 142 the Jelbart Park (Reserve 73373) 2013, Jun Jelbart Park Master Plan released for community 143 comment

The subdivision

C.A. Conley owned the majority of the allotments to the east of the reserve (nº 459–464), with John Maclure owning the three closest to Union Road (nº 465–467) (Figure 7).144 The three roads with American Indian names (Cheyenne Drive, Indiana Court and Sioux Court) are all encompassed by Charles A. Conley’s land‐holdings.145 The principal developers of Indiana Estate were John and Brian O’Shaughnessy.146 The area on the eastern boundary of Jelbart Park was

138. (Rotary Club of Albury North, 2013, p. 10). 139. (Rotary Club of Albury North, 2013, p. 10). 140. (Rosman, Hastings & Associates, 1977). 141. DP 262212.—Comprised of portions 465, 466 of 3 acres each, originally alienated by John MacLure (who also owned portion 467) and sold after his death in 1908 (Griffith & Co, 1908). 142. (Souris, 1995). 143. (Spiire, 2013). 144. (Department of Lands, 1956). 145. (NSW Department of Lands, n.d.). 146. (Brownlaw, 2006). 365 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury progressively subdivided between 1966 and 1972.147 The first formal subdivision was Indiana Court, surveyed on 27 July 1967 and registered on 10 November 1967 (DP 234,467). This was followed by Cheyenne Drive on December 1967 (DP 235,770) and Sioux Court in May 1968 (DP 236,681). The fourth street, subdivided in July 1970, does not carry an Indian name, but was named Shirleen Crescent (DP 239,780). There is reference however, that this was initially to be called Pawnee (Court),148 with the entire area initially known as ‘Indiana Park.’149

Figure 12. The first subdivision, Indiana Court There are no council or other records that shed light of the origin or reason for the name ‘Indiana Court.’150 At the time, street names were

147. E.g. DP 230921 (former title 10330–249 and –250) covering portions 457–462 was surveyed 1 September 1966 and registered 11 October 1966. 148. (Martin, 1981, p. 180). 149. (Martin, 1981, p. 180). 150. A search of the council records by Albury City staff found no files related to this subdivision, nor any Council minutes that comment on the name given.— JSPS 27:2 366 allocated by the developer and generally approved unless they would cause confusion. According to recollections by a local resident, the naming is due to Harry van Galen, who as draughtsman for the developers Jacobs was asked to suggest names. As he “had served in the Dutch division of the American air force, and on hearing that there was an Indian cemetery in the area, he used American Indian names.”151 Clearly, at the time the naming did not cause consternation or raise concern among Albury Council staff or the public. The chronology of naming events (Table 2) shows a tight succession in the subdivision sequences for Indiana Court, Cheyenne Drive and Sioux Court. Yet, there would have been sufficient time for any public concerns to be expressed. While the naming of the open space as Jelbart Park had caused some comment (see above), the fact that no formal public objections to the street naming were raised, at least publicly,152 demonstrates that the community surrounding the area, as well as the wider Albury community had lost any close connection to the cremation area. Moreover, with the deaths of Patarp Singh in Henty in September 1951153and Noor Patarp Singh in June 1952 in Wangaratta,154 there were no Punjabi left who could be regarded as stakeholders and who argue for the heritage of the Punjabi in the region. When the subdivision began in November 1966, Albury had already commenced the construction of the North Albury Swimming Centre, which opened on 4 February 1967. The development of the area as a recreation precinct continued with the construction of playing fields, to be used by the Albury United Soccer Club, in November 1967. When the portions to the south of Sioux Court were subdivided (by a different developer) in 1970, a different name was used (Shirleen Ct, DP

The plans were lodged by Morris, Hayes & Edgar (Sydney). A search in their archives likewise provides no information.—The subdivision was surveyed by Lindsay Thomas Symons of B.W. Esler and Associates, Albury. In the early 2000s that company destroyed all its old and (then) no longer active files. 151. (Dickie, 2016). 152.. While it was asserted by Freeman (2012). that “[i]t has always been a contentious issue with older residents in the area that the streets were given American Indian names,” but no documented public expression of this sentiment can be found. 153. (Anonymous, 1951). 154. (Anonymous, 1952). 367 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury

239780). The same applies to the additional 1981 subdivision further to the south (Jacinta Court, DP 262212). Likewise, when the northern portions, owned by Jacobs, were subdivided in 1982, the naming was not continued (Julie Place and Rowen Court, DP 263855).

Table 2. Chronology of Planning events surrounding Indiana Estate

Indiana Cheyenne Sioux Shirleen Jacinta Julie Pl Date Ct Dr Ct Cr Ct Rowen Ct 1966, Oct 13 subdivision registered 1967, Jul 27 surveyed 1967, Sep 5 lodged 1967, Nov 10 registered 1967, Dec 21 surveyed 1968, Jan 12 lodged 1968, Apr 22 registered 1968, May 22 surveyed 1968, Jun 28 lodged 1968, Aug 9 registered 1970, Jul 10 surveyed 1970, Sep 3 lodged 1970, Oct 19 registered 1981, Aug 7 surveyed 1981, Oct 2 lodged 1981, Dec 4 registered 1982, Jun 18 surveyed 1982, Dec 23 lodged 1982, Jul 2 registered

The 1960s and early 1970s saw the increased alienation of the space as a recreational park, which necessitated the provision of amenities that did not interfere with the use of those at the playing fields. The development of a barbeque and playground by the Rotary Club between 1973 and 1975 finalised the conversion of the area into a public recreation space. Unintentionally, but nonetheless in rather poor taste, the barbeque was actually placed exactly over the location of most of the cremations (Figure 14).

Management of the Reserve today

Today the reserve is managed by Albury City as a public space for recreation and sports. Even though draft plans foresee changes to the use JSPS 27:2 368 of some of the space,155 including the future of the Swim Centre,156 they do not alter the management of the cemetery section, beyond a possible resurfacing, which would affect the eastern half (which is already under turf).

Figure 13. Aerial view showing the location of the cemetery reserve for the Hindu cremations (solid white line, DP1023483) as well as the unused reserve for Islamic burials (dashed line).157

155. (AlburyCity & Spiire, 2013). 156. (AlburyCity, 2013). 157. aerial base image (Land and Property Information, 2014). 369 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury

Figure 14. Community BBQ at the very location where the cremations occurred

The early heritage studies of Albury were not comprehensive and do not cover the area beyond the CBD.158 Even when the scope was widened, no heritage protection was afforded to the site in the early Local Environmental Plans.159 Following the Lavington Heritage Study of 2003,160 a section of Jelbart Park which encompasses the cemetery reserve, was included in Schedule 5 of the 2010 Albury Local Environmental Plan.161

The ethics of changing street names

Finally, let us return to the naming of the three streets ‘Sioux Court,’ ‘Cheyenne Drive’ and ‘Indiana Court.’ Clearly, the streets were named

158. (Colleran & O’Dwyer, 1990; Grant, 1990; Latona, 1976). 159. (Minister for Planning, 1995, 2000). 160. (OʹHalloran, 2003a, 2003b). 161. (Minister for Planning, 2010, p. 94 Item I353). JSPS 27:2 370 based on a misinterpretation of the nature of the ‘Indian cemetery’ in Albury. The naming attracted some commentary first in 1986162 and then again in the past decade,163 with the majority attributing it as a bureaucratic bungle on behalf of Albury Council officers at the time.164 As shown above, the bungle was not caused, yet not corrected by Albury Council at the time. The naming of the roads in the late 1960s was proposed by the developers and endorsed by the Geographical Names Board under the provisions of the Geographical Names Act.165 While any naming and renaming of public roads in NSW today requires a public exhibition period,166 this does not seem to have been the case in 1966. It is even doubtful whether council staff of Albury City were cognisant of the naming before it was approved by the Geographical Names Board. By and large, the Punjabi hawkers do not figure in the histories of Albury. While this absence can be explained in the case of the Andrews’ history of 1912, when the matter of hawkers was topical and not yet historical,167 this is not the case for the histories by Baykey, Boyes and Jones.168 The only mention occurred in newspaper items by Martin and Chamberlin,169 both of which are based on hearsay and can be shown to be factually inaccurate. It can be argued that the erroneous naming erased their traces even further. Thus the question arises whether today, some 50 years later, the names should be changed to rectify the misinterpretation, as is demanded by some.170 Names of public facilities (e.g. schools), streets and entire communities are not permanent, but can be modified due to changing community expectations or political conditions. Changes to the political order, in particular, reverberate through the geographical

162. (Jones, 1986). 163. (Downing, 2013). 164. (Adamthwaite, 2012; Craig, 2012; C. Moore, 2013; Taylor, 2013). 165 Geographical Names Act 1966). 166. (Roads Regulation, 2008 §7). 167. (Andrews, 1912). 168. Bayley (1954, 1976). Boyes (1984). and Jones (1991). 169. Martin (1969a, 1969b; as book chapter: 1981). and Chamberlain (1997). 170. (e.g. Jordan & Kenna, 2015). 371 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury nomenclature.171 Globally, a readily recognised example are the name changes of Saint Petersburg (Санкт‐Петербурѓ ) to Petrograd (Петрогра́д) in 1914, to Leningrad (Ленинград́ ) in 1924 and back to Saint Petersburg in 1991. In the Australian setting we have numerous examples of changes to German‐based town names during World War I, either by Anglicisation (e.g. Steinfeld to Stonefield, Petersburg to Peterborough), or by complete renaming (e.g. Germanton to Holbrook, Hahndorf to Ambleside). While some of these, mainly in South Australia, reverted to the German original during the mid 1930s (e.g. Hahndorf, Lobethal) or the 1970s (e.g. Hoffnungsthal, Siegersdorf), most did not (e.g. Holbrook, Tarrington).172 In NSW, the names given to streets are frequently changed, mainly to avoid duplication and confusion (such in the case of council amalgamations) or to honour events or people. On the one hand, it is arguably desirable to rectify what must be regarded as an egregious, albeit unintentional, error and to put the contributions of the Punjabi hawkers on public display. An obvious solution would a renaming along the lines of ‘Punjab Drive,’ ‘Sikh Court’ and ‘Hindu Court,’ street names which encapsulate those cremated nearby and which moreover do not exist elsewhere in Australia.173 On the other, an argument can be made that the misnaming is in fact an expression of heritage. The misnaming, ultimately borne out of ignorance of the appropriate historic association is indicative, and representative, of the marginalisation of Punjabi in Australian society. At the same time, the 1960s were still a period when American Indian culture was popularised in mainstream society.174 Indeed, streets named after American Indians are not uncommon in Australia, with the majority so named in the early 1970s.175 Thus it can be posited that the naming should be retained to demonstrate the cultural expectations at the time. The concern will be, however, that the subtlety of the latter approach will be lost on the general public.

171. (e.g. Cohen & Kliot, 1992; Gill, 2005; Guyot & Seethal, 2007). 172. (Borrie, 1954; Burnley, 2010; Spennemann, 2009). 173. A ‘Punjab Place’ exists in Boronia Heights (Qld). 174. (Price, 1980). 175. (Spennemann, 2017d). JSPS 27:2 372

Conclusion

The Hindu cemetery in Albury is an exemplar case of the systematic marginalisation of Punjabi men in Australian rural communities during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. They were marginalised administratively, initially through the licencing courts and post 1901 through immigration controls. They were marginalised socially, first by allegations of threatening behaviour and sexual misconduct during the depression of the 1890s, and later through spatial exclusion during the first and second decade of the twentieth century. This spatial marginalisation also manifested itself in the location of the first Hindu/Sikh cremation at Albury, which occurred well out of town in a gazetted, but unused cemetery. The formal gazettal of a Hindu (and Muslim) section in this ‘new cemetery’ in 1905 is the single positive signal sent by the Albury community. That was soon after negated, and the marginalisation of the Punjabi community stood again in stark relief, when no attempt whatsoever was made to declare this ‘new cemetery’ as Albury’s general cemetery. Since the number of Punjabi men dwindled during the 1940s, both due to return to India and death, cremations came to an end. The last cremation occurred in 1944. With no one to ensure the upkeep of the Hindu cemetery, and no one to advocate for its retention, the cemetery soon fell into communal oblivion. Even though some evidence of graves still existed as late as 1959, the Albury community had other, more immediate needs for an area that was increasingly enveloped by urban developments. The former cemetery reserve, long used as a dairy lease was converted into a park, and the Hindu cemetery became by virtue of ignorance and lack of advocacy, an extension of that recreation space. Systematically marginalised during their lifetime, the Punjabi men now also were marginalised after death, pushed out of collective memory of the Albury community, with the final resting place colonised by recreation facilities and a playground. The final acts of ignominy, due to ignorance rather than malevolent intent, were the erection of a gas‐fired BBQ on top of the very spot where the cremations had occurred and the naming of three streets celebrating the ‘wrong’ Indians. Today the street names remain an interesting, although erroneous, form of commemorating the local Indian hawkers who played such an important role in the local area. Without the identification of Jelbart Park as a significant heritage site associated with the Indian hawkers, it is likely 373 Spenneman: Sioux Court and the Indians of Albury that the somewhat weak link between the street names and their correct beneficiaries will be slowly lost to the Albury community.

Acknowledgements

I am indebted to Grant Maginness (Department of Industry‐ Lands, Wagga Wagga) and Michael van den Bos (Secretary, Geographical Names Board NSW) for relevant background data.

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