Cс Simon Clarke 1988. All Rights Reserved. No Part of This Publication
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Post-Keynesian Economics
History and Methods of Post- Keynesian Macroeconomics Marc Lavoie University of Ottawa Outline • 1A. We set post-Keynesian economics within a set of multiple heterodox schools of thought, in opposition to mainstream schools. • 1B. We identify the main features (presuppositions) of heterodoxy, contrasting them to those of orthodoxy. • 2. We go over a brief history of post-Keynesian economics, in particular its founding institutional moments. • 3. We identify the additional features that characterize post- Keynesian economics relative to closely-related heterodox schools. • 4. We delineate the various streams of post-Keynesian economics: Fundamentalism, Kaleckian, Kaldorian, Sraffian, Institutionalist. • 5. We discuss the evolution of post-Keynesian economics, and some of its important works over the last 40 years. • 6. We mention some of the debates that have rocked post- Keynesian economics. PART I Heterodox schools Heterodox vs Orthodox economics •NON-ORTHODOX • ORTHODOX PARADIGM PARADIGM • DOMINANT PARADIGM • HETERODOX PARADIGM • THE MAINSTREAM • POST-CLASSICAL PARADIGM • NEOCLASSICAL ECONOMICS • RADICAL POLITICAL ECONOMY • REVIVAL OF POLITICAL ECONOMY Macro- economics Heterodox Neoclassical authors KEYNES school Cambridge Old Marxists Monetarists Keynesians Keynesians Radicals French Post- New New Regulation Keynesians Keynesians Classicals School Orthodox vs Heterodox economics • Post-Keynesian economics is one of many different heterodox schools of economics. • Heterodox economists are dissenters in economics. • Dissent is a broader -
Hodgson Pour
Revue de la régulation Capitalisme, Institutions, Pouvoirs , n°2, 2008 Fostering Variety in Economics. Entretien avec Geoffrey Hodgson Agnès Labrousse, Julien Vercueil RR. : Although they are not new in economics, evolutionary and institutional approaches have attracted a growing interest since the 1980s. How do you explain that? Geoffrey Hodgson : When I started working on institutional and evolutionary ideas in the early 1980s, I felt almost a lone voice among economists. Now the situation is very different. There are several reasons for the rise in interest in institutional and evolutionary ideas. Until the 1970s, much of the challenge to mainstream ideas was in macroeconomics, reflecting the influence of Keynesian and Marxian approaches. With some exceptions, such as the work of Herbert Simon, orthodox micro-theory faced less opposition. To a significant degree, the rise of institutional, evolutionary and behavioural approaches reflects the growing development of alternative theories in the microeconomic arena. These became significant in the 1980s, notably with the work of Richard Nelson, Sidney Winter and Oliver Williamson. By the 1990s, some of these critical movements had had a major impact on mainstream approaches, and others became more prominent among heterodox economists. The new institutionalists Ronald Coase and Douglass North were awarded Nobel Prizes in 1991 and 1993. The various forms of institutional and evolutionary thought tackle important questions concerning institutions and economic development that were relatively neglected from the 1950s to the 1970s. RR. : Could you present the core propositions of your institutional and evolutionary economics? GH. : Both ‘institutional economics’ and ‘evolutionary economics’ are very broad churches. There are as many important differences within both the original and new institutional economics as there are between them. -
Overaccumulation, Public Debt, and the Importance of Land
Overaccumulation, Public Debt, and the Importance of Land Stefan Homburg Discussion Paper No. 525 ISSN 0949-9962 Published: German Economic Review 15 (4), pp. 411-435. doi:10.1111/geer.12053 Institute of Public Economics, Leibniz University of Hannover, Germany. www.fiwi.uni-hannover.de. Abstract: In recent contributions, Weizsäcker (2014) and Summers (2014) maintain that mature economies ac- cumulate too much capital. They suggest large and last- ing public deficits as a remedy. This paper argues that overaccumulation cannot occur in an economy with land. It presents novel data of aggregate land values, analyzes the issue within a stochastic framework, and conducts an empirical test of overaccumulation. Keywords: Dynamic efficiency; overaccumulation; land; fiscal policy; public debt JEL-Classification: D92, E62, H63 Thanks are due to Charles Blankart, Friedrich Breyer, Johannes Hoffmann, Karl-Heinz Paqué, and in particu- lar to Marten Hillebrand and Wolfram F. Richter for very helpful suggestions. 2 1. Introduction In a recent article, Carl-Christian von Weizsäcker (2014) challenged the prevailing skepti- cal view of public debt. In a modernized Austrian framework, he argues that the natural real rate of interest, i.e. the rate that would emerge in the absence of public debt, has be- come negative in OECD economies and China. Because nominal interest rates are posi- tive, governments face an uneasy choice between price stability and fiscal prudence: They must either raise inflation in order to make negative real and positive nominal interest rates compatible, or lift the real interest rate into the positive region via deficit spending. To substantiate his point, Weizsäcker claims that the average waiting period, the ratio of private wealth and annual consumption, has risen historically whereas the average produc- tion period, the ratio of capital and annual consumption, has remained constant. -
Models of the Developmental State
Models of the developmental state Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira Abstract This paper seeks to understand the developmental state and its historical role in industrial revolutions and afterwards. First, the developmental state is defined as an alternative to the liberal state. Second, it is argued that industrial revolutions have always taken place within the framework of a developmental state. Third, four models of developmental states are defined according to the point in time at which the industrial revolution took place and the central or peripheral character of the country. Fourth, the paper describes how the state withdraws partially from the economy after the industrial revolution, but the developmental state continues to have a major role in directing industrial policy and in conducting an active macroeconomic policy. Keywords Public administration, economic planning, macroeconomics, liberalism, nationalism, economic policy, economic development JEL classification O10, O11, O19 Author Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira is an Emeritus Professor with the Department of Economics of the Sao Paulo School of Economics, Getulio Vargas Foundation, Brazil. Email: [email protected]. 36 CEPAL Review N° 128 • August 2019 I. Introduction In the 1950s, Brazilian political scientists and economists identified “developmentalism” as a set of political ideas and economic strategies that drove Brazil’s rapid industrialization and underpinned the coalition of social classes identified with national development. Hélio Jaguaribe (1962, p. 208) stated in the early 1960s that “the core thesis of developmentalism is that the promotion of economic development and the consolidation of nationality stand as two correlated aspects of a single emancipatory process”. Through “national developmentalism”, which would become the established term for the country’s development strategy, Brazilian society was successfully overcoming the patrimonial state that characterized its politics until 1930. -
Accumulation Regimes Agnès Labrousse, Sandrine Michel
Accumulation regimes Agnès Labrousse, Sandrine Michel To cite this version: Agnès Labrousse, Sandrine Michel. Accumulation regimes. Tae-Hee Jo; Lynne Chester; Carlo D’Ippoliti. The Routledge Handbook of Heterodox Economics Theorizing, Analyzing, and Trans- forming Capitalism, pp.54-69, 2017, 978-1-138-89994-0 (hbk) 978-1-315-70758-7 (ebk). hal-01719977 HAL Id: hal-01719977 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01719977 Submitted on 28 Feb 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Accumulation Regimes Agnès Labrousse and Sandrine Michel Introduction Historical observation shows that accumulation undergoes long periods of stability, followed by long periods of instability and crisis, so the economist has to explain why an episode of growth, based on a seemingly ‘virtuous’ accumulation process, can enter into crisis. Accumulation regimes grasp the dynamic compatibility of production, income sharing, and demand dynamics: “the set of regularities that ensure the general and relatively coherent progress of capital accumulation, that is, which allow the resolution or postponement of the distortions and disequilibria to which the process continually gives rise” (Boyer & Saillard 2002: 334). Two institutional theories, French Régulation theory (RT) and the American Social Structure of Accumulation (SSA) theory, are particularly relevant to the investigation of accumulation processes. -
The Basic Theory of Capitalism: a Critical Review of Itoh and the Uno School
The Basic Theory of Capitalism: A Critical Review of Itoh and the Uno School Simon Clarke Makoto Itoh: The Basic Theory of Capitalism: The Forms and Substance of the Capitalist Economy, Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1988. 1 The Uno Approach and the Pure Theory of Cap- italism Makoto Itoh's work is well-known to readers of Capital and Class through his long-standing involvement in the CSE. He has now brought together his contributions to the debates on the theory of value and the theory of crisis within a systematic exposition of Marxist theory which brings out clearly the roots of his perspective in the work of Uno. The Uno School is one of the major schools of post-war Japanese Marxism, which came to prominence in the 1960s.1 The Uno approach is marked by a radical neo-Kantian separation of theory from politics, and a fierce opposition to logical-historical interpretations of Capital in favour of a sharp distinction between theoretical and historical analysis. Itoh's book is important in making the Uno approach more accessible to an English speaking readership by relating its perspective directly to the recent English language debates. Although Itoh revises and develops the Uno approach, particularly in his concern to give the theory a greater political and historical relevance, he retains the essential methodological and theoretical foundations of the Uno approach. While Itoh's contribution is of considerable interest in its own right, in this article I intend to focus on these foundations as the basis of a critique of Itoh's book. The methodological foundations of the Uno school lie in the radical sepa- ration of three levels of analysis. -
Abstract Geographies of Neoliberal Regulation And
ABSTRACT GEOGRAPHIES OF NEOLIBERAL REGULATION AND THE EVERYDAY URBAN EXPERIENCE: A CASE STUDY OF OVER-THE-RHINE, CINCINNATI Jean-Paul David Addie This thesis analyses the impacts of neoliberal urbanism through conducting a qualitative case study of the inner-city neighbourhood of Over-the-Rhine, Cincinnati. Drawing upon the geographic concept of 'actually existing' neoliberalism, combined with in-depth interviews with neighbourhood organisations, community advocacy groups and residents in Over-the-Rhine, I explore the complex, often contradictory and dialectical relationships between neoliberal regulatory-institutional restructuring, the production of urban space, and the practices of everyday life. Played out against a background of racial tension and civil unrest, the creation of a new, neoliberal institutional landscape in Over-the-Rhine politically and economically disenfranchises the most marginalised neighbourhood inhabitants through re-articulating urban and political space, and re-imagining the ideological form and function of the inner city and the urban poor. I assert the significance of place-based studies to explore the place-specific articulations of neoliberal urbanism and in doing so, present directions for future research. GEOGRAPHIES OF NEOLIBERAL REGULATION AND THE EVERYDAY URBAN EXPERIENCE: A CASE STUDY OF OVER-THE-RHINE, CINCINNATI A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Geography by Jean-Paul David Addie Miami University -
Post-Keynesian Economics
History and Fundamentals of Post-Keynesian Macroeconomics Marc Lavoie University of Paris 13 University of Ottawa A Modern Guide To Keynesian Macroeconomics And Economic Policies Outline • 1. We set post-Keynesian economics within a set of multiple heterodox schools of thought, in opposition to mainstream schools and quickly identify the main features (presuppositions) of heterodoxy, contrasting them to those of orthodoxy. • 2. We cover a brief history of post-Keynesian economics, in particular its founding moments. • 3. We identify the additional features that characterize post- Keynesian economics relative to closely-related heterodox schools. • 4. We delineate the various streams of post-Keynesian economics: Fundamentalist, Kaleckian, Kaldorian, Sraffian, Institutionalist. • 5. PKE in the limelight: monetary economics 7th FMM International Summer School, Keynesian Macroeconomics and Economic Policies, July-August 2019 PART I Heterodox schools and Keynesian schools Heterodox vs Orthodox economics • HETERODOX PARADIGM • ORTHODOX PARADIGM • NON-ORTHODOX • DOMINANT PARADIGM PARADIGM • THE MAINSTREAM • POST-CLASSICAL PARADIGM • NEOCLASSICAL ECONOMICS • REVIVAL OF POLITICAL ECONOMY • MARGINALISM • REAL-WORLD ECONOMICS 7th FMM International Summer School, Keynesian Macroeconomics and Economic Policies, July-August 2019 • Lee, Lavoie ROPE 2012 • J.E. King • Stockhammer and Ramskögler • Dobusch and Kapeller • D. Dequech • B. Hopkins • M. Vernengo • Earl and Peng • G. Mongiovi • Rochon and Docherty • D. Foley • L. Hoang-Ngoc 7th FMM International Summer School, Keynesian Macroeconomics and Economic Policies, July-August 2019 Hodgson (August 2019 book): Is There a Future for Heterodox Economics? • “Over the last 50 years, and particularly since the financial crash in 2008, the community of heterodox economists has expanded, and its publications have proliferated. But its power in departments of economics has waned. -
Regulation Theories in Retrospect and Prospect Bob Jessop
Regulation Theories in Retrospect and Prospect Bob Jessop This chapter critically assesses the regulation approach to the critique of political economy. 1 It starts with the theoretical background to regulation theories; moves on to compare the main approaches and their various fields of application; and then offers some methodological and epistemological criticisms of the leading schools. Then come some more general methodological remarks on the object and subject of regulation and some specific comments on one of the weakest areas of regulation theory - its account of the state. Thus this chapter focuses on methodology and general theory rather than empirical analysis. Although somewhat abstract, these concerns are still relevant. For, as the key concepts have become common academic currency and related terms such as Fordism and post-Fordism pervade the mass media, the original methodological concerns of the pioneer regulation theorists are often forgotten. Scientific progress in a particular school often depends on forgetting its pioneers but this is no imperative: classic texts may well have a continuing relevance. In the regulationist case, three serious effects stem from this ill-judged neglect of pioneer texts. First, the approach is often falsely equated with the analysis of Fordism, its crisis, and the transition to so-called post-Fordist regimes. But not every study of Fordism is regulationist nor is every regulationist study concerned with (post-)Fordism. Second, although early studies emphasised the primacy of the class struggle in the genesis, dynamic, and crisis of different accumulation regimes and modes of regulation, more recent regulationist studies have often focused on questions of structural cohesion and neglected social agency. -
Spatial Fixes, Temporal Fixes, and Spatio-Temporal Fixes
On-Line Papers – Copyright This online paper may be cited or briefly quoted in line with the usual academic conventions. You may also download them for your own personal use. This paper must not be published elsewhere (e.g. to mailing lists, bulletin boards etc.) without the author's explicit permission. Please note that if you copy this paper you must: • include this copyright note • not use the paper for commercial purposes or gain in any way • you should observe the conventions of academic citation in a version of the following form: Bob Jessop,’ Spatial Fixes, Temporal Fixes, and Spatio-Temporal Fixes’, published by the Department of Sociology, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YL, UK at http://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/sociology/papers/jessop-spatio-temporal-fixes.pdf Publication Details This web page was last revised on 27th June 2004 Spatial Fixes, Temporal Fixes, and Spatio-Temporal Fixes Bob Jessop It is especially productive to probe major thinkers on issues central to their work and widely regarded as their strong points. Accordingly, my contribution reviews Harvey’s concern with the spatialities and temporalities of capitalism and capitalist social formations. Harvey is famous for stressing the importance of spatiality for an adequate historical materialism. If one phrase symbolizes this, it is surely ‘spatial fix’. He has also shown how capitalism rests on a political economy of time and has explored the dynamics of time-space compression in both modern and post-modern societies. More recently, he has introduced the term ‘spatio- temporal fix’ to decipher the dynamics of capitalist imperialism and its grounding in the interaction between capitalist and territorial logics of power. -
The 'New' Imperialism: Accumulation By
THE ‘NEW’ IMPERIALISM: ACCUMULATION BY DISPOSSESSION D AVID H ARVEY he survival of capitalism for so long in the face of multiple crises and reor- Tganizations accompanied by dire predictions, from both the left and the right, of its imminent demise, is a mystery that requires illumination. Lefebvre, for one, thought he had found the key in his celebrated comment that capitalism survives through the production of space, but he did not explain exactly how this might be so.1 Both Lenin and Luxemburg, for quite different reasons and utilizing quite different forms of argument, considered that imperialism – a certain form of the production of space – was the answer to the riddle, though both argued that this solution was finite because of its own terminal contradic- tions. The way I sought to look at this problem in the 1970s was to examine the role of ‘spatio-temporal fixes’ to the inner contradictions of capital accumula- tion.2 This argument makes sense only in relation to a pervasive tendency of capitalism, understood theoretically by way of Marx’s theory of the falling rate of profit, to produce crises of overaccumulation.3 Such crises are registered as surpluses of capital and of labour power side by side without there apparently being any means to bring them profitably together to accomplish socially useful tasks. If system-wide devaluations (and even destruction) of capital and of labour power are not to follow, then ways must be found to absorb these surpluses. Geographical expansion and spatial reorganization provide one such option. But this cannot be divorced from temporal fixes either, since geographical expansion often entails investment in long-lived physical and social infrastructures (in trans- port and communications networks and education and research, for example) that take many years to return their value to circulation through the productive activity they support. -
The Crisis of Over-Accumulation in Japan
Journal of Contemporary Asia, 2015 Vol. 45, No. 2, 311–325, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2014.936026 The Crisis of Over-Accumulation in Japan BILL LUCARELLI School of Economics and Finance, Faculty of Business, University of Western Sydney, Australia ABSTRACT Japan has now been mired in economic stagnation, punctuated by recurrent reces- sions, for the past two decades. What are the causes of this longstanding malaise? Is it merely the natural consequence of financial retrenchment and the onset of a pervasive “liquidity trap” after the collapse of the “bubble” economy in the early 1990s, or does the present slump signify a more profound historical phase of structural decline? The aim of this study is to provide several tentative hypotheses. In the first section, some of the possible causes of this phase of prolonged stagnation will be examined. The next section provides a theoretical treatment of the dynamics of debt-deflation from a Minsky-Fisher perspective. The final section evaluates whether the historical evidence lends credence to the debt-deflation thesis. KEY WORDS: Over-accumulation, excess-capacity, debt-deflation, finance, labour Japan’s descent into a prolonged period of economic stagnation over the past two decades has provoked perennial debates over the causes and dynamics of this phase of secular stagnation. The aim of this article is to examine the persistence of Japan’s mediocre economic performance from a Fisher-Minsky perspective. In other words, to what extent is it possible to characterise this stagnationist phase in terms of the debt-deflation theory of depressions. A similar analysis has been recently articulated by Richard Koo (2008)in which he describes Japan’s longstanding malaise as a “balance sheet recession” driven by the large Japanese corporations (keiretsu) and the banks as they pursue a strategy of deleveraging in order to restore their respective balance sheets from the accumulated debt incurred during the previous “bubble economy” of the 1980s.