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University Microfiims International 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 USA St. John's Road, Tyler's Green High Wycombe, Bucks, England HPtO SHR 78-5841 îFONOW, Mary Margaret, 1949- WOMEN IN STEEL: A CASE STUDY OF THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN A TRADE UNION. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1977 Sociology, labor relations

University Microfilms International, Am Arbor, Michigan 4sio6

© Copyright by Mary Margaret Fonow 1977 WOMEN IN STEEL; A CASE STUDY OF THE PARTICIPATION

OF WOMEN IN A TRADE UNION

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

By

Mary Margaret Fonow, B.A., M.A.

*****

The Ohio*State University

1977

Reading Committee: Approved By

Laurel Richardson Walum ' ' * P Alfred Clarke , , ^ -- Adviser John Seidler Department of Sociology This dissertation is dedicated

to my father and mother;

James Robert and Mary Ann Fonow

il ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I with to express my appreciation to the following

people who have contributed in various ways to the com­

pletion of this dissertation;

To my adviser, Dr. Laurel Richardson Walum, who

provided professional guidance, encouragement and critical

insight into the growth and development of this disserta­

tion. Her standards of excellence, commitment to the

discipline of Sociology, and creativity have been an

inspiration throughout my entire graduate career. I would also like to thank the other members of my disser­

tation committee. Dr. Alfred C. Clarke and Dr. John Seidler,

for their counsel and helpful advice;

Especially to my parents: James R. Fonow, whose

legacy of courage, kindness, generosity and sense of humor has not only guided me through this endeavor but has shaped my philosophy on life; and Mary A. Fonow, whose generosity, constant encouragement and spirit of

independence has been the foundation of this project;

To my husband. Dr. James Nathaniel Upton, the experience of two dissertations in the same household

iii has firmly established a norm of reciprocity. Our mutual love, support and commitment to equality have ensured that we will each have a full, interesting and varied life ahead of us;

To Ann Marie and Timothy J. Barrett, who provided support and understanding and opened their home and hearts to me;

To Cecelia Humienny, whose insight, confidence and unfaltering support and encouragement have contributed greatly to this dissertation and to many other life experiences;

To members of the "gender group" who offered helpful suggestions and enthusiasm at various stages in the development of this dissertation. A special thanks to a good friend, Judith Cook, who provided a critical mind, editorial assistance, and a comfortable home;

To Rebecca Howe and Virginia Conroy for their excellent skills in typing this dissertation;

Finally, to all the steelworkers and trade unionists without whose cooperation this study could never have been undertaken. Their patience, time and energy is deeply appreciated.

IV VITA

May 24, 1949 Born - Steubenville, Ohio

1971 .... B.A., Sociology, Ohio University, Athens, Ohio

1973 .... M.A., Sociology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1974-1976. . Graduate Teaching Associate- ship. Department of Sociology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

FIELDS OF STUDY

Sociology of Gender. Professor Laurel Richardson Walum

Sociology of Marriage and the Family. Professor Alfred C. Clarke

Theory and Stratification. Professor John Seidler t a b l e o f c o n t e n t s

Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... iii

VITA ...... V

LIST OF TABLES...... ix

INTRODUCTION...... 1

Chapter

I. THE CONCEPT OF PARTICIPATION AND A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON UNION PARTICIPATION...... 4

The Concept of Participation .... 5 Explanations of Union Participation: A Review of the Literature .... 15 Sex the Invisible Variable ..... 26

II. MAJOR RESEARCH OBJECTIVE, ANALYTIC FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY...... 32

Major Objectives ...... 32 Rationale...... 33 Analytic Framework ...... 35 Research Design...... 38 Methodology...... 45 Data Analysis...... 53 Reliability and Validity ...... 56

III. A BRIEF HISTORICAL OVERVIEW AND BACKGROUND ON WOMEN IN STEEL AND THE U.S. TRADE UNION MOVEMENT ...... 58

Brief Historical Overview...... 58 Women Steelworkers and World War I I ...... 64 Consent Decree in the Steel I n d u s t r y ...... 78

Vi Chapter Page

IV. JOB FEATURES ...... 89

Job Recruitment...... 89 Stake in the J o b ...... 94 Type of Job ...... 97 Social Integration ...... , 103

V. UNION F E A T U R E S ...... 108

Belief in Unionism ...... 109 Evaluation of Union Performance. . . 112 Prior Experience With Unions .... 115 Attitude of Union Officials...... 118

VI. WOMEN’S MOVEMENT FEATURES...... 132

Perceptions of Sex Discrimination. . 135 Solidarity with Other Women Workers, ...... 150 Identification with Women’s Movement ...... 155

VII. PATTERNS OF UNION PARTICIPATION...... 166

General Trends ...... 166 Women in Steel ...... 169 Formal Channels of Participation . . 174 Alternative Channels of Participation, ...... 193

VIII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ...... 212

Explanations of Union Participation...... 213 Job Related Features ...... 213 Union Related Features ...... 219 Women’s Movement Features, ..... 224 Patterns of Union Participation. . . 228 C o n c l u s i o n ...... 232

APPENDIX

A ...... 236

Respondent Interview Guide...... 236

Vll APPENDIX Page Interview Guide for USWA Convention Delegates , . , ...... , , 243 Interview Guide for Union Officials . , . 245

B ...... 247

Historical Overview of the Partici­ pation of Women in the U.S. Trade Union Movement...... 247 Colonial America to the American Revolution...... 248 Seedtime of Unionism...... 252 Early Organization; 1825-1840...... 256 Development of Female Labor Associations 1840-1860...... 258 Development of Trade Unions 1860-1880 . . 261 Women in the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor. . . . 268 Women's Trade Union League...... 274 Women and the Rise of Industrial Unionism...... 278

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 283

Vlll LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1 Estimated Number of Women Production Workers in Selected Manufacturing Industries, 1939-1947 ...... 65

2 Women as Percent of All Workers in Manu­ facturing of Durable Goods : 1939 and 1947 ...... 66

3 Membership of Women in National Unions and Employee Associations, Selected Years, 1954-72...... 166

4 Nationwide Number and Percentage of Workers in Blast Furnace Steel Pro­ duction by Sex for 1975 ...... 171

5 Nationwide Distribution of Workers in Blue Collar Occupations in Blast Furnace Steel Production by Sex for 1975...... 172

6 Nationwide Distribution of Workers in Ifhite Collar Occupations in Blast Furnace Steel Production by Sex for 1975...... 173

7 % of Women Operatives Employed in Select Mill Town of Massachusetts: 1818-1833 ...... 255

8 Occupational Distribution of Female Factory Workers ...... 267

IX INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze

the participation of women steelworkers in their union.

The United Steelworkers of America. It is my intention

to excimine the nature and character of the participation

of women in a large, mostly male, key industrial union.

I will examine features of the job, the union and

the women's movement in an attempt to explain the partici­ pation of women.

Two forms of participation are examined. The first,

formal participation is a review of women's participation

in the formally prescribed mechanisms of participation.

These are the mechanisms established by union rules and regulations. They include; 1) holding union office;

2) running for union office; 3) serving on a union com­ mittee; 4) attending clabor schools, conferences, and workshops; 5) attending union meetings; 6) campaigning

for another union candidate; 7) voting in union elections;

8] filing a grievance; 9) attending educational or social

functions of the union; 10) reading union literature; and 11) talking union politics at work. I will also attempt to relate each mechanism to the arena where union policy is formulated.

1 2

The second form of participation, I have labeled alternative forms of participation. These forms are initi­ ated by the general membership and are generally directed at changing policy, or practices of decision making. The alternative forms include: 1) membership in women's caucus or women's movement organization; 2) membership in a minority caucus or minority movement organization;

3) membership in a rank and file group; 4) appeals to a community support group; and 5) filing suit in civil court.

These membership initiated forms have been developed when either the formal channels of participation are blocked or are viewed as unresponsive or inadequate by a section of the membership. This type of participation is not an attempt to destroy or replace the union. Rather they are attempts to influence union policy.

The plan of the study is the following. Chapter One provides a general level discussion of the concept of participation and a review of the sociological literature on union participation. Some attention is given to why gender has been overlooked as a variable in previous studies of union participation.

In Chapter Two the basic objectives of the research are outlined. Also included is the general analytic frame­ work for the study and a discussion of the methodological procedures used in the gathering and analysis of the data. 3

Chapter Three contains a brief historical overview of women’s participation in the U.S. trade union movement.

A more detailed account of these historical materials are found in Appendix B. The major focus of this chapter is on women in the steel industry. Background information on

World War II and the more recent hiring of women through the consent decree is provided.

The next four chapters are a report of the findings.

Chapter Four is an analysis of a number of job related features and union participation. Chapter Five discusses union participation in relationship to union related features. Chapter Six analyses union participation and features related to the women's movement. Chapter Seven contains a detailed discussion on the mechanisms of union participation. Both the formal and alternative mechanisms of participation are described and analyzed.

Finally, Chapter Eight is a summary of the findings and efforts are made to evaluate the suggested hypotheses.

Also included is a brief discussion on the implications of women's participation in the steel union. CHAPTER ONE

THE CONCEPT OF PARTICIPATION AND A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON UNION PARTICIPATION

This chapter provides a general level discussion of the

concept of participation and a review of the social science

literature on union participation. The conceptual discussion

focuses on the political dynamics of participation.

Elements of the conflict perspective are utilized to expand

the definition of participation. Also an attempt is made to

distinguish participation aimed at the maintenance of institu­

tional arrangements from participation aimed at changing the

institutional arrangements. Some attention is given to the

effectiveness of participation and to the development of alter­ native systems of participation.

The review of the literature is organized around

three main categories: 1) explanations of participation based on personal background characteristics; 2) explana­

tions based on social-psychological and small groups theory;

and 3) explanations based on organizational features.

Finally, the invisibility of sex as a variable is examined. 5

The Concept of Participation

This study is an attempt to examine the participation

of women steelworkers in their union, the United

Steelworkers of America (USWA). However, before this can be

possible, it is necessary to address at the conceptual

level the broader context in which participation may be

viewed. First, what is meant by participation and what

are the most fruitful ways of conceiving it? Second, what types of relationships must be taken into account in any attempt to understand participation? Lastly, can existing social science frameworks be utilized to explain

the scope and methods of participation? It is my conten­

tion that only by broadening the way we conceptualize parti­ cipation can we come to a better understanding of the many dynamic aspects of participation.

Perhaps the greatest weakness of most participation studies is a lack of conceptual clarity and/or inability to clearly identify empirical referents. Conse­ quently, questions concerning the properties of participa­ tion and the variables used to explain and measure the phenomenon warrant further elaboration. We need to analyze what Kaplan (1964:52) would call the "chemistry" or the "elements" and "compounds" of participation.

Studies that narrowly define participation in terms of the amount of time and energy an individual expends 6

in an organizational activity tend to focus attention

on participation as an end in itself. The forms of

participation are overemphasized at the expense of the

substance of participation. We can infer little about

the directionality, objectives or effectiveness of parti­

cipation. All too often participation as an end in itself

is equated with a stable and healthy democracy- Rarely

asked are the questions: participation for what?

participation for whom?

Arnstein (1971) in her study of community participa­

tion identifies ways in which those who hold power use

participation rhetoric and participatory mechanisms

(public hearings, blue ribbon commissions, advisory

councils) as strategies to minimize the effectiveness

of participation. Forums set up to solicit citizen

opinion and input enable those in charge to claim they

have heard all sides. Furthermore, these participatory mechanisms are later cited as the evidence of "democracy"

in action. If we attempt to measure participation by

simply counting the number of participatory forms and the frequency with which they are used, we overlook many essential features of participation. Often when a public

forum is called those in power have already predetermined the agenda of debate and the scope of decision making may be significantly limited. 7

Conceptually we need to shift the focus away from

participatory mechanisms (participation as an end in

itself) and attempt to define and measure participation

in terms of outcomes. We need to examine more closely

the goals, objectives and outcomes of participation and

begin to establish some evaluative criteria to measure

the "effectiveness" of participation. The existence of

participatory mechanisms might be thought of as the

necessary but not sufficient conditions for participa­

tion. After all, the ability to be heard does not necessarily mean that what has been heard will be heeded,

and it is certainly not tantamount to the sharing of power

(Arnstein, 1971; Parenti, 1970).

To think of participation in terms of goals and objectives (e.g., participation for what?) opens up the possibility that differences might arise over what those goals and objectives will be. If, as Nieburg (1969:16-17) argues, conflict is an inherent component of any situation where goals and objectives are at stake, we can begin to develop a perspective on participation that views the participants as potential contenders in a power struggle over organizational outcomes (policy). The organizational structure can then be viewed, as Collins (1975) suggests, as a network of power relations. The organization as a whole becomes the arena for struggle. Will those in power use the participatory mech­ anisms to maintain and consolidate even further their own power (Lenski, 1966)? Will those attempting to challenge the distribution of power use the same participatory mechanisms or will they develop alternate means to achieve their objectives?

Dahrendorf (1959:176) contends that in every associa­ tion one can distinguish, at least two aggregates, one— that of domination— is characterized by an interest in the maintenance of a social structure that for them conveys authority; whereas the other— that of subjection— involves an interest in changing a social condition that deprives them of authority. Conceptually he views interests as either interest in the maintenance or the modification of the status quo,and the two interests are in continual conflict.

Not all contenders involved in organizational struggle can be viewed as equal. Some participants initially have more power than others and this can alter both the form and content of participation. According to Etzioni (1964) the nature of an organization may be shaped by the number of competing groups and the character of their interaction. Conceiving of each group as different strata with interests and values in potential conflict and wielding various amounts of power allows us a more dynamic interpretation of participation. 9

The power of incumbency (individual or group) may play a role in limiting or controlling the types, amount and direction of participation, particularly if those in power feel threatened by newcomers. Collins (1975:307-312) suggests that those already in office have a near monopoly on both the formal and informal resources necessary to main­ tain their rule. He singles out administrative resources and access to information as two key factors. Access to the most recent information allows the leaders to define reality for their members and frequently they define problems in such a way as to make their own policy appear to be the best.

Administrative resources include: control of communications

(newsletters, telephone, mailing lists); material resources

(treasury, power to confer positions), and skills acquired while in office (public speaking, writing).

In addition there are other measures by which incum­ bents can enhance and maintain their own power. Collins

(1975:334) states, "Leaders are in the position of calling the membership together to decide on issues, by organizing meetings and agendas, recognizing speakers, and calling votes at opportune times." In a sense, they can orchestrate participation to suit their own interests. As Parenti

(1970) contends their past victories enable them to preempt the "usefulness" of participation. 10

Furthermore, if the membership perceives that the use­

fulness of the institutionalized participatory mechanisms have

been preempted, what will be their response? Will they

develop other forms of participation, e.g., caucus, or seek

outside support, i.e., government agency, or will they con­

sciously not participate, e.g., nothing I do will make a

difference?

We need to develop a way of conceptualizing the effects

of past defeats in the manner that we discuss the effects of

past victories. Are non-participants apathetic or demobil­

ized? What role does the knowledge or lack of knowledge of where power is located play for the participant or poten­

tial participant? Can such knowledge enhance one's willing­

ness to participate?

Dolbeare (1970:1) suggests that, "Without a sense of where power is now located, how it is used and how change may come about in those respects— there is neither a

rational basis for judgment between competing prescriptions

(for change) nor any idea of how to bring them about in

the real world." How is it that the participant comes to know where power is located? And does one's position in the social structure (race, sex, class) determine the access to such information? What are the other resources a participant might require to engage in "effective" partic­

ipation? It seems essential that we should begin to explore many of the dimensions of non-participation. Perhaps what 11

we discover about participation can tell us something

about non-participation.

Another area of weakness in the literature concerning

participation is failure to gauge the importance of

the informal network of decision-making. Generally, the

indexes developed to measure participation (running for

office, voting, holding office, serving on a committee

etc.) show an over-reliance on formalistic criteria.

Backstage arenas of decision-making while difficult to

systematically study,deserve to be explored.

Some inferences about accessability to informal backstage arenas can be drawn. For example, what impact does one's sex, race or nationality have on gaining entree to the informal network? Is a black grievanceperson likely to be invited to the wedding of the Irish union president where some item of union business is to be discussed informally? Will a woman shop steward be invited out for a beer at the local bar after a meeting to"kick around"an important issue? Some informal activity may actually take place in settings where there are restrictions concerning who may enter— nationality clubs,

American Legion Post, etc. There are also elaborate cultural proscriptions about socializing across race and sex lines. In many working class communities ethnicity may still be an important factor and might have to be taken into account in any attempt to analyze the cleavages and alliances of union politics (Kornblum, 1974). 12

Furthermore, the indexes of participation often reflect

the legitimized rules of the game. Little attention is paid

to participation that attempts to change the rules, perhaps

through challenging election procedures or eligibility rules

for holding or running for office. Also overlooked is

participation that attempts to play outside the rules.

Milder (forthcoming) suggests that a critical aspect of

political action is whether they are "system-assuming" or

"system-threatening" or what Rude (1964) calls "backward-

looking" (attempts at preserving tradition) or "forward-

looking" (attempts to challenge the status quo and provide

for a more equitable distribution of rights and benefits).

Political scientists and political sociologists (Verba et al., 1971; Key, 1964; Milbrath, 1969; Milder (forthcoming) have spent considerable time discussing the issues of magni­ tude and dimensionality of participation. Questions of mag­ nitude are essentially questions of how to weigh specific acts of participation. Are they equivalent and therefore

interchangeable (Berelson, et al., 1954), or can they be ordered hierarchically? If they can be ordered what will be the theoretical grounding or underlying rationale for such ordering?

In his discussion of political participation Milbrath

(1969) suggested that one possible way to order political participatory acts was to rank each act according 13

to the amount of psychological involvement required of

an individual to perform it. If one act required

greater involvement than another, then it would be of

greater magnitude. Overall, the degree of an individual's

participation is determined by the highest magnitude of

any action he/she performs.

Unfortunately as Milder (1976:7) points out there

are many problems with this type of approach. Besides

the problem of defining psychological involvement, the

two most questionable assumptions are; that participatory

acts are cumulative and that participation is unidimension­

al. Cumularity implies that if an individual performs

an act having a certain rank, he/she will perform all of

the other acts ranked below it. Clearly this is an

assumption in need of empirical verification.

The second difficulty deals with the issue of

dimensionality. If the criteria or rationale for ranking

a particular participatory act is based on one factor,

then the implication is that participation is an unidimen­

sional phenomenon. If, however, the criteria or rationale

is based on more than one factor, then the phenomenon, is multidimensional.

Verba and Nie (1972:45) do not consider participation

to be unidimensional. They suggest that there are many

ways to classify participation and that it is not enough

to simply divide individuals into more or less active

categories. 14

"Citizens differ not only in the overall amounts of participation they perform but also as to the types of acts in which they choose to engage... these different types of acts are quite distinctive in form and function and can almost be thought of as alternative participatory systems: systems that are used for different purposes that are able to provide different types of benefits, and that relate the participant to his government and to his fellow citizens in fundamentally different ways." (Verba et al. 1971:8)

This notion of alternative participatory systems raises a number of interesting questions. If we can classify participatory acts according to their outcomes, benefits and how they relate the individual to the organ­ ization and to the other participants,can we then begin identifying certain patterns of participation? Do these patterns shift or change according to the issues involved, the participants involved or who the target might be?

For example, the formation of a women's caucus within a union local can be viewed as a participatory act that has collective outcomes for the group as a whole, benefiting all women. It relates the participants to each other in a collective fashion but may relate them to the organization in a conflicting manner inviting some type of counter response. In addition, participation in such a caucus may be useful for some types of issues and not for others.

Again drawing on Verba and Nie (1972:45) we can see that they are suggesting a typology of participatory acts. 15

"Political acts differ in what they can get the citizen; some types of activity supply little more than gratification from taking part: other political acts can lead to more specific and con­ crete payoffs. Political acts differ in what they get the citizen into: some activity is likely to bring him intoopen conflict with others; some is not. And political acts differ in what it takes to get into them: some activ­ ity calls for initiative, time, resources, skills; others do not."

Because this is a qualitative study, discussion of the magnitude and dimensionality of participation was presented for its conceptual value. It is not my intention at this time to devise precise quantitative measures of participa­ tion but rather to provide conceptual direction and perhaps suggest more fruitful ways for analyzing the components of participation. Hopefully the empirical implications can be developed through future research.

Explanations of Union Participation: A Review of the Literature

Efforts to understand union participation have been directed at several different levels of analysis. The most common type of research focuses on the individual and attempts to explain participation in terms of individual characteristics and attitudes. Research of this type attempts to identify what type of person is more likely to participate and why. In addition, activists are com­ pared to both other activists and to non-activists.

Tagliacozzo and Seidman (1956) discovered that the more favorable the workers' attitude toward the union, the more likely they were to attend meetings, serve on committees. 16 read the union press and be friendly with other like-minded members. Favorable attitude, in turn, was related to a number of factors ranging from such personal variables as race, sex, age, education, level of aspiration, friendship networks and family background to more structural factors such as age and size of the union, locals ability to resolve grievances and the bargaining relationship between the company and the union. They were able to distinguish seven types of union members (Tagliacozzo and Seidman, 1956:547);

(1) the ideological unionist; (2) the "good" union man;

(3) the loyal but critical member; (4) the crisis activist;

(5) the dually oriented member; (6) the card-carrier or indifferent member, and (7) the unwilling unionist. Leader­ ship tended to be drawn from the first two types: ideological and "good" union man. They concluded that their typology was merely suggestive, and proposed that further research focus on the conditions that encourage one type rather than another, and on the processes involved in shifting from one type to another.

Kyllonen (1951) studied the social characteristics of union activists. He discovered that the member who is most likely to attend union meetings is the worker who earns more money, produces more and receives higher merit ratings. Also the members with fewer kinship ties but with higher rates of sociability are most likely to attend meetings. He concludes that activity in a labor 17

union is similar to participation in other types of

groups. Snarr (1975:372) in a study comparing strikers

to non-strikers found that strikers were more likely to

be male, married and to have nonworking spouses, to be

uninvolved in religious activity and to enjoy high skills

(and income). No differences were found in regard to

age, seniority, homeownership, size of community in which

reared, and education.

Strauss and Sayles (1952) propose that the member­

ship participates only if they perceive that the union

can provide economic, political or social satisfaction.

However, satisfaction can only be achieved if members participate, that is apply pressure on union leadership to fight for their demands. They conclude that there are

four factors that encourage (facilitate) participation; the degree of social cohesiveness within the individual's work group, their job status, strategic location of their - job within the production process,and nature of their job. These variables are features of the job and individuals who occupy those positions are more likely to experience greater pressure to participate.

Seidman, London and Karsh (1950) questioned union leaders about why they became involved in union activities.

The following reasons were cited:

"(1) resentment against treatment by managerial personnel; (2) dissatisfaction with working conditions or wages; (3) failure to receive desired or expected promotions; (4) lack of other 18

"available leaders; (5) prior union sympathy; (6) desire to obtain personal power, recogni­ tion, or financial gain, and (7) unsatisfactory marital or home experience."

Purcell's (1953) study of the meat packing industry

attempts to explain participation on the basis of sex,

race, length of service, degree of union allegiance and

members' attitude toward leadership. Black men of middle

service with a strong sense of union loyalty and posi­

tive attitudes toward union leadership had the highest

rate of union participation while white women of long

service had the lowest rate.

Won and Yamamura (1968) attempt to differentiate union

leadership according to whether the individual officeholder

views his position as a means of upward mobility. They

hypothesize that union participation will provide a way for

some of the members to express cultural expecta­

tions of achievement and success. They found that younger

leaders with more education, lower seniority, and Southern birthplace were more likely to view participation as a

route of social mobility. Blacks were significantly more

mobility oriented than whites— a fact the researchers

attribute to blocked opportunities for upward mobility

in other areas. They did not find income or

skill level to be significant factors.

Perhaps one of the most ambitious studies of union

participation is Tannenbaum and Kahn's (1958)

Participation in Union Locals. This study of four different 19

Michigan locals not only attempts to differentiate the active union member from the inactive member but also the active union local from the inactive local. The research­ ers focus on three broad categories of explanatory variables: group membership; individual characteristics and organizational control structure. It is their category of individual characteristics that will be reviewed here. The major factors found across all four locals that differentiate between active and non-active are reported. The activists appeared to be more sociable than the non-activists but no more hostile towards manage­ ment than the non-activists. The activists expressed greater job satisfaction and reported a greater interest in keeping their jobs than non-activists. The activists were more other-directed depending upon family and friends to support their union activity and also showed a stronger commitment to the broad base goals of the trade union movement than the non-activists. Finally, they found that the activists showed less desire for mobility striving.

There is a second and much smaller body of litera­ ture on union participation that attempts to relate the individual participant to the union through his or her involvement in some type of primary group. The focus of this type of research is the group. In general participation is viewed as part of the broader question of how individuals and groups relate to their organizations and institutions. As Merton (1949) states primary groups 20 mediate between the individual and larger complex organiza­

tions. Lipset, et al. (1956) reported that the high level

of union activity found in the International Typographical

Union might in part be due to the presence of many secondary

organizations within the union. They suggest that it is

these secondary organizations that relate the individual

to the larger organization.

Hagburg (1964) points out that most researcher focus

on the relationship between participation and organizational

structure or on the psychological or social-psychological

aspects of participation. Seldom do they recognize the

relationship between the individual and his/her primary

groups and between those groups and the larger organization.

In his study of several Ohio unions, Hagburg suggests that members who are more active regard the union local, or

some part of it, as a source of primary group satisfaction.

The active members derive satisfaction from their activity

in the union rather than from accomplishment of organiza­

tional goals of the union per se. He also suggests that members who are more active in union activities receive the

support and encouragement for their participation from

other primary groups with which they are affiliated,

e.g., the family, social clubs, recreation groups.

Finally, a worker who views his or her work crew as

a source of primary group satisfaction may feel more

compelled to participate — particularly if it is the 21

norm of that group to participate or if an issue threatens

that group. In addition to the material rewards of the

job, the activists received greater satis­

faction from relationships formed at work than did the

inactives.

The importance of the primary group is also noted by Kovner and Lahne (1953) who view the shop (department, crew) as the "primal" unit of social organization in the union. The shop is not only a place to work but also a social meeting place where workers have the opportunity to participate informally, through "shop talk", in the affairs of the union— one of the most frequent topics of conversation. The shop may also be the political base for those wishing to run for office, and in order to be elected one must be an integral part of shop society.

"Few workers can stay long in a shop when excluded from its fraternity— its helping hands and its conversatons."

It is their observation that those who are most active in the union tend to be the most integrated members of shop society.

Dean (1954) also contends that the more workers are integrated into the life of the plant, the more likely they are to attend union meetings. The well integrated worker is generally one with higher seniority, more frequent contact with others in the plant, a greater sense of satisfaction and security about his/her own 22 position, and a strong sense of community identification.

"It is the feeling of personal identification and respon­ sibility that promotes actual participation."

Form and Dansereau C1957) found a high positive associa­ tion between plant integration and participation in union elections and attendance at union meetings. Their expec­ tation that the degree of integration of the individual in other areas outside the plant, primarily the neighborhood and the family would also facilitate union participation, was not supported. This suggests that these other areas may actually compete with union activities.

The third type of research on union participation attempts to relate union participation to organizational structure. In some instances participation is treated as the dependent variable and in other cases as an independent variable capable of explaining union democracy.

Rogow (1968) has explored the impact of centralization on union participation and concluded that the centraliza­ tion of control may actually enhance membership participa­ tion if centralized decision making bodies recruit represen­ tatives directly from the shop. Raphael (1967) studied the size of the administrative apparatus and concluded that the trend toward bureaucratization actually reduces oligarchical tendencies and encourages greater membership participation.

There have been numerous studies of union democracy.

Perhaps the most famous is Union Democracy (Lipset, et al.. 23

1956) a study of the International Typographical Union. More

specifically, it is a detailed study of the political life of the ITU incorporating both a historical and conflict perspective. Less comprehensive studies of union democracy

include: Edelstein (1967), Shepard (1954), Tannenbaum (1956), and Marcus (1966). Edelstein (1967) and Marcus (1966) attempt

to assess the influence of formal structure on the effective­ ness of competition for union office and on the frequency with which conventions are held. Both studies, however, overemphasize electoral procedures at the expense of the day-to-day political life of the unions examined.

Shepard (1954) in part relates the structure of the communications netwwork to the degree of democracy.

Tannenbaum (1956) explores a number of variables: ideology, participation, loyalty, conformity, in relation to type of organizational control (democratic and autocratic). Most promising was his attempt to relate both inter- and intra- organizational conflict to union democracy. He concluded that high levels of conflict between union and management encouraged more autocratic control because of the need for the union to present a united front in the face of manage­ ment opposition. Intra-organizational conflict tended to encourage a more democratic control structure. Unfortunately, very few studies attempted to follow-up-on the notion of intra-inter-conflict. 24

One notable exception is C o o k ’s (1962) study of dual government in unions. She hypothesizes that there are really two types of government within the union. One type she calls the internal government setup according to the union’s consti­ tution and by-laws and whose purpose is to run the internal affairs of the union. The primary concern of this govern­ mental structure is to carry out the executive, legislative and judicial functions of the union. The second type, called the government of labor-management relations, consists of the rules, officers and decision-making practices which govern the collective bargaining agreement between the union and management. She suggests that it is in the latter form that real power is located. In fact, the power to conduct collec­ tive bargaining is key to the power to run the union. Cook's study is one of a few that attempts to examine the organiza­ tional environment of the union in relation to the location of power.

Miller and Young (1955) examined both the institution­ alized and non-institutionalized means of union participa­ tion. They focused on the rules and regulations stipulated by the written documents of the union as well as the direc­ tion and flow of communications. They noted that participa­ tion was provided for in writing but that the flow of com­ munication was a downward one. Union meetings were primarily a vehicle for leaders to pass down decisions. 25

Strauss and Sayles (I954) identified several factors

that might discourage attendance at union meetings. They

concluded that such factors as the time and place of the

union meeting and the condition of the union hall may

reduce attendance. Also the length and content of the

meetings played a role in reducing attendance. Placing

new business at the end of the agenda was discouraging

to those who came with a specific cause. The dual role

of the union president as chair of the meeting sometimes made it difficult to openly critize his administrative

policies. Finally, parliamentary maneuvering by different power groups also tended to depress attendance.

I was not able to find studies that explored the relationship between the union local and the international or that explored the relationship of a particular union to the labor movement as a whole, suggesting the need for

further research in these areas.

In order for the conflict framework to become a more useful research tool we must begin to move beyond the conceptual stage. Empirically we must begin to give attention not only to the participant(s) position and interests vis-a-vis the power arrangements at any particular time, but also attempt to understand where the center(s) of power within the organization are located. Finally, some attention must be given to the power of the organiza­ tion vis-a-vis its organizational environment. 25

Sex, The Invisible Variable

Curiously enough, many of the studies reviewed in­ cluded sex as an explanatory variable or a questionnaire

item, but failed to report the outcome in their findings.

Some studies examined unions where women were in the majority, or nearly so, yet failed to even mention the fact or include sex as a significant variable.

There are some exceptions. Purcell's study of the

United Packinghouse Workers, Local 28 included sex as a major variable and is duly recorded in many of the graphs, charts and figures. While he reports "race and sex are significant influences on participation" he provides no real explanation of why this is so. Instead he resorts to biased explanations such as; "We are not surprised that women participate less than men because we have found that they have less union allegiance (which was only true for women of long service). Then too, women do not like to attend union meetings because they have work to do at home and are less likely to go out at night than men.

Also the business nature of the average union meeting and literature is less to their taste," (Purcell, 1953:196).

As one might suspect his explanations are not grounded in his research and amount to mere speculation.

In the Sayles and Strauss (1953: 124-130) book

The Union Local, one chapter is entitle "Women and

Minority Groups." The authors state, "Women present a 27 major problem to the union. Not only are they hard to

organize but, once organized, they are less likely to

participate." Despite the implication that women are "the

problem," there is really no concrete evidence to suggest

that they are difficult to organize or that they participate

less frequently than men. These are questions still in need

of empirical verification. The fact that women are under

employed in unionized occupations or are not proportionately

represented in the trade union movement, may be more indica­

tive of the nature of discrimination than of the character

of its victims.

The studies relating participation to organizational

variables have the least to say about the participation of

women. In part, this stems from the types of models,

theories and methodologies employed in the study of organ­

izations. In most survey research, sex has long been

a standardized item on questionnaires. Unfortunately,

there is usually no theoretical rationale for including it.

Consequently, differences that emerge are explained ex post facto and are not a part of the research design.

Also, over-reliance on structural features and systems analysis tends to overemphasize formal features and the role of visible social actors in shaping the nature of the organization. Broader questions about the distribution of power within the organization and the nature of con­

flict are overlooked. Consequently the dynamics of sexual 28

or racial stratification are never considered

(Moss-Kanter, 1975).

While there is a growing body of research on women

in professional occupations, little has been written

about working class women. We are beginning to under­

stand why women were excluded from science, academia,

politics, sports and management,but not the specific

character of their exclusion from basic industrial occupations and the trade unions that represent their

interests -

A notable exception to this trend is Wertheimer and Nelson's(l975) study of seven New York City union locals.

They studied the barriers that prevent working women from participating more fully in their labor union organizations.

•The study involved mostly unions where women are more than 50% of the membership. Furthermore, the unions involved agreed to participate in the study and were receptive to the idea of strengthening the participation of women.

For the purpose of analysis, the barriers to participation were grouped into three large categories.

The first were called cultural-social-personal factors and included: spouse attitude toward participation, accept­ ance of stereotyped gender roles, level of self-esteem, strain of combining work and home roles, transportation problems, child care, fear of going out at night, education and income. The second category of factors were labeled 29

job-related. They included; job entry level, separate seniority lines for men and women, fear of competing with other workers, fear of supervisors and lack of upgrading and training opportunities. The third category included such union-related factors as; attitude of union officials about women's participation, lack of encourage­ ment, lack of role models, limits of collective bargain­ ing demands and opportunity to train for active union roles.

The study compared active, inactive members, men and women. Women cited the need for fewer home responsibil­ ities and men cited need for more education as the largest personal-social-cultural barrier. In terms of job- related barriers, women ranked fear of supervisory retaliation as the largest barrier, while men felt that- the lack of job mobility was most important. The need for more education about the union was cited by both men and women as the most important union-related barrier to participation. More women than men ranked the personal- social-cultural barriers as the most important of all three categories. Some of the barriers highlighted by this study will be pursued in my own study of women's participation.

Participation has long been regarded as a basic component of democratic institutions. Indeed, for most social scientists,the decision to study organizational participation seems to imply either explicitly or 30

implicitly that participation is something desirable and

valued by both the participants and the organizations

to which they belong, whether that organization is a

church, a school, a union or a government. The civil

rights movement, the women's movement, and the labor movement have served to heighten public consciousness

about some of the groups traditionally excluded from

institutionalized participatory channels. In a broad

sense the rise of these social movements can be viewed as

a response to the demands of blacks, women and workers

to have some say about the institutions that govern

their lives. While each movement may have differing

ideologies, goals and tactics, one dominant message seemed clear: the time had come to hold American institutions accountable for decades of rhetoric about participatory democracy.

In addition to raising the level of public conscious­ ness about the exclusionary practices of many social, political and economic organizations these social movements have had an impact on the entire process of sociological inquiry. On a general level, the "upheavals of the 60's" set in motion a re-examination of existing sociological paradigms that focused on questions of order, stability, consensus and reciprocity. In the wake of political assassinations, urban riots, and student protest, social scientists could no longer afford to take for granted models of social reality that excluded the dynamics of 31 conflict, power and change. Movements for social liberation make it possible for people to see the world in a new way. They enable us to see and speak about things that have always existed, but were formerly un­ acknowledged. Indeed, today it is impossible to escape noticing features of social life that were invisible only ten years ago, (Millman, M. & E. Moss Kanter, 1975:vii).

It is my hope that this study will help to make more visible the nature of women's participation in the trade union movement. CHAPTER TWO

MAJOR RESEARCH OBJECTIVE, ANALYTIC FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY

This chapter contains a discussion of; 1) the basic

objectives and rationale of my research; 2) the framework

for the analysis and organization of the variables used

to explain participation; and, 3) the methodological pro­

cedures and techniques used in the collection and analysis

of the data.

Major Objectives

The bsic objective of this study is to describe,

analyze and explain the participation of women steelworkers

in the activities and politics of their union, the United

Steelworkers of America (USW). It is my intention to ex­

plore in a systematic fashion the processes that bring

women to participate in a specific union and in the broader

trade union movement. I will examine: 1) who participates;

2) on what issues; 3) for what reasons; and, 4) with what outcomes.

There are several unique aspects to this research

problem. First, it is a study of the participation of

women in a union which represents what has been traditionally

sex-typed as a male occupation. Second, it is a study of

the participation of women in a setting where there are very

few women. In the specific union local under investigation

there is roughly one female member for every 128 male

32 33 members. And finally, the employment of women in basic steel

production is the result of a 1974 federal court order re­

quiring the steel industry, in cooperation with the union,

to set in motion an affirmative action plan to ensure the

hiring and promotion of Afro-Americans, Asian Americans,

Latinos, Native American Indians and women.

In short, this is a study of women's participation in

a union representing the workers of an industry that has historically excluded women, an industry that has only recent­

ly begun to hire women and has only done so because it is

required by law. It will examine the impact of these back­

ground features on the nature and character of women's participation.

Rationale

A study of working class women and their participation

in the trade union movement seemed important to me for a

number of reasons. First, there has been very little empir­

ical research in this area. The notable exception is the

Wertheimer and Nelson (1975) study of New York City. Also

there are two journalist accounts of working class women.

One by Seifert (1977) is a collection of interviews and bio­ graphical vignettes. The other is Howe's (1977) report of women in traditional non-professional women's occupations.

Why there is so little research in this area is prob­

ably due to a number of factors. First, the middle class

biases of many researcher and the popular belief that there 34 is no longer a working class in the United States may account

for a general disinterest in the topic. Another reason may

be the inaccessibility of many work places. Also much social

science research is conducted with captive audiences, i.e.,

undergraduates, prison inmates, mental health patients. While

many factories seem to resemble prison, the researcher usually

does not have any bargaining tools by which to gain compli­

ance. The respondents have a much greater say in the deci­

sion to participate in the study. Studies of this type are

also extremely costly and time consuming. Finally, it has only

become acceptable to write about women in the past decade.

The steel industry was chosen because it is clearly a

working class occupation, a key industrial component of the

United States economy, and an industry that has only just

begun to hire women through affirmative action. This last

point allows us to examine at close range the initial pro­

cesses involved in desegregating an occupation. Finally,

the wage and benefit structure of the industry is among

the highest for working class occupations in the nation.

For women and minorities employment in the steel industry

represents a substantial increase in wages and subsequent

improvement in the quality of life, than the jobs previously

available to them. The elimination of discriminatory prac­

tices in hiring and promotion greatly expands the oppor­

tunity structure in this country.

Since unions are the primary vehicle for workers to

exercise some measure of control over the conditions under which they labor, we can begin to evaluate the effectiveness 35 of this tool. In my estimation it is not enough to document the "horror" stories of discrimination. Some attention must be given to the policy implications of such a study.

Analytic Framework

As the review of the literature revealed,most theoret­ ical conceptualizations of participation ignore the "politics" of participation. Previous emphasis on individual motivation and formal organizational features have often led to a static interpretation of participation as an end-in-itself. It is my contention, that conceiving of participation as politic­ ally meaningful acts directed toward either changing or main­ taining certain power arrangements within an organization is a more promising and suggestive framework for interpreting the participation of women in their union local. A frame­ work emphasizing groups with different and competing inter­ ests and differential access to power resources provides a more satisfactory perspective on the interactive effect these different groups have in shaping the policy, direction and goals of the organization. On the one hand, it becomes possible to explore the role that organizational features, the decision-making practices of the union and union leader­ ship play in fostering, channeling or hindering the emergence and development of participation. On the other hand the conflict framework permits a better understanding of partici­ pation as the means by which those seeking to change the dis­ tribution of goods and services have to challenge the existing power arrangements. 36 It would be a mistake to view union participation solely as an internal power struggle or to treat the union as an end in itself. Michels' model of organizations argues that as a social movement gains greater legitimacy within the society, it develops a bureaucratic structure and undergoes a process of conservatization. Michels (1959:371) states.

The history of the international labour move­ ment furnishes innumerable examples of the manner in which the party becomes increasingly inert as the strength of its organization grows; it loses its revolutionary impetus, becomes sluggish, not in respect of action alone, but also in the sphere of thought. More and more tenaciously does the party cling to what it calls the "ancient and glorious tactics," the tactics which have led to a continued increase in membership. More and more invincible becomes the aversion to all aggressive action.

All too often social scientists have treated Michels'

"Iron Law of Oligarchy" as social fact. This has led to an imbalance in the sociological literature on U.S. trade unions. Most studies tend to over-emphasize the organiza­ tional maintenance role of trade unions. Consequently, little attention is given to the attempts to change the character of the trade union movement. Because the trade union movement is not as "militant" as it once was, we cannot simply conclude that changes are impossible.

Zald and Ash (1966) contend that neither greater con­ servatism nor organizational maintenance are iron law.

They suggest that social movements and their organizations respond to the ebb and flow of sentiments in the larger society, to the organizations' relationship to other 37 organizations within the overall movement and to its records

of past victories and defeats.

Social movements manifest themselves, in part, through a wide range of organizations. These organizations are subject to a rage of internal and external pressures which affect their viability, their internal structure and pro­ cesses, and their ultimate success in attain­ ing goals (1966:327).

Organizations can and do respond to changing environments

which ultimately require changes in goals and structure.

It is my intention to view the participation of women

in their trade union in the context of the union's organiza­

tional environment. This approach allows us to formulate

impressions about a number of significant factors. For in­

stance, how does the broader societal movement for women's

equality affect the participation of women in trade unions?

How does the upsurge of progressive rank and file movements within the labor movement affect the participations of women? Because in the final analysis the formation of trade unions csime about in response to the workers demand to have

something to say about the conditions under which they work,

it is necessary to also look at the relationship between the union and the industry with which it attempts to influ­ ence. What impact then, does the character of this rela­ tionship have on the participation of women? This is an

interactive process. The women's movement, rank and file movement, the character of collection bargaining not only

influence the participation of women but are in turn influ­ enced by women's participation. 38

This study will explore the participation of women in

the USWA in terms of the implications for social change.

The focus will be on participation as a vehicle to change

discriminatory practices on the job, and in society. Partic­

ipation may also be viewed as a way to make the union itself more responsive to the special needs of women workers in the

steel industry.

RESEARCH DESIGN

Based on the review of the literature, the conceptual/

theoretical discussion of participation and my own personal

familiarity with the area, I have isolated three categories of variables to explore in relationship to participation.

They are; 1) job-related features; 2) union-related features;

and, 3) women's movement-related features.

Job-Related Features

The first category of variables is job features and

includes: job recruitment, seniority, type of job, job

satisfaction, income, and treatment by supervisory personnel.

Job recruitment refers to how the workers learned about the

job openings and why they think they were hired. When a new policy, such as the hiring of women, is first initiated,

it is my suspicion that the friends and relatives of company

personnel and union officials will be the first to learn of

it. If a women finds out about the job opening and believes

she was hired through her brother-in-law who is the general

foreman of the Coke plant, this may have something to say

about the likelihood of her participation. Likewise, the 39 daughter of the president of the union local may initially be more encouraged to participate. Many studies (Tannenbaum,

1953; Kyllonen, 1951; Snarr, 1975) of union participation discovered that the greater the stake a worker had in the

job, the more likely he/she was to participate. Therefore, workers with high paying, highly skilled jobs were more likely to participate in union activities. Also workers who like their jobs tend to participate more. Job satisfaction tend to be related to having high paying, highly skilled jobs and these jobs are in turn related to seniority. The more time a worker has in the plant, the more likely he/she is to have a high paying, highly skilled job.

No woman in the study had more than three years seniority.

Therefore, you would not expect to find women in the better job classifications. However, within the three year period, there is enough variation to warrant a closer look. Also the consent decree (affirmative action) has set quotas to place women in skilled classifications. Finally, for women the lowest paying entry level job in steel is better paying than jobs that women have traditionally held. Knowledge of the wage and benefit gap between the jobs held previous to employment in the steel industry and their present jobs is likely to increase the woman worker's stake in keeping her job and consequently increase the likelihood of participation.

There are other features of the job that facilitate participation. The amount of time between tasks, freedom to move around within the plant, noise level, and degree 40 of supervision are important factors. A job that does not require continuous attention and allows one to move about, affords the worker the time and opportunity to develop friendship ties and to communicate with other workers.

This may increase the worker's identification with the work place and with the people he/she works with. In turn, this greater sense of group solidarity may facilitate participation in union activities.

The level and type of supervision is another factor.

Little supervision allows the worker to organize his/her time. Time not spent on the job is time that can be spent talking union politics or campaigning. Finally, Wertheimer and Nelson (1975) found that women tend to be more intimi­ dated by retalitory or harsh supervision than men. However, the fear of losing one's job because of union activity is more likely to be found in newer,smaller and less powerful unions and women are more likely to be members of these unions. It is my contention that the type of treatment a worker receives from the supervisor can make job issues more or less salient. Also if a woman worker perceives that she is being differentially treated, this may serve to heighten her consciousness about sex discrimination and, therefore, encourage participation. This may be particularly true for filing a grievance. Some studies (Won and Yamamura,

1968; Purcell, 1953; Wertheimer and Nelson, 1975) have noted that blacks disproportionately participate in union activi­ ties. Few, however, have attempted to relate this to the workers' experience of discrimination. 41 In addition to structural features of the job, there are the social relations developed on the job. As reported earlier, the more socially integrated the worker is, the more likely he/she is to participate in the union. Workers who relate positively to other workers, live in working class neighborhoods, belong to working class organizations and in general identify with the working class tend to partici­ pate more in union activities. One would expect that women's participation would be related in part to the ability to cross sex and race barriers to friendship formation. The interviews examined the degree to which satisfying work re­ lationships were formed between men and women and between blacks and whites. Do men and women eat lunch together, drive to work together, talk with each other during breaks?

Do they trust each other or stand up for each other? Is there a support system or network for women to ease the transition to occupations from which they were formally excluded? If as Hagburg (1964) contends it is the workers' ties to primary groups that brings him/her to participation, what type, if any, primary group support do women receive?

Union-Related Features

In addition to job-related features, there are union- related features associated with participation. They include: belief in unionism; evaluation of union performance; prior union experience; attitude of union officials; and character of relationship between union officials and women rank and file. 42 Belief in unionism is viewed as a pre-condition for

participation. Those women holding strong beliefs in the

value and benefit of union membership, even though they may

have little prior experience in unions, will be more likely

to participate. The belief in unionism coupled with the

belief that participation is useful or worthwhile may provide

insight into why women participate-

A critical evaluation of union performance may also

increase the likelihood of participation. Also prior ex­

perience in unions or family participation in trade union

activity may increase the likelihood of participation.

The attitude of union officials toward the employment

of women in the steel industry and their attitude toward the

consent decree may be an indicator of their willingness to

encourage women's participation. Also, their attitude may

influence their ability to represent the special needs of women workers in the steel industry.

The frequency and quality of interaction between union

officials and women rank and file may affect the likelihood

of women's participation. Do officials inform women of

their rights on the job? Do they feel comfortable in

approaching women about an important issue, meeting, or up­

coming event.

Finally, do women understand the nature and character of union politics... how policy is formulated, who are the

important decision makers? Some attempt will be made to

evaluate organizational features designed to facilitate participation. 43 Women's Movement Features

The third category of variables to be explored is women's

movement-related features. This includes; perception of

sex discrimination on the job, in the union, in society;

identification with goals or objectives of the women's

movement; attitude toward women's movement; character of

relationships with other women workers in the plant.

It is my contention that consciousness of sex discrim­

ination, positive sense of solidarity with other women

workers, identification with goals and objectives of women's movement and favorable attitude toward women's movement will

increase the likelihood of union participation.

Verba and Nie (1972:151) contend that the development

of an awareness of one's membership in a deprived group can become a mechanism of mobilization to participation. Aware­ ness of one's deprived status may in fact bypass the overall process that brings people to participation. It may in the end be a better explanation of participation than the other

factors.

Index of Participation

The index of participation is divided into two categor­

ies: formal and alternative. Formal participation means participation in the mechanisms prescribed by the union bylaws or by tradition. They include: (1) holding office,

(2) running for office, (3) serving on a union committee,

(4) attending labor schools, conferences of workshops,

(5) attending union meetings, (6) campaigning for someone 44

else, C7) voting in union elections, (8) filing a grievance,

(9) attending educational or social functions of the union,

CIO) reading union literature (contract, bylaws, newspaper, newsletter), and (11) talking union politics at work.

Alternative forms of participation are those that are developed in addition to the institutionalized forms which are viewed as inadequate. In general, these are forms initi­ ated by the rank and file. They include; (1) membership in women's caucus or women's movement organization, (2) mem­ bership in minority group caucus or minority movement organ­ ization, (3) membership in rank and file caucus, (4) request­ ing assistance from outside support group or organization, and (5) filing suit in civil courts.

The alternative forms are developed either because the formal forms are inadequate for certain groups of partici­ pants (blacks. Latinos, women) or because the formal forms reflect the rules, regulations, or outlook shaped by the entrenched powers. The two categories of participation are not mutually exclusive. In general, alternative forms repre­ sent activity that still falls within the boundaries of trade unionism. They are not activities designed to either abolish the union or create separate unions. Rather they are attempts to change union policy, decision-making practices or the actual decision makers. 45

METHODOLOGY

The methodlogy employed in this study is a case study of an exploratory nature. Case studies of particular events are conducted for the purpose of generating data or new information that is useful in expanding our knowledge of a particular phenomenon. One cannot confirm or reject a hypothesis with one case study. However, over time the accumulation of many such case studies may generate find­

ings that point in the same direction and thereby permit a weak confirmation or rejection of a proposed hypothesis.

Lijphart (1971:691) distinguishes between six types of case studies: (1) atheoretical case studies; (2) inter­ pretative case studies; (3) hypothesis-generating case studies; (4) theory-confirming case studies; (5) theory- infirming case studies; and (6) deviant case studies.

Since one of the main purposes of this study is de­ voted to generating new hypotheses, the "hypothesis-gener­ ating case study" approach seems appropriate. Because science is a generalizing activity, the hypothesis-generating case study approach begins with a general notion of possible hypothesis to be examined. During the actual investigation this approach attempts to formulate more precise hypotheses to be tested subsequently among a larger number of cases. 46

"Their objective is to develop theoretical generalizations in areas where no theory exists yet." (1971:692)

There are some problems with this approach. Generally, there are many variables and a small number of cases.

However, Lijphart (1971:685) points out that "given the inevitable scarcity of time, energy, and financial resources, the intensive analysis of a few cases may be more promising than a more superficial statistical analysis of many cases."

If little is known about the case or cases in question, or if there are no middle-range theories to guide the research, a small number of cases may prove to be necessary to generate meaningful propositions and hypotheses. In such a situation,

Lijphart (1971:686) suggests that it might be more fruitful to regard the analysis of the case study as the first stage in the research process. This stage would involve the formu­ lation of hypotheses. The second stage might be the sta­ tistical analysis in which these hypotheses are tested in larger samples.

Another problem often encountered in case studies is the tendency to remain at the purely descriptive level. A partial solution to this problem might be to suggest possible relationships based on the review of past studies in the area or some related areas. This way, the researcher can go into the field with at least some notion about possible relationships. These notions can then be refined through the process of investigation. I have attempted to do this 47

with the study on women steelworkers. As Selltiz et al.

(1967:53) points out, one of the best methods in exploratory

research for arriving at important variables and meaningful

hypotheses is to review the related social science and other

pertinent literature with sensitivity to the hypotheses

that may be derived from it.

Not only is this study classified as hypotheses-generating

but it is also exploratory. According to Selltiz et al.

(1967:51), the major purpose of such a study is to increase

the "investigator's familiarity with the phenomenon he wishes to investigate . . . , or with the setting in which he plans to carry out such a study; clarifying concepts; estab­

lishing priorities for further research; gathering information about practical possibilities for carrying out research in real-life settings, providing a census of problems regarded as urgent by people working in a given field of social relations."

Because of the complexity of conducting research in

"real-life settings," both the exploratory and the hypothesis generating approach to case studies has guided the research in this study.

Collection of Data

The primary method of data collection for this study is participant observation--participant observation in the broadest sense. McCall and Simmons (1969:1) state that it is misleading to regard participant observation as a single 48 method. Rather it refers to a characteristic blend or com­ bination of methods and techniques. "Participant observation involves some amount of genuine social interaction in the field with the subjects of the study, some direct observa­ tion of relevant events, some formal and a great deal of informal interviewing, some systematic counting, some collec­ tion of documents and artifacts, and open-endedness in the direction the study takes" (McCall and Simmons, 1969:1).

Direct Observation

In terms of direct observation, I attended and observed the following events: 1) a state AFL-CIO conference on women held in the fall of 1975; 2) the national constitutional convention of the Coalition of Trade Union Women (CLÜW) held in Detroit, Michigan in December of 1975; and 3) the eighteenth constitutional convention of the United Steel­ workers of American (USWA) held in Las Vegas, Nevada in

August of 1976.

At each of these events, I attended and observed formal proceedings, collected relevant documents, and conducted formal and informal interviews with participants, organizers and guests. In addition, I attended informal meetings and strategizing sessions. I was able to locate and talk with close to fifty women steelworkers from across the country.

Much socializing took place over lunches, dinners and at parties. 49

Access to these labor events did not present any diffi­ culties. In each case I wrote a letter to the organizers of the event explaining my study and requesting permission to attend as an observer or guest. In each case my request was granted. At most of these events the guests/observers were seated separately from the participants. Therefore, contact with the participants took place after official sessions ended and usually outside the actual hall or meet­ ing rooms.

For example, at the USWA International Convention, there was a great deal of security and convention credentials were closely examined. There was also a balcony wall separ­ ating guests from delegates. I was able to identify women delegates by the type of badge each delegate was required to wear. Then I approached the women delegates in the con­ vention hall lobby, in the lounges of women's restrooms, on the buses transporting people back and forth from the hotels to the convention hall, and in the hotel lobbies and restau­ rants. Obviously interviews conducted in this manner have an effect on the length and quality of the data. Nobody, however, refused to talk to me. I wore a convention guest badge and carried the official convention folder which con­ tained the documents of the convention. 50 In addition to attending national and state labor events,

I spent considerable time observing the routine day-to-day activities of one steel local. Also, I was able to tour some departments of the steel plant in my study.

Interviews

A total of 25 in-depth interviews were conducted with women members of one particular steel union local (see

Respondent Interview Guide in Appendix a ). This represented more than one-half of the total population. At the time of my study the total female membership of this local was estimated to be 40. I did not have access to the union local's membership list. The circulation of such a list is prohib­ ited by the union's bylaws. My sample was obtained through the snowballing technique. Eventually, I had a list of

30 names. Of these, I was able to interview 25. Each interview lasted between one and one-half and two hours.

All but one interview was tape recorded and I did my own transcribing.

I also interviewed ten past and present union officials of this particular steel local (see Interview Guide for

Union Officials in Appendix A ). These interviews lasted between one-half to two hours and only about one-half were tape recorded. Again I did my own. transcribing.

Interviews were also conducted with 23 women delegates at the Eighteenth Constitutional Convention of the United

Steelworkers of America held in Las Vegas, Nevada in 51 August, 1976 (see Interview Guide for Convention Delegates in Appendix A) . These interviews averaged about 40 minutes and were not tape recorded. The sample was not systematic

(for discussion on difficulty in gaining access to delegates, see preceding section). Of the 23 women respondents, eight were employed in basic steel plants.

Informal interviews were conducted with women partici­ pants at a state AFL-CIO conference on women and at the

CLÜW convention in Detroit, Michigan. I also conducted in­ formal, unsystematic interviews with five male, non-union officials, at the local level. A special interview was conducted with the U.S. Justice Department representative on the implementation committee of the consent decree at the local level.

Finally, it was my intention to interview some comapny officials about the employment of women in basic steel.

However, when I contacted the company I was referred to some­ one else who referred me to someone else and on and on.

Nobody seemed willing to represent the company's viewpoint.

Arrangements were made for me to visit the plant after a great deal of difficulty and with great reluctancy. I did make contact with one supervisor who claimed he was too busy to see me in his office but agreed to be "interviewed" briefly over the phone. I did, however, talk very informally 52 with some supervisory personnel. In general, the posture of

the company could at best be described as defensive. While

the cooperation of the company was not crucial to the research,

their refusal to cooperate is data in itself.

Documents

During the course of this study I collected and reviewed over one hundred written documents. Formal documents in­ cluded: organizational constitutions, convention documents, position papers, government reports, organizational bylaws, and minutes of meetings. I followed both the official press of the union as well as the many rank and file newspapers and newsletters. I also had access to the files of a labor reporter who covers the steel industry for a national publication. Priority was given to information on women's activities and consent decree.

Statistical Data

It was extremely difficult to gather statistical infor­ mation on women's participation in the steel union. Records were not kept on a number of important issues. I could not get precise numbers on total femal membership of the inter­ national or the number of women who held office in their locals. The release of numerical figures is often prohibited by union bylaws. I did obtain national figures for 1976 on the number of women employed in basic steel from the Equal

Employment Opportunity Commission. However, they would not provide any more specific information. 53 Social Interaction

The location of the union local will not be identified in order to protect the confidentiality and anonymity of the respondents. Between the fall of 1975 and the summer of 1977,

I spent considerable time in the community where the steel local is located. During this time I engaged in a great deal of social interaction.

I went to parties, picnics, made informal visits, and spent time at a local bar frequented by many steel workers.

Most of the interviews were conducted in the homes of the respondents, which led to much informal socializing over coffee and snacks.

I held babies, let small children talk into the tape recorder, and admired home decorations and gardens. I met the husbands, parents, neighbors, and friends of many of the women involved in the study. In addition to the research we talked about family relations, politics, sports, the high cost of living, quality of education, movies, T.V. and rock concerts. Hopefully the rich and varied character of the social relationships developed during the process of the study will add to the interpretation and analysis of the findings.

Data Analysis

With a qualitative study it is often difficult to draw a clear line between data collection, data coding and data analysis (Lofland, 1971) . In fact, it is sometimes the 54 case that the initial conceptual framework undergoes a process of further refinement throughout the research endeavor. It is possible however, to report the sequence of analytical operations carried out in the process of conducting my research.

The early phase of research consisted of a review of the sociological literature on union participation, and the historical literature on women's participation in the trade union movement. Naturally, relevant research events occur that often require immediate attention before one has finished the logical order of research tasks.

The state AFL-CIO conference on women and the Coalition of Labor Union Women CCLUW) convention were held before I had a clear conceptualization of the research topic. My observations at these events were used as an aid in concep­ tualizing and designing the research.

The middle phase of my research consisted of refining the conceptual framework, identifying relationships and analytic categories, and developing the questionnaires.

I also began making trips to the research site in order to further develop field relationships and take down general field observations. This phase of the research concluded with a field trip to the USWA convention in Las Vegas.

The final phase involved a more intensive focus on the union local. The questionnaire had been pre-tested and I was ready to conduct the intensive interviews. The 55 interviews with union officials and the women members of the local took about eight weeks. I made attempts to record my observations after each interview.

Transcribing my own data allowed me to focus on the materials that were most relevant to the research design and prevented the accumulation of what could have been volumes of unorganizable data. Constant attention to organizational detail was essential to the overall manageability of the data and to the analytical process.

Analysis of the data was primarily qualitative and I have provided extensive quotes from the interviews as well as my field observations. The conceptual framework provided the context for the explanation of participation. Through­ out all phases of the research the use of informants helped to clarify for me the meaning and context of ambiguous or colloquial terms.

I am aware that each phase of the research was influ­ enced by the proceeding phase and at times some of the data used to partially develop the conceptualization of participa­ tion may have confounded some of the results. Obviously, there is need for further empirical testing of the theoret­ ical implications and notions of this research.

Finally, the procedures and steps I have outlined did not happen as smoothly as I have suggested. The mistakes, dead-ends, wrong leads, have not been reported and after the fact reconstructions probably tend to over rectify the process. 56 Reliability and Validity

The use of many techniques of data collection hopefully serves to enhance reliability. The consistency of research findings can be a thorny issue in a qualitative study. I attempted to provide checks or safeguards. The questionnaire was used consistently. While idfferent items generated different amounts of discussion, I attempted to cover the entire range of items. It is also a very specific type ques­ tionnaire and perhaps not as open-ended as many interview guides used in qualitative studies (see Appendix A). Partici­ pant observation provides a way to compare verbal statements with actual behavior. Informants check the accuracy of offi­ cial policy statements and formal rules and practices outlined in union documents. The use of three informants from three different locals (all basic steel) provided a way to cross check information. Actually, the overall consistency of in­ formation was good. The nature of the topic was still some­ what controversial in the setting under study and required a great deal of sensitivity to the dynamics of discrimina­ tion. Given that stipulation, I am confident that the study is replicable.

Whether the research is valid is another essential question of any attempt to study social phenomena. Are the empirical indicators adequate measures of the concepts?

Very little specific research has been done on the 57 participation of women in trade unions. However, there is a large body of literature on the general nature of union participation. I have found little discrepancy between my findings and the major share of past findings. Also differ­ ent techniques of data collection appear to mutually support the same conclusions.

To summarize this chapter has presented the basic re­ search objectives and rationale for the study, the analytic framework and the elaboration of the methodology. Attention has been given to the specific techniques of data collection, the process of data analysis and to the questions of reli­ ability and validity. Finally, the research design section outlines the three categories of variables used to explain, describe, and analyze participation and a number of hypotheses are suggested. CHAPTER THREE

A BRIEF HISTORICAL OVERVIEW AND BACKGROUND ON WOMEN IN STEEL AND U.S. TRADE UNION MOVEMENT

Prior to the discussion of my findings, it seems appro­ priate to provide a brief historical overview of women's participation in the U.S. trade union movement. A more detailed review of the historical particulars covering the colonial era to the rise of industrial unions in the 1930's is provided in Appendix B.

In this chapter I will present only the highlights of the earlier phases of women's participation. The primary focus will be on women in the steel industry from World War

II until the present.

Brief Historical Overview of Women's Participation in the U.S. Trade Union Movement

Before the American Revolution the dominant character of the U.S. economy was agricultural and a large section of the working population was forced to work without wages.

According to Foner (1947:19) three out of four persons living in Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia at the time of the

Revolution were or had been indentured servants. Also, of the three million colonists, one out of six were slaves.

Conditions of forced labor were not conducive to the devel­ opment of trade unions. The closest form to trade unions developed prior to the Revolutionary War was the benevolent

58 59 society. This type of organization was developed by highly skilled artisans to provide benefits for a worker's family in the event of death or accident (Foner, 1947:27).

During this period women were not employed outside of the cottage industry where they weaved small amounts of surplus cloth in their own homes. Therefore women were not involved in the development of these early benevolent societies.

After the Revolution, the transition from domestic production to the factory system brought thousands of women into the manufacturing trades, primarily the clothing in­ dustry. The introduction of machine technology and the increased specialization of labor created a demand for women workers (Abbott,1919:63).

The organization of work under the factory system brought workers into close proximity and created for the first time the possibility of joint action to protest the conditions of employment (Kranzberg and Gies, 1975:101).

Labor union activity between 1825 and 1840 was generally spontaneous, short-lived and more often than not unsuccess­ ful (Henry, 1915). However, this period marked the first strike organized by women and the formation of the first all women union (O'Sullivan and Gallick, 1975:9). Also, women in the sewing trades formed the first city-wide association of women workers in Philadelphia (Wertheimer,

1977:97). 60

The period between 1840 and 1860 was characterized

by attempts to develop permanent forms of organizations by

working women. These labor reform groups lobbied for protec­

tive labor legislation, campaigned for the ten hour day,

conducted strikes and engaged in general educational activ­

ities (Andrews and Bliss, 1911:13). This period marked the transition from spontaneous strike activity to the estab­

lishment of more formal expressions of protest.

During the first half of the nineteenth century, the

labor movement was marked by a long series of local strikes and a long succession of short-lived organizations. The organizing efforts of women workers lack continuity. One generation did not know about the efforts of the preceding one, and efforts to organize in one place were unrelated to efforts in another (Henry, 1923:8).

The Civil War and the accelerated pace of U.S. indus­ trialization brought thousands of women to the cities in search of work. Protective unions were formed to provide

job training and legal services for working women (Baxandall, et al., 1977:1955).

In 1866 women delegates were seated at the first con­ vention of the first national labor federation (Wertheimer,

1977:161). Women were admitted to two previously all male unions in the printing and cigar making industries (Henry,

1915:21). The first national union of women, the Daughters of St. Crispan was organized by women in the shoe industry

(Flexner, 1974:139). 61

The U.S. economy suffered a major depression in the early 1370's, and those unions that survived emerged to form the Knights of Labor. The Knights, originally founded in

1869 as a secret order, attempted to organize on an indus­ trial basis rather than along craft lines and to include unskilled workers. The preamble of their constitution called for equal pay for equal work for men and women (Boone,

1942:52).

At the peak of its organizational strength over 50,000 women were members of the Knights of Labor, representing ten percent of the total membership. Women were seated as convention delegates and also established a women's de­ partment. The participation of women in the Knights of

Labor afforded women the opportunity to develop their own organizational and administrative skills that would prove useful even after the Knights of Labor ceased to exist,

(Henry, 1915:27).

In principle the participation of women in the American

Federation of Labor (AFL) was encouraged but the actual practices of the AFL served to insure that their role would be minimal. The constitution called for equal pay but he dues structure and the policy of organizing along craft lines precluded the participation of women (Foner, 1964:219).

Because of the emphasis on the autonomy of its affili­ ates, the AFL would not interfere with the discriminatory policies or practices of its affiliates (Foner, 1964:223). 62

Also the executive council of the AFL refused to give much attention to organizing women and would not allocate the funds necessary to operate a women's department or to hire women organizers (Wertheimer, 1977:207).

In 1903, women trade unionists and social reformers founded the National Women's Trade Union League (WTUL).

Working within the labor movement the WTUL sought to repre­ sent the needs of women workers to the labor movement as a whole (Boone, 1942:63). The League advanced a program de­ manding the full participation of women in the labor move­ ment. It was also the training ground for a generation of women trade union leaders. Caught between the dual allegiance to the labor movement and the feminist move­ ment the WTUL began its' decline in the 1930's (Miller, 1975).

The early part of the twentieth century marked an up­ surge of union activity in the garment and textile indus­ tries. A strike of 20,000 workers in Lawrence, Massachusetts in 1912 organized by the Industrial Workers of the World

(IWW) gave impetus to the formation of permanent unions in the garment industry. 63

Little is known about the role of women in the rise of industrial trade unions. New Deal legislation and the organizing drives of the CIO greatly expanded union protection to women workers. There is some doc­ umentation (Fine, 1969) about the participation of women in auxiliary formations of the CIO but informa­ tion on the role of women in their own unions is difficult to locate.

The U.S. participation in World War II brought thousands of women into occupations from which they had been historically excluded. I will now turn to a more in depth analysis of the role of women in the steel industry. 64

Women Steelworkers and World War II

The employment of women in heavy industry is not a new phenomenon. Labor shortages created by the United States decision to enter IVorld War II greatly expanded the oppor­ tunities for the participation of women in the labor force.

"Within five years. World War II had radically transformed the economic outlook of women. The eruption of hostilities generated an unprecedented demand for new workers" (Chafe,

1972:135). The most obvious transformation was the great increase in both the number and proportion of women in the civilian labor force. According to United States Census figures the number of women employed rose from fourteen million before the war to some nineteen or twenty million toward the close of the war. The proportion of women rose from a pre­ war figure of 25% to over 36% (pidgeon, 1947:666).

Equally significant were the shifts in types of occupa­ tions employing women. There was a great expansion of women employed in clerical work and a decline of women employed in domestic services. Perhaps, the most dramatic shift occurred in the employment of women in the manufacturing of durable goods. Here their numbers increased by well over 500% from late 1939 to the war's peak in November 1943. Their proportions in manufacturing rose from 8.6% to a wartime record of nearly 25% (Pidgeon, 1947:666), see Table 1. TABLE 1

ESTIMATED NUMBER OF WOMEN PRODUCTION WORKERS IN SELECTED MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES, 1939 - 1947

Estimated numbers (thousands) of women production workers. il g YEARS f n g I

1939:October 68. 8 100.3 28.4 1.8 2 9.5 34.9

1943 ; October 367.2 370.6 270.3 557.9 199.4 105.8

1944lOctober 372.9 357.4 242.7 487.2 167.1 106.3

1945:October 159.9 193.7 119.4 60.1 49.6 60.4

1946:October 141.0 226.4 109.7 29.7 68.7 74.6

1947 -.April 142.6 216.6 112.5 28.1 76.7 72.5

Source: Pidgeon, Mary Elizabeth G\ 1947 "Women Workers and Recent Economic Change." Monthly Labor Review Ln December: 666. 66

The postwar number of women production workers in the durable goods industries was more than twice as great as before the war; and they represented 12.6% of all production workers, as compared with 8.6% before the war. The largest numerical gain for women in the postwar period was in the manufacturing of electrical machinery and in the production of iron and steel. Proportionately the largest gain was in the production of transportation equipment (excluding automobiles) and electrical and other machinery (See Table 2)

TABLE 2

WOMEN AS PERCENT OF ALL WORKERS IN

MANUFACTURING OF DURABLE GOODS; 1939 AND 1947.

Women as Percent of All Production Workers

PreWar Postwar Industry 1939 1947

Durable Goods (Total) 8.6 12.6

Iron & Steel & Their Products 6.2 9.1

Electrical Machinery 33.9 38.2

Machinery (except Electrical) 5.2 9.4

Transportation Equipment (excluding Automobiles) 1.0 5.9

Automobile 6.6 9.5

Nonferrous Metals & their Products 13.7 17.1

Source: Pidgeon, Mary Elizabeth 1947 "Women Workers And Recent Economic Change." Monthly Labor Review December : 669. 67

What is of interest to this study is the position of women in the steel industry. Prior to the war, women were employed in very small numbers and only in a few types of occupations within the steel industry. They were primarily

involved in sorting and inspecting tinplate. Women were responsible for flipping the tin sheets, inspecting for surface flaws, grading and judging the thickness and weight with their touch sensitivity (Erickson, 1944:3). I inter­ viewed three women who began work in the steel mill before

World War II. I asked one women. What was it like in 1934?

'I was from a family of 16 and as soon as you were old enough to go to work, you had to go. I went in as a tin flopper and went back and forth from flopper to the sorting room. I was 14. My sisters taught me how to sort tin. If they wasn't givin out work, the four of us would trade time. They would give up one of their days so I could work. We worked hard from a little kid o n . '

Did the men work this job?

'No, it was considered women's work. They only hired women. The foreladies wore pink uniforms, the girls wore blue uniforms with white collars . . . had to be stiff starch, you had to look real neat.'

How were you treated?

'Terrible, just terrible. This is before the union. At that time the ladies bought gifts so they could hold their jobs and the forelady treats them good. I did not go for that. At $2.44 a day I couldn't afford it. We rode the street car that cost 54 each way. That wasn't bad but I lived in a mining town and had to walk 2 miles to catch the street car. We walked cold weather, zero weather and I nursed my baby at night when I come home. I was scared to eat in the mill all day for 68

fear you'd have milk running down. It was rough. I'll tell you, it was rough,'

The steel industry was somewhat slower to hire women

as replacements for the men lost to the war effort.

According to a United States Labor Department

study, the steel industry generally did not welcome the

advent of women into the production of steel.

The heaviness of the raw materials, the weight of steel products, the massive equipment, the spatial spread, the heat, fumes and hazards do not offer employment possibilities that would normally be con­ sidered desirable or attractive to women. Also, there was a deeply rooted prejudice and tradition against women workers in the steel mills similar to that which prevails in the mining industry (Erickson, 1944:3).

However, by 1943, women began appearing in most of the

country's steel mills. The Women's Bureau of the United

States Department of Labor visited and gathered data on

41 mills in the principal steel-producing areas of the

country. They surveyed the distribution of women in the mills, their hours, rates of pay and working conditions

(Erickson, 1943). While most of the women were concentra­ ted in the less skilled jobs, some women could be found in almost any job classification. Their work included; handling raw materials, coke plants, blast furnace, open-hearth, rolling mills and fabrication. In general, the more closely a job was associated with the handling of basic raw materials the fewer the women. The closer a job was assoc­ iated with the finished product, the more likely the employment of women. The rolling mills employed more women 69

than the earlier processes of steelmaking. About two out

of every five women plant workers were found in the rolling

mills. Even more women were employed in the fabrication

of steel products. In testing and chemical divisions,

women outnumbered the men. Most women were classified as

"labor" and were involved in auxiliary services such as

cleaning track, sweeping, hauling tools and small equipment,

looking up cranes and stacking brick (Erickson, 1944) .

Job assignments often had a racist character. In one

plant women were employed on the ore docks. After electric

cranes removed the ore from the boats, the women would go

down into the bottoms of the boats and sweep and shovel

ore that the crane left behind.

A crew of women— chiefly Negro— with a woman gang leader has been employed for several months, going from boat to boat as needed. When there are no boats ready for cleaning, they are employed around the docks and stock yards as a part of the general clean-up labor gang. Only the strong and husky woman who does not mind close association with dirt can be placed on such work. Ore, coal, and limestone are heavy to handle even when using a small shovel. (Erickson, 1943:5)

The survey reported that the proportion of women working

in the 41 steel plants was 10.6%.

On August 9, 1943, Life ran a cover story and photo­ graphic essay on women steelworkers. The Life story reported that women were working a wide variety of jobs in the United

States steel plant in Gary, Indiana. Women were employed as welders, crane operators, tool machinists, electrical 70 helpers, grinders and oilers.

Two of the women I interviewed were welders and one became a crane operator during World War II.

'I started out in 1939 in the tin house. We called it tissue packaging. There was tissue paper between the sheets of steel and we girls sorted it. When the war came we were offered jobs as crane operators. The tin house girls got first choice. It was a man's job, but women could do it.'

Another woman told me:

During World War II I was hired for welding and inspection. It was the first time that women came into industry in a big way. Until then women worked in tin flopping. They never wore slacks, always a skirt and blouse and an apron. When I came home and told my mother I had to wear slacks, she said, "Oh Lord, what kind of job did you get."

Many of the women steelworkers were the wives and daughters of steelworkers and most were recruited from the communities where the mills were located. Few migrated from other parts of the country. Job openings were known by word of mouth and through radio announcements. I asked if the women received any special training. For the most part, training was on the job, but there were safety slogans and posters aimed at women. One woman told me:

'There were these posters of a women with long blonde hair in high heels and a nice dress. Underneath was a saying; "no cap can find your golden hair you wear a dress with quite a flair loose sleeves, high heels is cute ny dear but a hell of a garb to wear in here" I remembered that and I was only eighteen. 71

There are some studies (Bulletin of the Women's Bureau,

1946, No. 209 and 201) that suggest that many women had

hoped to keep their industrial jobs, after the war ended.

I had difficulty finding out exactly how the women workers were let go. After the war it seems that women were either pressured to leave, quit, were laid-off or fired. I asked one woman, what happened when the war was over?

'On VE-day, we all left the factory and jammed the streets to celebrate. We didn't know whether to go back to work or not. We went back the next day and we didn't work very much. They said they would get in touch with us. After several months, they reconverted to making car air condi­ tioners. We worked for awhile on that but it wasn't steady.'

I asked another woman, how did they get the women to leave the jobs?

'Some of the women only wanted to work during the war, while their husbands were overseas. The G.I. pay wasn't much. Then too, there was this feeling that you were helping your country. They made you believe this by the ads on the radio . . . the boys at war were short of this and short of that. It gave you a feeling that you were directly helping, there was some who wouldn't have been there, except that there was a war on. Not me, I had to work. I needed the job. Before the war, I made $17 a week; in the plant I made $5.44 a day. That was a big difference.'

Some women told me that it was "just an understanding" a "verbal agreement" that you would work for the duration of the war. The women I talked with all wanted to stay on after the war. Three were sent back to sorting and inspection and one remained a crane operator; the only woman crane operator for the next thirty years. Their battle to keep their 72 jobs was long and costly.

After the war the women were laid-off and were told

that they would be called back to work on a seniority basis.

Most were never called or at least doubt the company's

claim that they had. Through persistence, some were even­

tually re-hired as sorters and inspectors. They were never

given the opportunity to transfer to any other departments,

where the pay was higher and promotional opportunities

greater. They were pushed from one company division to

another and endured long periods of lay-offs. At one point,

they were offered jobs that required them to give up ten

years of seniority or lose the job altogether. As a result

of this move, they had to work an extra ten years to collect

full retirement benefits. So far, only one has reached

retirement status.

At a neighboring steel plant, the women who remained after the war were also segregated in sorting and inspection.

After sixteen years of work the company decided to fire all the women and give their jobs to men, with less seniority, who had lost their jobs because the company was eliminating their department. The women filed a federal suit under

Title VII of the Civil Rights Act and won their jobs back after three years and with no back pay. The company then instituted new health requirements setting a weight limit as a prerequisite for reinstatement. Women over the weight were not given the jobs back. The women believed that the policy either never existed before or was never 73

enforced. Nonetheless, many women lost their jobs.

For these women and millions of others wartime

employment represented a substantial gain in wages and im­

proved working conditions. For many women, this was their

first experience with trade unions. The auto, steel and

electrical unions all boasted significant female membership.

The number of women enrolled in labor organizations jumped

from 800,000 in 1939 to over 3,000,000 in 1945 (Chafe,

1972:144). While women often suffered unequal treatment

within individual unions, they benefitted substantially from

labor representation. In a number of the steel mills women

served as shop stewards and some were serving on grievance

committees. On the whole women were not encouraged to

actively participate in the unions since it was assumed

they would only be in the mill for the duration of the war.

No women were reported on labor-management committees

(D'Agostino, 1976:17). Women's seniority on the job was

recognized for the duration of the war and it was assumed

by both the union locals and by management that in the post­ war era, women would return to their peace-time activities.

Some unions fought for equal pay when women began

to fill the jobs vacated by men. However, the unions fre­ quently stipulated that men and women were to be divided

into separate, non-interchangeable occupational classifica­ tions and that they be assigned separate seniority lists.

Some labor contracts contained special clauses specifying 74 that women's membership in a union, and their seniority, should last only for the duration of the war. The following is an example of one such clause negotiated by a United

Auto Workers local:

Women... shall be considered as male replace­ ments and as having been hired solely because of the shortage of male labor, and their tenure of employment shall be limited to the dura­ tion of the war, or as soon thereafter as they can be replaced by former male employees or other male applicants (Women's Work Project, 1976:26).

Some unions argued for equal pay for men and women because they feared that industry would attempt to lower wages after the war. If women were to replace men at a lower rate of pay, then the men returning from the war would find their jobs reclassified as "women's work" with a "woman's wage" (Chafe, 1972:153).

After the war, women in the steel industry were displaced by returning veterans. Under the Selective

Service Act, veterans took priority over wartime workers in the competition for their old jobs. As war plants reconverted to peacetime production, women who were last hired were also first fired. Overall, females comprised

60 percent of all workers released from employment in the early months after the war and were laid-off at a rate of

75 percent higher than men (Chafe, 1972:180). 75

While many women were forced out of their wartime jobs, this did not necessarily mean that they were forced out of the job market entirely. "Actually, women quit about two and one-fourth million jobs after VJ-day. In addition, employers laid-off slightly more than one million women during the same period. The hiring of two and three- fourths million women partially offset these separations"

(Monthly Labor Review, 1947:419).

Many women did not view their wartime employment as a temporary phenomenon. However, labor, industry, govern­ ment, and the media adopted policies which would serve to reinforce the "temporary" status of women as industrial workers.

Minimal programs instituted by the government to provide support for working women were abandoned after the war. The Landam Act which allocated federal funds to be used for the construction and operation of day care centers, provided care for only 100,000 children or about ten percent of all children who were in need of day care

(Women's Work Project, 1976:9).

The media gave birth to Rosie the Riveter. Pictures of American women in overalls and carrying a lunch bucket 76

adorned the cover of many popular magazines (Saturday

Evening Post, May 29, 1943; Life, August 9, 1943).

Women were exhorted to fulfill their partriotic duty

by taking jobs in war production. White, middle-class, with a secure livelihood when her man came home, Rosie

became the symbol of true womanhood.

Hollywood produced films dipicting women as brave,

independent, capable of surviving in a maniess world.

"Firvolity have place to female strength; strength

and love and support between mother and daughter,

sister and sister, and woman and woman" (Rosen, 1973:204).

After the war Hollywood had little trouble recon­ verting to the peace time image of women.

The once dominant, strong protagonist became the background buffoon, love object or thorn in her man's side. Gone were attempts at re­ creating lives of the intriguing women. Gone with the war's end were most of those films where female intelligence, faith, and courage created interest and those where love was spiritual, universal rather than personal. The few movies dealing with post war readjustment spoke only from the male viewpoint. To the returning GI females seemed changeless (Rosen, 1973:213). 77

For the most part women employed in industry

during the war did not view their jobs as temporary.

Most worked out of economic necessity and most wanted

to remain in their jobs after the war. Of the 19.5

million women gainfully employed in 1945, 15.9 million were working before the war mobilization (Women's

Work Project, 1976:12).

The popular image of Rosie the Riveter was in

reality a myth. War production gave many women who were already in the work force the opportunity to move from lower-paying "female" jobs to the higher paying industrial jobs. After the war many returned

to their former jobs or the expanding clerical force and not to the home. Employers phased women out of

the industrial labor force through lay-offs and by reclassifying their jobs as "male" jobs. The unions did little to protect the interests of their female membership. The reentry of women into basic industry would have to await the development of the social movements of the 1960's. 78

Consent Decree in the Steel Industry

The more recent hiring of women in the production of basic steel is the result of an industry-wide consent decree outlawing discriminatory practices in the hiring and promo­ tion of Blacks, women and Hispanics. In part, it is also an Affirmative Action program. Below I will review the history and background of anti-discrimination legislation in the steel industry, the scope and content of the consent decree, and the public reaction it has engendered.

For twenty years preceeding the signing of the consent decree on April 15, 1974, the NAACP had charged the steel industry with discriminatory practices in the hiring, place­ ment, and promotion of minorities. They investigated and documented an industry-wide pattern of racial discrimination that was codified in labor-management agreements in the steel industry. Using the Title VII provision of the 1964

Civil Rights Act, the NAACP filed hundreds of complaints with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and began litigation in the civil courts (Hill, 1974).

In a number of significant cases (Williamson v. Bethle­ hem Steel Corporation, McKinstry v. U.S. Steel, Head v. the

Timken Company, and Hubbard v. U.S. Steel) the NAACP won back pay awards for their clients as well as court orders requiring the elimination of discriminatory practices.^ The case which finally set the stage for a steel industry con­ sent decree was a suit in the U.S. District Court in

Birmingham, Alabama brought by the U.S. Justice Department 79 and the NAACP. In that case the judge ruled that the sen­ iority arrangement at the U.S. Steel Fairfield Works had to be restructured.

These court cases, filed under Federal anti-discrimina­ tion statutes established the following: (1) that seniority system was suceptible to attack; (2) that courts would order it changed; (3) that the change would require that plant service be used; (4) that courts would impose the obligation of rate retention; and (5) the courts could award back pay

(Matera, 1975:220).

Seniority had long been the basic principle which guided the allocation and distribution of jobs within a steel plant. However, the use of department or unit sen­ iority resulted in the segregation of minority workers in the dirtiest and hardest jobs. The court ruled that black employees had been discriminatorily assigned in their ini­ tial employment to units where working conditions were un­ desirable and promotional opportunities were limited and that seniority system locked the employees into these un­ desirable assignments because it operated within given units in an employer location (Matera 1975:219).

For example, if a black worker was initially assigned a job on the coke oven and he wished to transfer to another department with greater opportunity for advancement, he would lose the seniority he had already accumulated and he would be treated as a new employee in that department.

Workers with less overall (plantwide) seniority but with 80 greater seniority within that particular department or unit would have greater promotional opportunities. Therefore there was little incentive to induce the black worker to transfer departments. The transfer would represent a loss in seniority as well as a substantial reduction in pay.

The Fairfield decision required U.S. Steel to use plant- wide seniority instead of department seniority as the basis for transfers and promotions. In order to solve the problem of the potential wage differential involved in the transfer, the court ordered that the worker be allowed to retain a certain percentage of his/her previous wage for a certain period of time. This would make it practical for the worker to move from the one department to another with better over­ all promotional opportunities.

Several cases of sex discrimination were joined to racial discrimination compliants under Title VII of the

Civil Rights Act. For women the situation was somewhat different. Women who were hired were segregated in clerical departments and in Tin Inspection with no possibility for transfer into other departments. Also women were not even hired for work outside of these two areas.

In a major suit, the U.S. government charged the steel companies and the union with engaging in the following dis­ criminatory practices (Daily Labor Report, April 15,

1974:4):

• Failing to advertise for, recruit, and hire female applicants for employment on the same basis as white male applicants and without distinction based on race, color, sex, or national origin. 81 • Failing to assign, transfer, and promote minority and female employees without distinction based on race, color, sex, or national origin;

• Failing to make compensatory payments to discrim­ inatorily assigned minority and female employees who have been denied employment opportunities and advancements because of their race, color, sex or national origin, and who have suffered economic loss as a result of such denials.

• Failing to adopt and implement seniority and transfer systems which provide employment oppor­ tunities to minority and female employees which are equal to those of their similar qualified white male contemporaries.

• Failing to take such other reasonable actions which are necessary to correct the effects of past dis­ crimination.

Under EEOC guidelines, the union can be held liable for

the discriminatory practices of the industry with which it bargains. "Above and beyond the obligations of the unions as employee representatives and as employers, not to violate

legal prohibitions against discrimination is the additional responsibility to challenge any discriminatory practices of employers with whom they bargain" (EEOC Special Report).

Unions have been found in violation of the law when the union failed to protest discriminatory hiring policies of the employer; did not propose a nondiscrimination clause during negotiations; failed to process grievances regarding discrimination; failed to oppose unlawful contract provi­ sions that resulted in sex discrimination; entered a collec­ tive bargaining agreement that required employers to dis­ charge pregnant employees, and signed a collective bar­ gaining agreement that provided higher sickness and accident benefits for men than for women (EEOC Special Report). The 82 courts have clearly established the fact that the union has

the joint responsibility with management to eliminate dis­

criminatory practices in employment.

Rather than await the decision of the court the union

and the steel companies named in the government suit, sub­

mitted a voluntary agreement to end discrimination. The

government then withdrew its complaint.

Anticipating an unfavorable ruling the steel companies

and the union submitted their plan, drawn up in consultation with representatives of the U.S. Justice Department, to

avoid a court order that "they could not live with." In

the words of an industry spokesperson, "Knowing what the courts might require, and thus might accept as compliance,

it then became encumbent upon the parties to meet the judi­ cially established requirements in a way they could live with rather than have many courts impose systems in piece­ meal fashion through litigation with possible disastrous, and at least inconsistent, results" (Matera, 1975:221).

The agreement was signed on April 15, 1974 in the U.S.

District Court in Birmingham, Alabama and is legally binding.

It was signed by the U.S. Attorney General, on behalf of the

U.S..Department of Justice, a representative of the union, the United Steelworkers of America, and by nine representa­ tives of the steel companies named in the original suit.

The companies charged were Armco Steel Corporation, Bethle­ hem Steel Corporation, Jones and Laughlin Steel Corporation,

Allegheny-Ludlum Industries, Inc., National Steel Corporation, 83

Republic Steel Corporation, United States Steel Corporation,

Wheeling-Pittsburgh Steel Corporation and Youngstown Sheet

and Tube Company.^ One major company named in the suit did

not sign the agreement. Inland Steel Company maintained it

did not discriminate' against minorities and women. Accord­

ing to the Labor Department, the nine companies that did

sign produced about 73 percent of the raw steel in the U.S.

and employ 347,679 workers in 249 plants around the country.

Of these, 52,545 are black, 7,646 are Spanish-surnamed and

10,175 are women (Daily Labor Report, April 15, 1974:8).

The actual text of the consent decree is a long and

complicated one, but I will attempt to outline the major

points. There are two separate consent decrees. The first

deals primarily with seniority and lines of progression and

the second is an affirmative action plan for hiring and pro­

motion. The total plan essentially covers seven areas:

(1) new hiring policies; (2) guidelines and quotas for en­

trance into supervision and skilled trades by minority and women workers and new testing procedures; (3) departmental

transfers for all workers with rate retention for two years;

(4) plant service date (seniority) to be used when bidding

on jobs; (5) three-step bidding process in large plants

(unit, department, plant); (6) back pay for black, Spanish-

surnamed, and women employees; and (7) lay-off and recall by plant service date

An implementation structure was set up on both the local

and national level with representation from all parties. 84 Issues are resolved by unanimous vote with the court as the final arbitrator. The agreement was to be in effect for five years.

The agreement received criticism from several direc­ tions. The NAACP and the National Organization for Women

(NOW) objected to many features of the plan and filed a suit to intervene. The suit was denied. The back pay provision drew sharp criticism. According to the agreement, steel com­ panies and the union would pay $30.94 million to over 40,000 minority and women employees. This averaged out to about

$775 per worker but the majority of workers affected re­ ceived $250. Only minority workers hired before 1968 and women workers hired before 1974 were eligible for payment.

It was assumed that the industry did not practice racial discrimination after 1968 (Daily Labor Report, April 15,1974:5).

In exchange for back pay the worker had to waive his/ her right to ever sue again for past discrimination. A statement to this effect appeared on the back of each in­ dividual paycheck and had to be signed in order to cash the check. Also, if a worker decides to pursue individual court action the government would intervene on behalf of the companies.

Ann Scott, spokesperson for NOW said at the time,

"We have major disagreements with the consent decree. One is the amount of back pay, and another is that the settle­ ment allows the government to go into court on behalf of the company, not the party discriminated against, in future 85 legal action...Because we had to fight for back pay and to

get women into the settlement at all, we are filing a motion

to intervene in the consent decree. Someone has to repre­

sent in court the interest of our members..." (Daily Labor

Report, April 15, 1974:5).

In addition to the back pay called by Herbert Hill of the NAACP as "totally inadequate," "miniscule," and "anemic," the NAACP was critical of how the decision was handled.

"The steel industry agreement also violates a basic princi­ ple of the American legal system; it was negotiated without the participation of those black and other nonwhite workers whose interest the agreement is supposed to serve. In de­ vising the settlement, the Justice Department consulted only with the perpetrators of discrimination, not with their victims — an unusual approach to the administration of justice " (Hill, 1974).

Although the broader application of seniority and the procedures to transfer jobs are also extended to white workers, a number of so called "reverse discrimination" suits have been filed by white male workers. In one local, a large number of identical grievances were filed with the local Audit and Review Committee by white male members charg­ ing that the consent decree was a violation of civil rights and equal protection under the law and thus constituted

"reverse discrimination."

The local committee requested information from the union representative on the National Audit and Review Committee 86 concerning the validity of such complaints. The Interna­ tional ruled that since the consent decree was part of the Collective Bargaining Agreement (contract), and the grievance procedure could not be used to challenge basic provisions of the contract, the complaints were not valid.

The grievance procedure is intended to ensure proper inter­ pretation of contract provisions, not entertain challenges.

The Supreme Court recently ruled that "bona fide" seniority systems with no overt racial underpinnings were not unlawful, even though such systems may in practice have the impact of discriminating against certain workers

(Time, June 13, 1977:60).

As a result of that Court ruling, a group of white male steelworkers calling themselves American Male Equality

Now (AMEN) are attempting to sue the company, the union, and the government on the grounds that the consent decree represents "reverse discrimination" (Wall Street Journal,

August, 1977:1). However, from my observations hostile reaction to the consent decree has diminished.

It is difficult to judge the effectiveness of the consent decree in eliminating discrimination in the steel industry. Many union officials believe that the consent decree will, in the long run, broaden seniority rights for all workers. There are some who believe that it does not go far enough and still others who view it as a dis­ ruptive force. 87

Government officials view the court order as a major attempt to institute structural safeguards against sex and race discrimination. Many of the women, I interviewed, believe they would not have been hired without it.

To summarize, this chapter has provided; 1) a brief historical overview of women's participation in the U.S. trade union movement; 2) a more detailed analysis of women in the steel industry during World War II; and 3) a dis­ cussion and analysis of the 1974 consent decree, an anti- discrimination agreement signed by the government, industry, and the union. It has been my intention in this chapter to provide the necessary historical and legal background information as an aid to the analysis of women's partici­ pation in the steel union. The next four chapters contain an analysis of my findings. 88

FOOTNOTES

Ipress release issued by National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, April 6, 1974.

^Non-circulating report from the files of a special representative of the U.S. Justice Department.

^List of companies involved in consent decree order taken from the record of court proceedings, provided by unidentified labor reporter.

4pull text of consent decree provided by labor educator. CHAPTER FOUR

JOB FEATURES

It has been suggested that certain features of the job

might be associated with union participation. This chapter

will explore a number of job-related factors in relationship

to participation. Specifically I will examine; job

recruitment, stake in the job, type of job, and the

character of social relationships developed while on the job.

What can these factors tell us about the participation

patterns of women in the local and in the trade union movement?

Job Recruitment

Membership in the union is contingent upon employment

in the steel industry. The worker is first hired by the

company and then after working a probationary period of 580

hours, automatically becomes a member of the union.

The steel companies are required to advertise job

openings through the local media and through State employ­ ment offices. Hiring is generally done in blocks. The

company will announce that they are accepting applications

for a specified time period. Then an office is opened to

receive applications. The consent decree stipulates that of all new hirees, one out of five must be a woman and one out of five must be Afro-American or Latino.

39 90

News that the company is hiring is generally spread by word of mouth. One newspaper reported that over 300 people responded to a recent announcement by the steel company that they were accepting applications. A spokes­ person for the State employment services said that the lines circled the entire block and that applicants carried their bedclothes and equipment, as well as radios, chairs and other items to help them pass the time while waiting for the office to open. "The applicants seemed ready for anything."

The company would not discuss with me either how the applications are processed or how they arrive at the final selection. The belief, among many of the people hired as well as those who are not, is that "it's who you know."

One man told me that his uncle was on the union local's grievance committee and he thought that was why he was hired.

A woman told me her brother-in-law was a plant foreman and that's why she got the job. Many of the union officials had complained to me that their status as union office­ holders no longer carried the same weight that it use to.

"I used to be able to get every kid in the neighborhood a job; now I can't even get my own son in."

Whether employment actually depends on who you know or not, the workers believe that this is the case. I began to wonder if this belief had any impact on participation. If a worker believes that she/he was hired because of

"connections" with a union official, will this enhance 91 the likelihood of participation? Conversely, if the worker believes that she/he was hired because of "connection" to management, will this decrease the likelihood of participation?

Obviously the relationship is not that direct. "Who you know" may shape attitudes about the usefulness of union participation and relationships between workers as well as one's perspective about management.

I asked the women steelworkers how they first heard that the steel mill was hiring women. The majority of women, hired shortly after the consent decree went into effect, responded that they had heard about it through family and friends who were employed in management. Several women had learned of the new policy from the clerical staff in the company's main office. The second most frequent response was that they were told by union officials. Finally a few had heard about it from workers who were not union officials.

No one reported that they had seen company ads in the news­ paper or were referred through the State employment office.

The flow of new information seemed to reflect the hierarchy of the work environment. The information appeared to travel downward from management and their staffs, to union officials, then to the rank and file,and finally through the officially designated process. Eventually, the information became a matter of public knowledge. The most recently hired women tended to respond; "I heard about it on my old job". 92

"talk around my high school" and "common knowledge."

The women sometimes heard about the new hiring policy

in negative ways. One woman told me;

'I was working in a restaurant where a lot of the foremen eat breakfast. I overheard them talking about it. This one was saying, ". . .we are going to hire 'broads' down there. The government is forcing us." The next day I went down to the personnel office to check it o u t . '

Another woman read in a magazine article that the telephone companies had to hire women as linemen. She went to the local phone company and put her application on file. While she was there, she was told, "the steel mill is being forced to do this too." She then applied for work at the steel company. A third woman had heard about the policy to hire women through a friend who worked as a clerk in the main office of the steel company. "When my friend told me about it, we all laughed; we thought it was ridiculous. Later,

I had second thoughts and put my application on file."

The women who decided to seek employment in response to negative information about the new job opportunity also tended to participate more in union activities. Perhaps these women are less ambivalent about normative proscriptions concerning women's work roles and are, therefore, more likely to view union participation as a way to protect their new work role, even in light of negative sanctions.

In addition to the source of information, it is also necessary to take into account the actual relationship between 93

the worker and the person whom he or she feels was respon­

sible for their hiring.

The most active woman member of the local reported

that while she was uncertain about whether her hiring was

due to a family tie to management, she did believe that her

initial placement in a high status department within the

plant was influenced by this connection. However, the rela­

tionship was indirect (sister-in-law's father) and not widely

known by other workers.

On the other hand, the workers,both male and female

as well as union officials,are highly distrustful of any

worker with more direct ties to management. The daughter

of a foreman was singled out by several women in the study

as a "troublemaker". "If we say one thing to her, she always

throws her 'puli' in our faces." Another woman said "I am

sick and tired of hearing about her father. She gives us all

a bad name. The men resent it and so do I."

Union officials reported that they watch what they say

around any worker they feel is too familiar with management.

While many of the women reported that their source of informa­

tion about the job opening was management, few of the women

I talked to were closely related to management personnel.

Many of the men I talked to, however, tend to believe that

the women are more closely tied to management. Even though

this is not the case, this belief may shape the character

of relationships between male and female workers and have 94

subsequent implications for participation in the union.

Stake in the Job

Some studies have suggested that the greater the worker's

stake in the job, the more likely the worker was to partici­ pate in union activities (Sayles & Strauss, 1953:192-195).

The worker's stake in the job has been measured primarily by income, level of skill and job satisfaction. Seniority is the primary mechanism to achieve high status and high income job classifications within the steel industry.

Since employment of women began with the implementation of the consent decree in 1974, the majority of women do not have the amount of seniority that would place them in high skill and high income jobs. I did not, however, reject the concept of the worker's stake in her or his job, as a factor to explore in relationship to participation. I would like to suggest a different way to view the notion of "stake in the job."

The sexual stratification of the job structure in this country has resulted in the segregation of women in low- paying, non-unionized job categories. Job openings in the steel industry represent an opportunity for women to break out

of the traditional pattern of female employment. The lowest paying entry level job classification in steel pays substantially more than the traditional jobs occupied by women . This opportunity for employment in 95

steel should enhance the worker's stake in the job in compari­

son to previous jobs the worker has held.

During the interviews I asked each respondent for their

work history and asked them to compare their job in the steel

mill with previous jobs. One woman employed as a sales

clerk for four years prior to employment in the steel mill

said;

'The money was a lot less and basically what you had to do and what you had to put up with . . . from the public and from the people over you . . . it was a lot harder than the mill. In the mill you have your job and you do it. The supervision can be rough but they are not always looking down your neck. Then too, in the mill you have the union behind you, so you do have job protection. In the store if you did one little thing they didn't like, it was your tough luck . . . too bad you are out of a j ob.'

Another woman who had also previously worked as a sales clerk reported;

'It was tougher being a salesgirl. The stores have a strict dress code and for the money they pay, it's just not worth it. There is all this pressure to get a quota of sales. The customers don't understand this. Some would boss you around . . . "get me this, get me that." They feel as if you are their servant. I am the same as the person that comes in and I don't want to be treated like I am below them.'

Another former sales clerk responded;

'It sounds funny but sales was more difficult. I was hassled constantly, if not by my employer, than by the customers. We had to attack them when they come in and this makes some people belligerent. They treated you like you weren't there. For a $1.80 or $2.00 an hour, I don't feel it's worth it.' 96 Some women simply responded by pointing out the pay

differential. "In clothing I made $60 - $65 a week, now

I make $280 a week." A former hospital worker said, "In

the hospital I never made more than $100 a week. One day

last week I made $87 — just one day in the mill." Hospital work was the largest category of previous jobs held.

A woman who had worked as a practical nurse said;

'There was more tension involved with nursing. You were always afraid, even when you got home. You wondered, did you do all you were supposed to do or did you leave something undone? People's lives are at stake. Now I can go home at the end of the day without bringing my work home with me.'

A woman who ran a drill press at a small factory before working in steel commented;

'On my old job, I had to stand on one foot all day. We worked a constant eight-hour day. It was like production but we got a straight hourly wage, no incentive rate. In the mill you can work at your own speed. At the factory they pushed you and pushed you. They didn't care if you lost your fingers in the press; they just wanted that production. I am now making double what I used to and the pressure is a lot less.'

These comments and others reflect the fact that working in steel mills is substantially more attractive than jobs that have been traditionally available for women. Better pay, greater job security, health care benefits, treatment on the job, and the pace of work were cited again and again as the difference between working in steel and previous jobs. While I could not obtain statistics on job turnover. 97

I do know that of the first ten women hired, nine remain on

the j ob .

Given the character of jobs traditionally held by women,

the opportunity to work in steel will greatly enhance the worker's stake in the job. This stake in the job should even be greater for women with no other source of income.

Wertheimer and Nelson (1975) found that female heads of households tended to participate more than married women.

While my sample is small, I found that the most active women participants were single, divorced or married to men with restricted incomes.

It is my contention that it might be more meaningful to talk about stake in the job in terms of availability of alternative employment opportunities at a comparable wage

level, other sources of income, as well as the traditional indicators such as skill level, income, and job satisfaction.

Type of Jobs

Some jobs are more important to the overall production process than others. Workers who hold these strategically key positions tend to have greater union participation rates (Tannenbaum, 1953). Since women do not have the sen­ iority that provides access to these jobs in the steel industry, I would not expect this to be a factor in explaining women's participation. 98

There are other job factors that do have relevancy.

Jobs that permit mingling with many other workers tend to produce more active union members (Sayles and Strauss, 1953:

148-149). Conversely jobs that isolate workers from each other tend to produce apathy and lower union participation

(Seidman, London, Karsh and Tagliacozzo, 1958:132-133).

In general, "those whose jobs facilitate and encourage contact with fellow workers are more likely to be union activists "(Spinrad, 1949:239).

Are women found in these types of jobs? I asked the women which type of job they did most frequently and which, of all the jobs they had done, they preferred the most. It is important to note that workers have little choice in choosing jobs, particularly in the early years of employment.

Most new workers are assigned to general labor. These jobs involve what might generally be thought of as maintenance jobs; sweeping, shoveling, painting, washing walls, cleaning track, as well as more semi-skilled work such as breaking up cement and laying concrete. Usually this type of work is done by a crew of workers called the "labor gang." General labor jobs are usually not thought of as permanent jobs. A worker may request, on a week to week basis, a job in another department with a different crew of workers. Alloca­ tion of such jobs is done by seniority.

For example a newer worker may work four weeks on the labor gang, then request a better job on the brick gang, then 99 return to the labor gang. The labor gang is used to fill in jobs which another worker may have vacated because of illness or vacation. Therefore,the newer worker may be moved from department to department without the oppor­ tunity to establish ties with a particular crew.

Permanent jobs are assigned through a bidding process.

When a permanent position opens up, it is posted throughout the mill. Workers compete for the jobs primarily on the basis of seniority. Depending on the job, the worker who wins the bid has from 45 to 90 days to decide if she or he wants to keep the job permanently. If a worker finds that she or he does not like the job, they can cancel their bid during this time period.

The majority of women I talked to do not or have not submitted bids on permanent jobs. Most lack the seniority necessary to qualify and some do not feel they know enough about the variety of jobs available to make the decision.

The requesting-out process does allow the worker the opportunity to learn which jobs are available and whether they like the work. Many women reported that they preferred to work a wide variety of jobs before they would be willing to submit a bid.

There are some exceptions. The consent decree has set quotas for minorities and women on job openings in the trade and craft departments. These quotas are in effect until the proportion of minorities and women in the skilled 100

jobs reflect their proportion in the mill as a whole.

Fifty percent of all new openings must go to minorities

and women until the appropriate balance has been reached.

However, since the consent decree became effective very few

trade and craft openings have even been posted in this plant.

I interviewed one woman who had qualified for an apprentice­

ship and one woman who had qualified for a job that eventually would lead to an apprenticeship.

The typical pattern of employment for women in steel involves a great deal of moving around from job to job.

While this tends to increase the overall number of contacts with other workers, it also tends to decrease the chances of forming substantive relationships with other workers.

One woman reported;

'They put me in so many different departments and that makes it hard. It gets a little hairy. The first couple of days you spend feeling out new people and learning the job. Just when you get use to the set up, you get transferred.'

I found that those women who do participate are the ones who managed to establish a semi-stable relationship with a particular work crew.

On the other hand, some women deliberately requested jobs that isolated them from other workers as a way to minimize potentially hostile contacts with workers who believe that women should not be employed in the mill. I asked one woman what job she preferred; 101

'I like working the wharf. It's about the dirtiest job in the plant. You work one hour on and one hour off, and nobody bothers you. All you have to do is go down and do your job. When you are done you are done . . . your day is finished. Once you qualify on the job, nobody has to bother you. I really like that.'

Another woman reported, "I like it best when I work by myself or just one other person. It cuts down on all the hassles."

I found that most of the women had been assigned jobs

in either the coke plant or the blast furnace. This is the pattern that black workers had successfully challenged in the courts as an example of discriminatory practices.

In general, these are the hardest, dirtiest, lowest paying and least safe jobs.

When I asked the women why they were assigned these types of jobs, I got a variety of responses.

'Men dislike the coke plant intensely. Women seem to like it better. You see, every­ body over there is in the same class. Every­ body is dirty and nobody is clean . . . so nobody really looks down on you. Everybody on the job over there mainly works by himself or else has one helper but you don't get a conglo­ meration of a lot of people in one department. In other departments there are people who never get dirty and they frown on people who do. You see those kind of people are in a different class from us.'

Another woman reported;

'I don't mind the environment. I could put up with it but let's face it, it's not a pleasant place to be. I feel this way, I have to work forty hours a week regardless, so I might as well go somewhere and put up with a little bit of dirt, a little bit of noise and 102

make the money and be able to do what I want and have what I want, than go somewhere else (outside the mill) where it's nice and not make any money. The jobs I do I can handle.'

The women tended to compare their current jobs in the

coke plant or blast furnace with previous jobs they held

outside of the mill. The worst job in the mill compares

favorably to previous types of jobs. Also the class level­

ing notion seems to reflect a "preference" to work with other workers similarly situated in the social structure.

Finally, the nature of the work places the workers in

isolation from each other and, therefore, minimizes conflict.

On the other hand women who participated in union activities tend to compare the coke plant and the blast

furnace with other departments within the mill and not with their previous job experiences. One woman reported;

'I work hard but do only what is expected of me. Like everybody else I'd prefer the easiest job around. Of course, that's not always possible. Believe me, I do my share.'

A woman who holds a union office exclaimed, "How I ever escaped the blast furnace. I'll never know."

The data seems to suggest women who evaluate their situation relative to the dominant group within the social structure, and who prefer to work with other workers tend to participate more. As long as women compare their status to previous states of. deprivation or take as their reference group other workers similarly discriminated against they may not develop the outlook necessary to challenge the status quo. 103

Social Integration

Many studies (Dean, 1954; Form & Dansereau, 1957)

suggest that the more socially integrated the worker is,

the more likely she/he is to participate in the union.

Workers who are integral members of their shop or work

crew tend to participate more in union activities. I would

suspect that for women, it would be difficult to establish

the type of social relationships that facilitate social

integration. Hagburg (1964) suggests that the worker who

receives primary group satisfaction from either the work

crew or the union local will be more likely to participate.

Again I would guess that it is highly unlikely that women

in such a male dominated environment would view either the

local or the work crew as a source of primary group satis­

faction.

I asked, how do men and women get along on the job?

Do you talk with the men when you have free time?

'If the guys talk to me, I talk to them. But I never go out of my way to talk to the men. If you don't talk to the guys, they say you are stuck up, conceited, a bitch. If you do talk to them, they say you are a whore so you c a n 't w i n .'

Another woman responded;

'I can't stick up for myself, even though I've faced a lot, I still can't. I know I should be able to but I always back down and let them say what they want. Very few times, have I spoken up.'

Some women cannot relate to many of the topics of conversa­ tion. 104

'The men talk a lot about sports and I'm just not interested. They go into great detail about some hunting trip or fishing trip. They talk a lot about cars . . . I don't even like to wash mine.'

Other women have noticed changes that have occurred over time. One woman activist reported;

'Everybody acts like men and women have never worked together until women came into the steel mills. All of a sudden it’s a big deal . . . it's not new. The more we work together on this basic level, sweatin' and workin' the horrible shifts and going through all the suffering you go through, you really begin to understand each other.'

For black women the ability to establish social rela­ tionships with other workers must cross both race and sex barriers.

'I laughed at some of it but if they made me mad, I told them, "I'm not here to play games with you. If you want to play games go home and play them with your momma." They let up after awhile, they had to realize that there was going to be more and more women in the plant. Now they go along with you.'

Another woman commented;

'I prefer to work with another black person cause it is hard to talk to a white person all day. You are afraid to say what you are doing . . . like fixing up your house or buying a new car. If it looks like you are getting on your feet, the white resents it. They think you are getting too far ahead of yourself. , Black and white workers get along fine as long as a black per­ son lets a white person feel as though they are still on top. There are times you would like to say something but you don't. The mill is not as bad as other places I've worked.' 105

Much informal interaction takes place in the shanty.

The shanty is a metal shed where tools and special equip­ ment are stored and where workers eat lunch, pick up job assignments or wait for a job call.

'During free time I go to the shanty. I look forward to what goes on there (laugh). Mostly we talk and just relax. It could be comments on newspaper articles, it's something different everyday. You wouldn't believe what men talk about. I think most men think of you as another guy. They don't swear as much as they used to. They try to watch it because you are a woman, but they call you guy.'

When I asked about how men and women get along on the job most women answered, "We get along fine." For the most part getting along fine meant the absence of any overt hostility or conflict. It did not mean close or easy patterns of interaction. In general, women tend to be very reserved and do not initiate interaction. Some said they could not tell when the men were kidding or when they were serious. Most agree that contact between men and women has become easier over time.

The most active woman participant did initiate inter­ action. At Eastertime she brought colored eggs in her lunch for other workers in her crew. She also planned birthday parties, brought watermelons in the summertime and started a great book club. She admitted that while it was not always easy to break the ice, it made the work easier if she felt comfortable with the other workers. 106

There is very little research on the dynamics of interaction in settings with highly skewed sex ratios.

Existing research tends to focus on women in management or on experimental psychological game playing. Rosabeth Moss

Kanter (1975:57) suggests that "when a person is a statis­ tical rarity, it may take her/him more time to untangle mistaken identities and establish a competence-based working relationship, particularly with members of the numerically dominant category." This may account for why women are less likely to request out of lower paying, more difficult jobs in the coke plant or blast furnace. Once they have built up a work relationship based on competence, they are reluc­ tant to change and re-establish new relationships.

Isolation and invisibility are two strategies adopted by women in male dominated collectives (Hennig, 1970;

Wolman and Frank, 1975). Epstein (1970:176) found that the lone professional woman tried to be unobtrusive, invisible, and in general avoid conflict. Another tactic was to minimize sexual attributes, in order to blend unnoticeably into the pre-dominant male culture (Ross, 1975:59). One woman who attended union meetings regularly became annoyed when the men went to exaggerated measures to avoid swearing in her presence.

'This made me!nervous. Finally I stood up and shouted every cuss word I ever heard. I don't have to do this now. I only swear when the occasion calls for it.' 107

Finally, investigators have reported that lone woman

managers often let somebody else take credit for their own

work. Many women in the steel mill said that they often

let men show them how to do a particular job, even when

they already knew how.

To summarize, this chapter contained my findings on

job related features and union participation. Many of the

job related features, suggested by the literature were not

relevant to women's participation. In part this was due

to the reliance on seniority as a measurement of many job

characteristics.

In general I found that the women's stake in the

job was greater when there was no other source of income

or when other jobs at a comparable wage were not avail­

able. Both participants and nonparticipants expressed a

high degree of satisfaction with their jobs in steel.

I also found that because the women do not have perma­

nent job bids, they did not work any one job long enough

to develop a stable work relationship with a particular

crew. Frequent transfers increased the number of overall

contacts with other workers but cecreased the chances of

forming substantive relationships with other workers.

Women were less likely to view either the crew or the local

as a source of primary group satisfaction. Women who do

participate did manage to establish a sem-stable relation­

ship with a particular work crew. CHAPTER FIVE

UNION FEATURES

A wide variety of union related factors have been tradi­ tionally associated with union participation. For the pur­ pose of this study I have chosen the following factors to ex­ plore in relationship to women's participation in their local.

First, belief in unionism, do the women belive that having a union is a good thing? Second, how do they rate the performance of their local; is their union doing a good job? Third, what is the character of the relationship between union officers and the women rank and file? Do the women know who the officers are; do they feel comfortable coming to the union hall? Have they ever been asked to come to a union activity? Fourth, prior experience with unions.

Did the women hold previous jobs that were organized and did they participate in their former union local? Do they come from union families? Fifth, what is the attitude of the union officials about the employment of women in the steel industry? Do they believe that women are interested in the union and do they encourage women to participate? What is their attitude or opinion about the consent decree and are they willing to see that it is fully implemented? How do the union officials feel about the women's movement? Are they willing to fight sex-discrimination on the job?

108 109

I will attempt to examine how the women steel workers view their union and how the union views the women steel­ workers. Hopefully this can tell us something about the

likelihood and character of women’s participation.

Belief in Unionism

All of the women I interviewed felt that having a union was important. Some women responded in a very general way;

"If you are ever in trouble, the union is there to back you up."

"You can go to the union if you feel you are being treated unfairly."

"With a union you have somebody to fight for you, to fight for your rights."

"If you don’t have a union, the company would walk all over you."

Other women responded by comparing union with non-union jobs.

’I’ve seen too many instances where people work for virtually nothing and they worked harder than I do in the mill. My mother worked as a waitress, making 70t an hour and took a lot of abuse. She didn’t have a union. I feel it’s a good idea.'

Another woman said;

’At the hospital where I used to work we tried to organize a union. A lot of people were against it cause we were dealing with sick people. I don’t see it that way. If you are tired from overwork, you will make mistakes and that hurts the patient. I felt if we had a union, we could get more help to take care of the patients.'

Still other women responded in terms of more specific needs. 110 'I got fired once. I was going to have a baby and I didn't know what was wrong with me. I was real sick. I went to the doctor and he felt I should take a week off cause I was spotting. I called off and brought in the doctor's excuse. Because I didn't follow the right procedure, I got this notice saying I was terminated. I called my shop steward and he got the union to straighten out the mess. The union got my job back.'

A woman who is raising her four children alone responded;

'About three years ago, my son got real sick and needed a lot of hospital care. I was working as a sales clerk and we didn't have a union. No benefits at all. I panicked. I had to quit my job and go on welfare to get the assistance to pay the hospital bills. I swore I would never let that happen again.'

The belief in unionism was also reflected when I asked the women what surprised them most about their jobs in the steel mill. Many answered in terms of the benefits provided by the union. Most often cited was treat­ ment by the supervisors.

'I always thought if the boss told you to do something you had to do it . . . regardless . . . There were a lot of things they (foremen) had me doing that I wasn't suppose to do. The union man came over and said "you don't have to do that. Anything that is not your job, you don't have to do." That's why we have a union.'

Another woman reported;

'On my old job, I was always afraid of my boss. If I didn't do what he said, I could lose my job. It's not like that in the mill. Once the foreman wanted me to do a job without the proper safety equipment. I said "no" and called over my steward. I didn't have to start the job until they brought me the right stuff.' Ill

Perhaps the most dramatic response came from a woman

who has been employed by the steel company since before

the union.

'Before the union came, they worked you harder and they treated you like you weren't human. They never called you by name, they just sissed at you like you were a cat. When the union came in, I said I got it made. Before, if they didn't want you, they gave you the dirtiest jobs. I couldn't stand it. One day the boss told me "you are going to find yourself outside the mill." I cried at home. I hated it. It was terrible under those conditions. I said, "when you are ready to throw me out of this mill, you are doing me a favor." After that they never bothered me. If they could find someone to pick on, someone to buffalo, they would do it. I was scared. I cried. I had nightmares, that I would make a mistake and lose my job. You don't know how happy I was when that union came. They couldn't push you around like they did. I'd say that was one of the best things, having a union. It was rough before . . . many a girl cried; many of them quit cause they couldn't take it no more. Hey, they were rough on you.'

Historically, it has been argued that women were more

difficult to organize than men. Because women were seen

as temporary workers or as secondary wage earners, it was

often assumed that women could not see the value of unions.

Chafe (1972:68) contends that the major industrial unions

virtually ignored the possibility of organizing women workers.

Many believed that women were mere transients in the labor

force and had no serious commitment to collective organiza­

tions . The prevalent view at that time was that women

sought employment for pin money and had no lasting sense of 112

group consciousness. Also women were viewed as overworked

because of their double burden of housework and factory

work and, therefore, lacking the interest, time or energy

for union activity.

The women I interviewed did not see their jobs as

temporary. Only two women reported they did not think they

would be working in the mill five years from now. Most

reported that they worked because of economic necessity. Yet,

there is still widespread sentiment among many of their male

co-workers and among company officials that the women are

taking jobs away from men who need to support families.

I will discuss how the women respond to this sentiment in

the next chapter.

I found no evidence that would suggest that women did not value the benefits and protection afforded by union membership. Only one woman ever held a previous job that was unionized. Therefore, the majority of women have a concrete basis to compare the advantages of unionization.

Evaluation of Union Performance

Like most workers, women believed that having a union was a good thing. This does not, however, insure that workers will participate in union activities. It is my contention that a worker would have to see the usefulness of participation. She or he would have to believe that their participation would make a difference. I asked the women to evaluate the performance of the union. There was much 113 less agreement on this question than the preceding one.

Some women were critical of the union's unwillingness to take a more militant stance and complained that the union had become complacent and out of touch with the rank and file.

'In the union there are a few that will go all the way, if you are right. And then there are a few that let it ride and won't back you up but to a certain extent. When it comes to straight-out fighting, there are a few that won't just straight fight. And then there are a few in there who will stick with you till you get what you want and make sure you got what you started out to get.'

A woman delegate to the International Convention of the

USWA reported;

'A lot of union officials have forgotten the golden rule of organizing . . . you must work from the bottom-up. If you don't under­ stand what it's like for the average worker, you can't be a good union official.'

Another woman delegate said;

'I decided to run for office because the old officers didn't care anymore about the workers. They were leaning towards management and we decided to turn that around.'

A third woman delegate commented;

'The union is not responsive to workers in general, let alone women. There is a gap between the rank and file and the leadership. I doubt any changes will happen with the present leadership. We need fresh blood.'

Women delegates at the USWA convention were more likely to be critical of the union for being out of touch with the rank and file than the women in the local in this study. 114

At the local level the women seemed more concerned

about the local's ability to resolve grievances.

'This local doesn't seem to get anything done. I know people who filed grievances two years ago and still haven't heard anything.'

Another woman was concerned about the amount of political expediency involved in the grievance procedure.

'Some of the grievance men will tell a worker they have a good case when I know damn well they don't. I've overheard this happen many a time. The union official is only interested in getting re-elected not with the merits of the case.'

Some of the women complained about "too much politics" and "in-fighting." One woman reported;

'I went to a couple of meetings but they all seemed the same. The same people said the same things over and over. It seemed too cliquish. They fight too much.'

Another woman was upset about what she called "squabbles" that occurred when new officers had replaced the old ones.

'There was so much fighting when _____ took office. The old group wouldn't give him a chance. They kept heckling. They were poor losers. I stood up and told them that my six year old knows how to behave better than that.'

The most active women tended to be critical of the union's unresponsiveness to the worker's needs. Women who were less active seemed more concerned about cliques and in-fighting.

Actually the "in-fighting" is seen by activists as a dynamic part of the decision-making process that insures that more than one opinion is heard. Cliques 115 are sometimes seen as an informal two-party system. Within limits the seasoned trade unionist views this as healthy.

A veteran trade union leader told me;

'There are two sides to every issue. Most workers who don't come around the union hall see our differences as in-fighting among cliques. I call it understanding the two sides. This makes the process more democratic.'

Some of the women may be misinterpreting the politics

of union participation because they are not aware of the unwritten rules and informal practices of union decision­ making.

Prior Experience with Unions

Only one of the women I interviewed had any prior experience with unions. Like most women in the population, the women steel workers had previous jobs in the unorganized sector of the labor market. Roughly about one out of eight working women in the United States is a member of a trade union

(1975 Handbook on Women Workers:76 ). One would not expect that very many women would have prior experience in unions.

Most of the women, however, come from families where at least one other member had prior experience in unions.

Nearly all of the women interviewed reported a member of their family employed in the steel industry, either in the same mill or in another mill in the area. Those who did not reported that some member of their family was employed in an organized industry. 116

Many of the women activists who were delegates to

the USWA convention reported that they were from active

union families. One woman told me;

'My boyfriend and my brothers are very active in their union, the United Mine Workers. We talk union talk all the time. They laugh and tell me, what kind of union (USWA) is that. We aren't as tough as the miners.'

A woman delegate who worked in basic steel told me her

father was a very active trade unionist and that he was proud of her activities. Another delegate said;

'We need the union. I come from a strong union background. My family are miners. They taught me early that the company would run all over you if you didn't support the union.'

I asked one delegate, why did you get involved in the union?

'My father was a union man, so I knew the value of having a union. I joined as soon as I was eligible. My family has always been in the movement. My brother is on the staff (USWA) and my sister is active in her local. My family were immi­ grants . . . believe me they knew the im­ portance of the union. They (the company) thought they could get away with anything.'

Finally an older woman member of the local who is involved in a federal court sex discrimination suit against the steel company told me;

'My dad was a union man and we lived in a coal town. They used to bring in scabs from Kentucky to break up the union. The company chased our whole family out of that town cause my dad didn't want to break the union.'

I asked her if she had seen the movie Harlan County and we got into a long discussion about how the coal companies 117

treated the workers. I asked if the women participated in

the organizing efforts in her mining town.

'I went through that (scenes from Harlan County). They burn down your barn; they burn down your chicken coup. The women ran the soup kitchen for them on strike. We threw rotten eggs at the mounties and chased after the scabs. Big crowds would go down to the union hall and we'd have a speaker. The women all stuck together.'

The women activists tended to come from families who were or still are active in the trade union movement. On

the other hand there is some evidence to suggest that

family members with negative attitudes about the usefulness of participation may exert an influence against participation.

A woman who used to attend union meetings before she was married reported;

'I used to go to union meetings before I got married. My husband (who also works in the mill), told me it was a waste of time. He has several grievances that have never been resolved and now he thinks it's a waste to get involved. I go along with him now.'

Despite the fact that most of the women steel workers had little or no prior union experience, the women who participated either came from families with a history of union participation or from families with no previous union experience. There seemed to be some data suggesting that women from families that viewed union participation as use­ less, participate less or not at all. 118

Attitude of Union Officials

I interviewed eight union officials of the local.

The positions they held were both elected and appointed.

Not all were members of the executive board.

Most of the union officials believed that women

work in the mill because they need the money. This was in agreement with the reasons that most of the women gave for seeking employment in the mill. One union official told me;

'I am surprised that the women in the community didn't come down harder and force the issue sooner.'

When I asked him why he thought the women were slow to act, he attributed it to the fact that most people in the community believe that the mill is a man's world. "They raised their daughters to believe that the mill is no place for a lady."

Since the company officials would not agree to be interviewed, I asked the union officials, what the attitude of the company was concerning the hiring of women.

'The attitude of the company was semi- resistent. They saw women as not being able to do a man's job.'

'In the beginning the company felt that they were being forced into something they didn't want. Now, they are more accept­ ing. They believe that the women are here to stay. '

I was told unofficially by a foreperson that the company did not believe that women would be interested in job 119 openings. "We never expected them to even apply." A retired foreperson told me, "I was shocked that women would even want to work in the mill. I know this might sound like prejudice, but my idea of a woman is a step above a steel worker."

I also asked union officials if they felt that the company ever deliberately made it more difficult for women in order to discourage their employment. Only one believed this was the case. Most said "no", and one said that it might have been done on an individual basis but not as a group.

This is at great variance with what the women told me.

I did not originally ask if they were discouraged from taking the job by company officials. However, when I asked about how their job interviews were handled, many reported that they felt the company was trying to discourage them.

'The guy that I was interviewed by tried to talk me out of it. Like, he said, "Do you think you can handle a job like this? You are going to be working around some very vicious people."'

Another woman said;

'At the interview it seemed like they were trying to discourage you. They kept saying how it was going to be hard work. You were going to have to put up with a lot, especially working with men. It seemed that way to me. They kept emphasizing the harassment from men.'

I asked one woman what happened at the interview. 120

'Three separate men interviewed me. They asked if I was afraid to lift things. You know it is going to involve hard work and you are going to run into certain problems. They kept stressing that the men didn't want the women in there and they would be rough on me. One man went into all the details. When I left I was a little scared about beginning a job in the mill.'

Other women reported that they were given the most

difficult job assignments during their first two weeks in

the plant. Some women said that they never worked harder

than during the first couple of weeks. One woman was

given a job assignment on a non-existent crew.

'I went in on a Sunday and was put on a labor gang. There is no labor gang on week-ends. I didn't know what to do. It was very discouraging. At the interview I was told that I would be lifting 100 lb. bags. He wanted you to say, I can't.'

The women I talked to at the USWA convention and who were not members of this local, reported that racism was

sometimes used to discourage women. Some white women were

told at interviews that they would have to work with black men and asked if they were sure they could handle this. One woman was told that it was not a good idea to bid on a particular job, because it would put her in a department with black men and they would not know how to act around her.

Finally, I was told by one woman who was working as a janitor in the main office that she had seen a note on the scheduler's pad that read: "Women must go; they have to go."

Another woman reported that her husband who also worked a

janitor's job in the big office saw similar sentiments on 121 an office memo that had been thrown in the waste can.

Regardless of how the company responds, there

seems to be a widespread feeling among the women that at

one point or another, company officials appear to be

discouraging their employment. Union officials do not seem

to be aware of how the women feel.

I also asked the union officials how the other male

workers in the mill responded to the hiring of women.

'You heard things like; we are getting those broads on the gang now; broads are coming to work in the mill and they are going to have preference over us; maybe I can get a good- looking helper.'

Has this attitude changed over time?

'Yes, nothing to it now. Regardless of what they say amongst themselves, when it comes down to working with a woman, it's a different story. There are still some who think it's a man's mill.'

I asked another union official how the men in his

department reacted to women.

'I work in a small (8) department. Nothing was said pro or con; they seemed to accept it.'

What about the men outside of your department?

'Some of those who are hollering the most about the women are the same ones who don't appreciate the blacks and other minorities achieving goals greater than theirs. This is not everybody. You see almost everybody in here comes from one class, one working class. We are more or less on the same level. We have some bigots and we got some klansmen in the mill, but there are enough non-minorities in the mill that will not stand for a whole lot of this crap. The ones who would want to go into it are afraid to show their hand.' 122 Another union official responded;

'Wow, at first there was a lot of resentment. Why don’t they go home where they belong; they can't do a man's work; they are taking a man's job; they can't lift . . . a long list of can'ts.'

I asked, why do you think they felt that way?

'A man is often threatened by a woman who holds her own as an individual. Once they go there though . . . if they were pretty nice-looking, I notice she doesn't have to work. Four or five guys will be • doing her work for her, which is not good. Some ladies that don't look so good are holding their own.'

Yet two union officials believe that the men were not upset

by the employment of women in the mill. One told me,

"The men were glad to see it . . . they break their necks

to help." Another said, "Overall the atmosphere has changed.

The men don't swear as much . . . they treat the women as

ladies and I think they should."

Next I asked, how the union official personally felt

about the employment of women in the steel plant. One man

told me;

'I have mixed emotions about it. Given the employment picture in this country, I feel jobs should go first to heads of the family rather than to movements (women and blacks). The society is based on the family. Of course, the union doesn't have any say about who gets hired. This is just ray personal feeling.'

Another said;

'Personally I think it's fine. There are some mighty fine women working in the mill. Some are good workers and try really hard and others don't. It's the same way with the men.' 123

There are some union officials who believe that the mill is

not the place for women, but say they are willing to back

them up.

'The mill really isn't a place for women. It really isn't. She is exposed to slang and then there are some jobs women can't perform. Instead of placing women in all the plush jobs and causing the men to come up in arms about it, they should put the women in the coke plant . . . up on the battery. If they were put in the hard work areas, the men would see it and say that's not fair and the men themselves would bring her do w n . '

An official in another local said, "I don't think women

should be in the mill, but if they get in trouble, the

union will back her up 100 percent." Another said, "It

doesn't bother me to see a woman there. I hate to see women

get the nasty jobs or the jobs they haven't been trained for."

One official said;

'You hear even among union officials in the mill that women are taking jobs that should possibly go to one of the young men getting out of school who need to raise a family. They miss completely the fact that many women have to take care of families too . . . that some men have walked away and left. I believe the women should have the right to make that buck too.'

Finally this;

'The women haven't given the company any trouble. They have good work records. They don't shack-up with the troops.'

I also asked male union officials if they thought women were as interested in union activities as men. Some thought that women were not. 124

’Women are not as interested. They went in for the money. They don't understand unionism. In this area you are not brought up to be unionized. Very few of the women have ever been in a union. They could care less about what happens. I think over time you will see more women taking an interest, which is a good thing.'

Another official said;

'No. Women don't have the experience with the union. For them the job is a big emotional adjustment. Getting used to the atmosphere is of more concern than the actual job conditions. Also the women are young and younger workers participate less.'

Two of the officials felt that there was no difference in the level of union interest between men and women.

'Women don't participate any more then the men do. People are lazy, no not lazy, complacent. When they come to a meeting, instead of trying to understand the procedure that has to be followed . . . if they can't get their point across the minute the gavel hits, they get resentful, mad and walk out. Nobody wants to take the time. They let others do it for them. Everywhere you go, it's the same thing.'

Another said;

'Not that many of the women seem interested in union activities. ' The few that are interested are very interested. Of course not that many men are. Out of 5,000 men about 80 come to meetings. Sometimes we have a half a dozen of women who come. Proportionately women do parti­ cipate. '

Women activists in the local also point out the fact that if just a few women attend, then proportionately there is representation. In addition to the male union officials of the local, I also asked women union officials who were delegates at the USWA convention whether women were active in their locals. 125

A woman delegate from basic steel reported;

'Very few women participate. They have other things to do like taking care of their families. Some are frustrated and disillusioned. They feel they have no real input.'

Another delegate from basic steel said;

'No they are too busy with their families. The only thing they are interested in is the money. I belong to my rank and file group and I try to get more women to come. But they won't. What can I do? You can't force them to come.'

A woman delegate, not from basic steel, but from an industry where women have only recently been hired, also commented;

'Women are too busy with the home. They won't or can't make the sacrifices necessary to do union work.'

The women delegates who were elected from locals where women were not a small minority reported a different assess­ ment of women's participation. A woman hospital worker said;

'The women are more interested than the men. You can count on women for support. They come to the meetings. They give up the time it takes. '

A woman delegate from a local where women are in the majority reported;

'At first women did not participate. Most were fearful that they would lose their jobs. The gal who tried to organize before, lost her job. Union was a dirty word. Once the women understood what kind of protec­ tion the union could offer, they were willing to sign the union card. Believe me there was a lot of sneaking around. We would tuck our cards down in our bras . . . nothing the company could do about that (laugh). Without the women, we couldn't have done it.' 126

I asked her if the participation of women continued once the union was recognized.

'Now, not as many women participated as I would like. The biggest obstacle is lack of education . . . that's responsible for low interest . . . they just don't under­ stand what's happening to them or how the union can help.'

A woman technical worker from a woman majority local responded;

'Women ask more questions and seek explanations even if they can't come to a meeting. They were very active in our last strike. Men don't ask questions . . . I guess they figure they can find out afterwards. Even though there are more women than men in the local, we used to have mostly male officers. Now there are more women officers and that has changed the character of the meetings . . . not as much shouting, swearing or pounding on the table.'

In general, women delegates from locals with a very small proportion of women viewed the interest level of other women in their local as low. Women delegates from locals where there was a large proportion of women viewed their participation as somewhat higher. Male union officials from the local tended to see the interest level of women as low. Primarily they attributed low interest to the fact that the women had no prior experience in unions and, therefore, did not understand the value of a union. While it is true that the women did not have prior experience in unions, the data strongly suggests that this does not serve to diminish the value of having a union. If anything, this tends to heighten the value of the union. As one woman put it; "Believe me, I know the importance of the union from 127

working in an unorganized place. I know the difference."

I also attempted to gauge the attitude of the

local union officials about the consent decree. I

felt that in part this would serve as the barometer of

their commitment to the elimination of discrimination

within the steel industry.

Criticism of the consent decree was leveled from two

different directions. Several officials believed it did

not go far enough.

'The consent decree was a way of getting the union and the company off the hook. The individuals involved should have followed the suits through the courts. The EEOC was doing a better job. I don't think it has broken up the old patterns.'

Another official said;

'If discrimination was settled on an individual level, the company would have had to come up with some big bucks . . . big dough. As it is they did it the hipest way they could think.'

I asked if there were any benefits;

'Right now, you can't see any benefits in the mill. It was set up to benefit the minorities coming into the mill in the future, if they get hired. The company is still playing games. They have a quota to fill and they fill it as they see fit. Especially with blacks, they are not hiring.'

One official was critical of the design of the decree.

'It is so complicated that I can't figure it out. That thing is so fouled up, I just don't know. There was a lot of bitterness behind it. Most just said to hell with it.'

Another argued it goes too far; 128 'It was tough getting through. It doesn't broaden seniority rights; it makes them more narrow. It's complicated the system. Maybe in the long run it will be better. I don't like government intervention. It's totalitarian.'

Finally, an official who worked closely with implementa- ion of the decree said;

'It's working, most of the sting is gone. You got to remember when you pioneer something, you run into difficulties. Some benefited; a few got hurt. It gives minori­ ties a better shot but they are still re­ stricted. '

Most of the union officials associate the consent decree with minorities and with the seniority aspects. No official denied that there were racist practices in the steel industry. Few, however, related the decree to women's rights. I had to ask if they specifically felt that women faced any special types of problems on the job because they were women. Most said no. Some did mention the lack of proper restroom facilities and one cited a case of sexual harassment. There seems to be a feeling on the part of union officials that the women are being given special treatment on the job. The women deny this and in the next chapter, I will outline their specific concerns.

The union officials were aware of the nature of chang­ ing sex roles and most felt that women deserved equal pay and better job opportunities. They were more sympathetic toward divorced women who they saw as needing the job in order to raise a family. They were most critical of husband and wife teams who worked in the mill. They were seen as 129

"money grabbers." Most said they would vote for the ERA and that they would like to see more women run for public office.

Many complained that parts of the women's movement were too extreme. When pressed to give examples no one could remember any. One official assured me that when he did remember an example, he would not be afraid to let me know.

While it is not clear from the specific remarks I have quoted ,the union officials were very cautious about expressing the fact that some workers have special problems.

They can all give examples of how racism has affected the opportunities for black workers in the plant. However, when black workers protest, the officials see it as divisive and as a demand for special treatment. Likewise, they did not see a need for a women's committee or caucus within the local. They feel that the Civil Rights Committee of the local can handle any problems that might arise. As one worker put it, "we don't need outsiders to tell us what to do; we can handle it; we don't need a women's lib group."

There is tension between the need to keep a united front at the bargaining table and the need to insure that all workers regardless of race, sex, nationality or religious belief are given full representation. As one official put it, "the company does its damnedest to keep us at each other's throats. They turn our racism against us." It appeared to 130 me at times that the need for unity was used as an excuse for neglicting the problems of race and sex discrimination.

Blacks and women were not trying to destroy the union, only to make it more responsive.

To summarize, this chapter contained my findings on union related features and union participation. I have attempted to illustrate the role of the union in facilita­ ting women's participation.

I found that the majority of women held a strong belief in the value and benefits of union membership. The partici­ pants tended to belong to families with a history of union participation.

Critical evaluation of union performance was not a sufficient determinant of union participation. More impor­ tant was the belief that participation would make a differ­ ence.

I found that union officials had accepted the employ­ ment of women in the steel industry. However, they tended to believe that the women were better treated by supervisors and workers than the women reported. Union officials also tended to view issues of sex-discrimination as a claim on the part of women for special treatment. They held similar beliefs about the issue of racism. 131

Male union officials were more likely to view women as being interested in union activities than female union officials. Male officials were also less likely to cite gender differences as reasons for participation or lack of participation.

Finally, women reported that they knew who the union officials were and how to contact them if they encountered problems on the job. Most said that they had been encouraged to attend union meetings by officials CHAPTER SIX

WOMEN'S MOVEMENT FEATURES

The final category of variables to be examined in rela­

tionship to women's participation is women's movement-related

features. This includes: perception of sex discrimination

on the job; in the union; in society; identification with

goals or objectives of women's movement; attitudes toward

the women's movement; and character of relationships with other women workers in the plant.

It is my contention that consciousness about sex dis­ crimination, positive sense of solidarity with other women workers, identification with the goals and objectives of

the women's movement and positive attitude toward the women's movement will increase the likelihood of union participation.

The notion of participation has been expanded to incor­ porate participatory forms that are not prescribed by union rules, regulations, or traditional practices. These forms I have labelled alternative participatory forms including, among other things, organizing activity directed toward the development of women's caucuses or collectives within the bounds of the trade union movement.

Freeman (1975) provides an analytic framework to ex­ plain the emergence of social movements. It is within that

framework, that I will attempt to analyze the potential

132 133 for women's participation in trade unions and in the general

trade union movement.

Freeman (1975:48-49) identifies three key factors

necessary for the emergence of social movements. The first

is the presence of a preexisting communications network.

This network is the link between the members that facilitate

the spread of movement ideas and movement activity. The

second factor deals with the character of the network. The

network must be cooptable to the new ideas of the incipient movement. ". . .it must be composed of like-minded

people predisposed to be receptive to the particular

ideas of a new movement through their own backgrounds,

experiences, or location in the social structure." (Freeman,

1975:48). The third element in her scheme involves the existence of strain or crisis that will serve to galvanize

the network into action. If the network is not well

formed, the crisis will not be enough to stimulate activity.

"If such networks are no more than embryonically developed or only partially cooptable, the potentially active individuals in them must be linked together by someone." (Freeman, 1975:

69). This someone is the movement organizers.

It is Freeman's contention that there must first be a preexisting network that serves to link potential participants, that the network must be cooptable to new ideas and that a condition of strain or crisis must be present.

Movement organizers may serve as the lightning rod in the absence of a specific precipatory crisis. 134

Freeman's framework may be useful in understanding

women's participation in trade unions. Particularly the

type of participation that is directed toward social

change.

On a local basis the women steel workers are brought

together in a network by virtue of their membership in the

local and by their employment in the same plant. While women

are small in number in a large environment, there is oppor­

tunity for them to meet. There appears to be some segre­

gation of women in certain departments which increases

possibilities for interaction. In addition, women on the

same shift share dressing facilities.

This network is at best rudimentary. However, it does

serve as a possible mechanism capable of linking potential women participants. So does activity in union affairs.

Those women who do come to union meetings or functions may also in the process form a network. Whether either network

is cooptable is a matter for empirical investigation.

In general, I am using Freeman's scheme in two ways.

The existence of a communications network, its cooptability, and the precipitating crisis or presence of an organizer may serve to bring women to participation in trade union politics, and to participation in special union forms developed to bring about change. 135

Perceptions of Sex Discrimination

Do the women believe that they experience sex dis­ crimination and if so what role does this play in explain­ ing union participation? I asked the question two ways.

During the pre-test of the questionnaire, I discovered that the term discrimination carried a slightly different mean­ ing for the respondents, particularly for respondents who did not participate in union activities.

There was a tendency to associate the term discrimina­ tion with black workers and often in ways I had not anti­ cipated. Three different women asked me to explain what I meant by discrimination. They were reluctant to recognize some of what they experienced on the job as discrimination.

Their reasoning was influenced by racist sentiments.

They saw discrimination as "illegitimate complaints" by black workers to get out of doing the job. One women told me;

'Discrimination, discrimination, but they are leaving out qualification. Some people say, I am black. I am woman. I am foreign born, give me a job. They get in and ride this wave instead of knuckling down.'

Another woman said;

'Discrimination. That's what all the blacks around here say. If they are asked to do one thing, they cry discrimination.'

Two women believed that while there once was discrimination, it had now been eliminated through the consent decree. One woman claimed that the mill had enough women already (about 136

60 out of 5,000) and it was time to do something for the white male.

This kind of a response was by far the minority opinion

I did, however, change the format of the questionnaire.

Earlier in the interview I asked the women if they ever

felt that they had been unfairly treated because they were women. Later I asked if they ever experienced sex discrim­ ination,or if women and men were treated differently on the

job. The rephrasing elicited a variety of responses.

Many women but particularly those who were active in their union cited job assignments and lack of training as one manifestation of discrimination. One woman told me;

'I placed a bid for an apprenticeship program. I failed the mechanical aspect of the aptitude test that would qualify me for the job. I had to convince the company that failure on the aptitude test did not nec­ essarily disqualify me for the apprenticeship. I explained that women are not given the opportunity to become familiar with mechanical principles. I threatened that I felt I was being discriminated against. They let me into the program. My work on the job was termed "above average" by my supervisors and my average in my school work is 89 (70 is passing).'

A woman delegate to the USWA convention responded;

'My company is the only one that didn't sign the consent decree. The higher up jobs are closed to women. When a woman gets one, she is placed in the most difficult and detested jobs. It's their tactic to dis­ courage women.'

Another woman delegate said; 137

'There are certain jobs women are not allowed to qualify for. Overall the company will fire women more quickly if they make a mistake. They will give women the heaviest jobs to ensure she'll mess up or else they pair women together. The company tries to keep women in lower classified jobs and refuses to train women. They keep them as helpers.'

Another delegate said there were no women supervisors in her plant and that women were not found in the higher paid occupations within the plant. A woman hospital worker from the South and a convention delegate reported;

'Women do not get the same pay as men doing the same job. Just right now we brought up the issue at our last meeting. Sex discrimination is a serious problem. These women have families to support. Oh, boy, if you only knew.'

I then asked if her local planned to do anything about the situation.

'Nothing special. It's different in the South. We have to stick together because the anti-union feeling is so strong. Unity is more important than special interest. You don't want to be accused of castrating the men. '

A woman delegate, outside of basic steel, gave this response to the question about sex discrimination;

'God yes, you better believe it. When we were assembling Venetian blinds the majority of workers were women. When the plant retooled to heavy equipment more and more men were hired. Now they are the majority. Some jobs were not opened up to women at all. The civil rights act changed things. They eventually had to open bids for women. Now it's the law.'

Women in the local reported that the foremen were not telling them when the jobs they were eligible to request 138

became open. Two women reported that they had to "bump" men with less seniority for jobs they were entitled to.

Other women felt they had been assigned jobs as helpers

to men who were openly hostile about women working in

the plant.

Some women delegates at the USWA convention met

informally to begin discussions oh the possibility of establishing some type of women's forum within the Inter­ national Union. They discussed some of the patterns of discrimination that they felt were prevalent in the steel

industry. The discussion involved 8 women, all from basic steel. One woman pointed out the use of the official job guidelines by management to discourage women and create hostility among the men.

'The rules were tightened specifically for women and the men lost some of the informal privileges won over the years. There was an informal agreement between the men working the blast furnace that they could exchange assign­ ments, if they didn't want to work a specific job that day. They traded jobs and took turns. In the rush to prove that women can't do the j ob the company came down hard and stupid allowing the workers to take turns. They showed us the rules from the book. This caused a lot of resentment toward the women. I think the company knew it would.'

Another woman expressed her concern that the company was taking measures to ensure that the consent decree would fail.

'They pick women for certain jobs that they know in advance will wash-out. Placement is not done according to ability or aptitude. In order to fill the quotas, they pick women 139

off the street rather than a woman already in the mill who has a little experience. They build in failure.'

Lack of job training, job assignments and job advancement

were the items most often cited by women activists as

examples of sex discrimination. An issue cited by both

active and in-active union members was pregnancy leave and

benefits.

Two women in the local who were the first to request

pregnancy benefits told similar stories. Both became pregnant

during a long lay-off and when they were called back to work,

the company attempted to discourage their employment. One

of the women told me;

. 'While I was pregnant I got called back to work. I was four months pregnant. They (co.) told us we couldn't come back to work. My mother works in the company office and she told me what to do, you go and get a doctor's excuse. I went to the doctor and he wrote a note saying I could work. They called my doctor on the phone, the guys from the mill, after I left their office. The doctor called my mother and said they told him I would be lift­ ing big cans and pushing wheelbarrows, things you wouldn't ordinarily do. I didn't do that before I was pregnant.'

She went on to say that her supervisor told her that his

boss had called him personally and said to make it hard

on her. She was also discouraged from collecting

the insurance benefits, which she eventually received.

About the whole experience she said;

'They didn't know I knew my rights. A lot of girls don't know their rights. . . then you take a lot of things you don't have to take. ' 140 Another woman reported that the company had also phoned her doctor saying that she would be lifting heavy weights.

She told me ;

'I didn’t want to be treated as a baby or an invalid. I knew I could do the work. I was highly upset. I had been laid-off for nearly a year and I wanted to get back to work. I told the doctor I would use my own judgment. I wouldn't even try something I thought I couldn't handle. The doctor agreed to write the letter saying I could work. He told the company he felt I should not be sent to the coke plant. The company said they would not accept any restrictions whatsoever. They sent me to the coke plant.'

The company now has a standard policy regarding pregnancy.

A woman is allowed to work until a doctor stipulates and must return six weeks after the baby is born, unless the woman has a doctor's excuse. Compensation is paid for six weeks. A woman must work at whatever job she is assigned during her pregnancy.

There does not seem to be a uniform pregnancy policy within the steel industry. At a large plant in a major midwestern city, women reported that they were forced to take voluntary sick leave as soon as it became known that they were pregnant. A voluntary leave makes the worker ineligible for sick leave and insurance benefits. One woman said that without the benefits she could not afford to care for the two children she already had at home. The wait for welfare benefits was three months. She felt she had been forced to have an abortion she did not want in order to save her job. 141

I later asked how the company knew who was pregnant.

'Mostly by rumor. You know, someone tells their girl friend and soon everybody knows. If they suspect you're pregnant, they force you to have a pregnancy test done at the clinic in the plant. In some cases it is only rumor and the woman is not pregnant.'

Have you tried to challenge that as invasion of privacy?

'Yes, but it's a lot of work. We went back through the union records to find out which women would be willing to file a court suit. They were afraid if they did, they would lose their job. It also costs a lot of money.'

The pregnancy issue is perhaps the one issue that generates the most reaction. The recent Supreme Court ruling denying women compensation for pregnancy leave was a pivotal crisis situation that sparked the development of a women's caucus in one large metropolitan area. In the next chapter,

I will explore the ramifications of that decision.

Other issues frequently cited by the women were inade­ quate and unlocked dressing facilities. Also tools and equipment are sometimes ill designed for use by women and pose a safety hazard. In one plant the company took the position that because they do not have to provide locks for male facilities, they do not have to provide them for women. Men co-workers bought and installed locks for the women. Another company wanted men and women to use the same bathrooms and again refused to provide locks.

In the absence of extensive day-care facilities in this country, shift work presents a problem for working mothers. 142

Some women deliberately stay in low paying entry level

jobs to insure that they can work a steady shift with

week-ends off. A sick child also creates problems. One

woman reported that she called off work for three days

because her small child was hospitalized. She was given a

write-up slip (discipline notice) for calling-off. It

was the first and only time she had done so. Calling-off

is often done for fishing trips or football week-ends with­

out disciplinary action being taken.

In addition to the structural features of discrimina­

tion are the emotional tension and psychological strain often

with physical consequences. A woman delegate at the USWA

convention said she felt that women were under a tremendous

amount of pressure to prove they could do the work. She used

her own experience to illustrate the point.

'While I was working on the lids (coke ovens) I was told to move these 100 lb. lead boxes. I wanted to prove that I could do it. That all women could do it. After the third lift, I ripped open my intestines and had to be rushed to the hospital. It took surgery and a three-month recovery period. What I didn't know at the time was that no man would have lifted that much weight. They would have asked for a helper or simply refused.'

Another woman in the room relates a similar story but with

a different approach.

'I was told to lift these heavy chemical barrels from the flatbed. I said I didn't think I could do it but he kept insisting. I pushed the barrel over. I thought if I can't do it. I'll fuck it up. I didn't realize it was explosive. Fortunately nothing happened but the foreman did bring help. I learned this tactic from watching the men.' 143

A woman, with twenty years experience in the mill, angrily stated;

'If those bastards try that trick again, tell them where to shove it. Men never put up with this shit.'

On the local level, I heard over and over again, "I have to work double;" "I put in two parts to their one;"

"You have to prove yourself over and over again" or "You are always being watched." The attitude of male workers often creates an added burden. Women often hear; "The mill is no place for women;" "You are taking a job away from a man who needs the money to raise a family;" "Women don't do their share of the work;" "Women get the easy jobs cause they flirt with the foremen." Sometimes their sex­ uality is called into question. One woman said, "If you are too nice, you are a whore; if you aren't nice enough you're gay."

Accepting help or assistance from a male worker is sometimes difficult to judge. One woman said;

'At first, everytime I started to do something, they said come here. Let me show you how. Then they would do it and you wouldn't get the experience, so gradually, at first I let them show me how and then I'd say let me try first and if I have trouble. I'll let you help me. You are under so much pressure. If you walk out of the shanty and you are carrying this heavy bucket, the other workers come along and say, how come you let her carry all that. You should be carrying that for her. But if you let them help you, someone else says see that, you're doing all her work.' 144

The most common response of women to these types of pressures

is to ignore them. One woman said, "There are people in

the mill who think the mill is no place for women. That's

fine, they are entitled to their opinion, but it doesn't

stop me from working." Some women do respond;

'This one boy said to me and another woman, that we were taking away jobs from men. I said, no we aren't. The mill has to hire women. It's the law. If they didn't hire us, they would have had to hire some other women, so we aren't taking a job away from a. man. We are taking the jobs that would have to go to some other women.'

In response to the same charge two other women said, "I say,

listen you had the opportunities long before we did," and

"You have my job, I tell them, you got in when we couldn't."

In addition to the daily pressures of sexist attitudes,

the women also face problems of sexual harassment on the job.

The topic of sexual harassment on the job has only recently re­ ceived notice from the popular press. A recent issue of

MS Magazine (November, 1977) featured a cover story concerning

sexual harassment. Harragan (1977) in a book about the survival of women in the business world revealed that "more women are refused employment, fired, or forced to quit salaried jobs as the result of sexual demands and the rami­ fications thereof than for any other single case."(MS, 1977:

50) .

This article goes on to cite a Redbook questionnaire in which 88% of some 9,000 replies gave evidence of sexual harassment on the job (MS, 1977:50). Nurses, secretaries. 145

factory workers, federal employees, college students,

and business executives all reported incidences of sexual

coercion.

. . . the women who are hardest hit by sexual harassment on the job are waitresses, clerical workers, and factory workers— women who are poorly paid to begin with and who cannot afford to quit their jobs (and are often heads of families, supporting themselves and their children on small salaries), or do not have the resources to pursue costly court cases. (MS, 1970:74).

A recent phone-in talk show on T.V. featured two women who have helped to develop an organization to handle the problems of sexual harassment. The phone-in audience, some in tears, reported their personal experiences. One woman who had started a small business reported that she was often offered free samples of merchandise from suppliers.

The samples were never at the trade exhibits but in the suppliers' hotel rooms. Another woman was fired because she refused to accept expensive presents from her boss.

A secretary, who refused open sexual advances from her boss, lost her job. The boss said he had complaints from clients that she was not answering the phone "properly." Finally, a woman clearly upset called in and said that having sex with her boss was the only way she could keep the job which she needed to support her children. The show obviously struck a responsive cord in the home audience.

In Boston an organization called Alliance Against

Sexual Coercion opened its doors to the victims of sexual 146 harassment in June of 1977. If offers legal and counseling referrals, and information on unemployment eligibility to victims of sexual coercion. In New York, the Working

Women United Institute is contacting labor unions, women's groups and other local organizations to tackle the issue of sexual harassment in the work place (MS, 1977:49).

The instances of sexual harassment reported below are a composite of instances I have collected across the country from women steel workers. They represent all areas of the country.

By far the most often reported cases involved harass­ ment by a foreman. One woman told me;

'Last summer this foreman kept bugging me to go out with him. I refused. He stuck me in some of the dirtiest jobs. He put me in the oil pits. They had to lower me in this narrow hole. I was scared to death. I was new in the mill and I was petrified. I had to remove the oil with buckets. It must have been 110 down there. I came up crying; I was really scared. I was off the next two days but when I came back, he put me on the same job. Usually when you start a job the next crew on the next shift finishes it. You see, he saved it for me to finish after my days o f f . '

Another woman reported;

'One foreman used to say, come work for my crew. You can sit in the office all day. Sure, I thought but what would I have to give in return.'

Some women reported a more direct approach;

'Once a foreman grabbed my boob, under eight layers of thermal underwear. It scared the shit out of me, cause the doors on the trailers aren't locked. What do you do. When 147

it happens, it's a strange thing. At first you think, he doesn't know he is doing it or he didn't mean it . . . but he knew.'

One incident had a racist edge to it. A white woman told me;

'One day I caught a white foreman in the women's locker room near me. I was just about to undress to take a shower when I noticed that in the toilet room there were two legs showing and they didn't look like a woman's. I waited for him to come out and'asked him what the hell he was doing in our locker room. I pointed out that there was a big sign on the door that said WOMEN. He was real nasty and stomped out. '

She then went to her own foreman and reported the incident.

'His first words were "Is he black?" I • replied, no he was as white as you and me and I think he is a foreman. Then my foreman came up with all kinds of excuses as to why the other foreman could have been in the bathroom. "Was there a sign on the door," "Maybe he had to go real bad and a men's bathroom wasn't nearby." Of course, there was a men's room about 5 feet away. I shuddered to think what would have happened if the worker was black.'

A male union official told me that a woman had come to the union hall and told him that a foreman had threatened her with the loss of her job, if she didn't sleep with him.

The union and the company conducted an investigation. The outcome was a promise by the company that if any other incident occurred involving the foreman in question, he would be fired immediately. Other officials in this local also said they felt that this was a serious type of charge and that the union would pursue any future cases.

Sexual coercion reflects a power differential. It most often seems to involve the boss-employee or student-teacher 143

relationship. In the case of steel, it is the foreman who

has the power to reward or punish through job assignments,

promotional opportunities or job firings. The hierarchial

structure of power relations in work organizations insures

that those in power will act or threaten to act in ways

that reinforce their authority and that they will have access

to resources necessary to gain compliance.

The response of women to sexual coercion will depend on their resources to expose and fight sexual intimidation.

The women steel workers can, given a responsive union local, fight back. However, the majority of working women do not even have the minimum amount of protection afforded by union membership.

Sexual coercion or harassment was not limited solely to supervisory personnel. Some cases were reported between women workers and their male peers. However, this type of harassment most often took the form of gossip, verbal remarks, or graffiti. One woman said;

'Some of the married guys will try to ask you out. I can handle that. If they say something really smart, I say would you say that in front of your wife? And they say, no, I wouldn't let my wife work here. I've heard that many times.'

Another woman said that if she hears anything, she just ignores it.

'Usually I ignore them. I've been tempted quite a few times to say something but if I do, I am just adding to it. I just ignore them. I feel much better that way.' 149

Another woman reported;

'I get a little disgusted. I am called hey or hey you or they whistle or they make weird noises. Sometimes I know I have a look of disgust on my face because I am thoroughly disgusted. Their wives are probably ten times better looking than me, but when they see a girl walk by, they go berserk. You look worse than they do covered with dirt and grease.

Most of the women reported that these incidents are usually instigated by men who are not working on their crews but are passing through

They also reported that the behavior of the men was exaggerated by personnel supervisors, particularly at the time the women were interviewed for the job. They did not find the kind of behavior they were led to expect. One foreman told a woman in his department that "the men were following her around like dogs in heat."

'That made me sick. It's not a crime for workers to talk to each other. He made me feel it was my fault. I told him, don't blame me cause I am a woman in the mill, dirty and greasy doing a job . . . you want me to quit.'

In general, the more active women trade unionists were more conscious of instances of sex discrimination on the job. They were also more likely to cite structural features of sex discrimination.i.e. job placement, advance­ ment, biased testing procedures. Of all the issues, preg­ nancy leave and benefits were the most salient for both active and non-active union members. Non-active women were more likely to identify their experiences as differential 150 or unfair treatment. They were also more likely to cite attitudinal manifestations of sexism as examples of such treatment.

At this point, it is important to note that while sex discrimination and sexist attitudes are prevalent in the steel industry, they are by no means the only influences that shape the character of the work or work relationships inside the plant. Most of the women like their jobs and the people they work with. Most of the women and men share many of the same daily experiences. They often share allegiances outside the plant. Family, friendship, neigh­ borhood, church and nationality networks serve to bind them together.

Solidarity with Other Women Workers

I have also suggested that a positive sense of soli­ darity with other women workers might be associated with participation. In addition, a network, if it is to be coop- table to new ideas,must be composed of like-minded people predisposed to be receptive to the ideas of a new movement

(ideology of participation) through their own backgrounds, experiences, or location in the social structure (Freeman,

1975:48).

Since the majority of women steel workers moved from all female work environments to a predominantly male work environment, I asked them to compare. 151

'Before the mill, I swore I would never work with a woman again.'

Why?

'I found not all women but no matter where you go there is always a catty woman in the group. You are talking confidentially and the next thing you know, it's all over the store. Men can be just as bad and in fact probably worse. No matter what you tell a group of men in the mill, it's in another department before you leave work. So, I see no difference as far as that goes; you just have to watch.'

A former hospital worker told me;

'When I worked in the hospital I used to complain that I would never again work with women. Now I pray every day that I'll

The majority of women preferred working a job in the mill when there was at least one other woman on the crew.

'I like it better when there are other women. The guys always get into groups so it is always nice to have another woman around. At least you can talk to them or at least know they are around in case you need to talk to them I

'I just feel closer to women. If we have a lengthy discussion, it helps the job go better.'

'I prefer to work with another woman. I feel freer to ask questions. We can share our experiences on different jobs.'

'It just feels more comfortable working with another woman. One day I walked into the shanty and this guy says, you have a whole in your pants. I just died. I felt really self-conscious. It didn't turn out to be something bad, just a minor tear. I put my shirt around it. You feel that they are watching every­ thing, you know, and you feel self-conscious. You begin to feel a little better after you get to know them, but still you are always self-conscious.' 152

For these women working with other women seemed more

"natural." Interaction was more comfortable and served to

lessen the tensions of working in an all male work environ­

ment. Women who were active in the local reported that

while they were able to effectively interact with the men

in their departments, they preferred working with women. Also women who were not active but had any type of interaction with the men, preferred working with women.

Age seemed to be a significant factor. Older women with the most overall time in the steel mill not only pre­

ferred to work with men but also seemed resentful of the younger women. They seemed to believe that nobody works

like they did in the old days.

'Back then a decent woman didn't go into the factory unless she had to. But the bad woman in the factory there was an angel compared to the ordinary factory girl today.'

One woman now retired who was the only woman in the plant for thirty years, believes that the women going into the plant in recent years aren't capable of doing the work.

'When it comes to hard labor, women are inferior to men. They can't do the work. If they want to be equal, then if war is declared, they should be put on the front line.'

Another older woman told me;

'Some of the spoiled pampered girls today who go in the mill will say, I can't do this. We were never allowed to say I can't do a job. We had to say I'll try. We knew you didn't have to do anything that was going to injure you. Who will work and who won't is the hardest part to screen in employment.' 153

Some of the resentment is generated by conflicts over

seniority. The older women had been transferred from plant to plant and have lost much seniority. They have

accumulated thirty to forty years of overall company senior­

ity which is applied towards pension benefits, but their department and plant seniority dates back only to 1974 with the consent decree. Job assignments are done by plant/ department seniority so that after decades with the company, they still have some of the worst jobs. In addition, their transfers were not made until after a number of new women were hired under the consent decree. Seniority-wise the older woman is considered younger than many of the young women. They seem to overlook the point that they have more company seniority than the vast majority of men.

Another category of answers seemed to reflect a "prag­ matic" approach to working with other women. Two women told me that when they were assigned to work with other women, they were more closely watched by the foreman. A third woman told me;

'I don't like working with all women. It's hard to get along in an all woman atmosphere.'

Why?

'Women are under a lot of pressure. When they come home, they can't just sit down and rest after a hard day. Husbands complain about what she hasn't done even though she is working. She comes in the next day. She has to please her husband, has to please the boss and she is trying to do her work. Nobody can know what another woman goes through so it starts an argument.' 154

Some women simply did not prefer to work with other w o m e n .

'Women are vicious. Men gossip too but it's a different type. Women don't give you any slack. It's either right or wrong. There is no in-between.'

Another woman responded;

'When women fight, they hold a grudge. Men get angry quicker but forget it sooner.'

Again conflict between younger women often occurs over seniority.

'It's the seniority thing. We all came in about the same time and we fight over jobs. I'd rather go out with a woman than work with her. Let me explain that cause I think it was misinterpreted. I mean that you shower with them and you're socializing because you're talking about your job or you say why don't you try this department or watch out for that. More so you discuss your problems and your hassles there.'

Do you ever challenge men about seniority ?

'They (co.) want you to fight with a woman. They don't want you to fight with a man and say well, he's younger than me and why does he have that job. You know, you run into that. They want the women to argue. They want them to say we'll bump some woman. You know, you go to a department and they'll say like you know she's got this job and you don't have it. The first thing off the bat they cause a big jealousy thing because you go home and you say, that's right she does have that job and I d o n 't . '

Women who were active in the union were the most likely to report that they preferred to work with other women.

Some women who did not prefer to work with women provided explanations that indicated an awareness of the special 155 problems women face on the job.

I also asked women in the local if they would like to have the chance to get together with the other women at work on an informal basis to meet and share information.

Only two women said they did not like the idea. Everyone said they would like more women to run for union office and some women said they would go to union meetings if they thought more women would be there.

The local had recently elected a woman who was very vocal about the issue of sex discrimination. While I did not ask if the women had voted for her, many had volunteered the information. A number of women said they had never previously voted in a union election, but did so because there was a woman candidate. The women openly identified her as their representative. Some see her as their link to the union. One woman said that if she ever has a pro­ blem at work,she calls her first to find out what to do about it.

In general there does appear to be a positive sense of solidarity among the women workers. Women activists were more likely to prefer working with another woman.

Identification with Women's Movement

I attempted to explore the attitude of the women steel workers toward both the goals and objectives of the women's movement and the movement proper. I found widespread agreement with many of the goals of the women's movement, but that was not the case with the movement as a whole. 156

In fact, most women were quick to add the disclaimer, "I

am not a women's libber."

While the visible spokespersons .for the women's move­ ment were debating and compromising the issue of propor­

tional representation of women at the 197 6 Democratic Party

Convention, a woman steel worker told me;

'Don't get me wrong, I am no woman's libber, but if half the population is women, then we should be getting half cf what there is to g e t . '

Their behavior and attitudes about the nature of gender roles were often at variance with their perceptions of the women's movement. While there is no universal agreement about either

the goals and objectives of the women's movement or its

ideology, there are a number of core issues around which there is a measure of agreement. I have identified these as; passage of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), greater poli­ tical representation, equal pay and equal job opportunities, day care, maternity leave and benefits and sharing family responsibilities.

The majority of women said they would vote for the ERA if it were on the ballot. While passage of ERA is an official political goal of the International Union, a number of women active in the union are concerned about the impli­ cations of the ERA. The only woman delegate at the Inter­ national Convention who spoke during the deliberations spoke in opposition to a convention resolution in support of the ERA. 157

Opposition to the ERA among some of the women activists

stems from concerns about its interpretation and impli- mentation. Some are fearful that women will not have enough input into defining women's rights. Others are concerned that passage of the ERA will jeopardize hard won gains in the area of protective legislation. In

fact many states have already eliminated such laws. The

California Industrial Welfare Commission has abolished all health and safety protective legislation for women on the grounds that the state legislature, by ratifying the ERA, had authorized the Commission to apply these laws equally to men and women (Henning, 1974:24).

Originally proponents of the ERA argued convincingly that the amendment could be interpreted in a manner that would extend special protective labor laws to men. How­ ever, those states which have ratified the amendment have generally not interpreted it in this manner. The recent

Supreme Court ruling denying women the right to maternity leave and benefits because men are unable to take advantage of such benefits is certainly an interpretation of equality that distorts the intention and spirit of the ERA.

One woman activist reported;

'We need laws that guarantee equality but we also need laws that make it possible to exercise that equality. What good is it if I can't be denied a job because of my sex, if I have to quit that same job if I become pregnant.' 158

On the local level women voiced support of the ERA

as an expression of equal rights. The most often held

reservation about the ERA concerned the induction of women

in the military.

Women in the local also felt more women should run

for public office and only two said they would quit their

jobs if they got married or became pregnant.

There was also overwhelming support for day-care

centers. About half of the women reported that they used

relatives to care for their children when they were at work, while the remaining said their children attended local day

care centers or that they employed babysitters.

After pregnancy issues, child care was most of ten

cited as a problem for working women. The few existing

day-care centers in the area did not accomodate the hours

of shift work. Consequently many women felt forced to

remain in lower paying job classifications to insure that

their working hours coincided with their child care arrange­

ments . Husbands and wives as well as mothers and daughters

often made work arrangements to accomodate child care needs-

One woman had to alternate between her mother, a paid baby­

sitter, and a half-day child care center.

After-school care also poses a problem. Some day shifts

do not coincide with school hours and this overlap creates

anxiety and worry for many women. Some favored more after

school activities to keep the children occupied with super­

vised programs. In the larger cities, transportation to 159

and from day-care centers is an additional hardship.

One woman reported that she had to start her day two hours earlier in order to take her two children to two different day-care centers because of age requirements. Costs of child-care centers and babysitters were also a problem.

Most women said they would use day-care centers if they were provided and they felt that the union should take up the issue.

Of all the work overload stories heard the following was perhaps the most disturbing. A mother of six told me;

'I worked a lot of night shifts. When I had my son, you were given a half hour lunch break and you were allowed to go home. My husband would drive to the mill parking lot with the baby. I would nurse my baby and eat my lunch in the mill parking lot. Then he would take the baby home and I would go back to work. He would bring the car at the end of the shift and go in to work and I'd drive home. I worked nights and he worked days and believe me it was rough. I was up all day and with three and four babies in a house, you don't dare take a nap. I'd get the wash done, take care of the children and have supper on the table when he came home. Then I could lay down.'

Would you have used day-care centers if they had been available?

'With the last three I came to see it as important. They would have to be good and I'd have checked it out thoroughly. I knew lots of women who had to quit because they couldn't find babysitters. There are lots of women in the mill who need them now. I think they are a good thing.'

Despite the fact that this woman believes her. husband has been a "big help" throughout the years, the younger women 160

reported that their husbands took a greater role in child­

care activities since they began employment in the mill.

While there seemed to be a great deal of agreement about

the more salient issues raised by the women's movement,

attitudes toward the movement itself tended to be negative.

There also seemed to be a great deal of confusion about the

meaning of equality. For many women the term equality

implied sameness / identical . I heard over and over again,

"I'm for equality, but men and women are just not the same."

One woman told me;

'I used to be for equality before I started in the mill. But there are somethings down here I can't do and it's not fair to say women are equal to men because they are not in terms of physical strength. Mentally that’s completely different. I feel everybody is capable of doing anything they want.'

Another woman told me;

'The women's movement: I don't go for it. Now I'll admit I held a crane job for 30 years, a man's job, but it wasn't physically hard and any woman could do it. But these women who are demanding these new jobs . . . there are certain jobs a woman can't do.'

A third woman replied;

'I believe that women should get equal pay, but only if they can do the job and some can't do it. I worked on the lids and just couldn't do it so I asked to be transferred.'

When the women said there are jobs that women can't

do, I asked for examples. Most women tended to. use whether

they could do it as the criteria for judging whether other women could. One job that involved filling sand bags. 161

loading them on a wheelbarrow and then pushing the wheel­

barrow to another area was cited three different times

in response to three different questions. One woman gave it

as an example of a job women couldn't do. Another woman in

response to "what surprised her the most about the job"

said she was surprised that they were given a rest period

after doing the sand bag job. And a third woman cited the job as an example of a job she learned how to do over time.

Women activists tend to point out that the idea that all women must be able to do all jobs within the plant is an example of the double standard. They explain that all men can't do every job in the mill, and that like men, different women have different abilities. This was also noted by many of the union officials. One man told me that in regard to lifting, workers, whether male or female, should make their own decision about their limits. The attitudes of the supervisors and many of the male workers tend to reinforce the women's belief that they must be able to do every job. This attitude can best be described as "you asked for it, you got it." A woman who finds she cannot do a particular job is likely to hear, "you wanted in here, now look you can't do the work. I told you so."

Men who don't like the idea of women working in the plant, tend to hold the women's movement responsible.

One woman told me; 162

'The men are always throwing up women's lib in my face. I say, did I tell you I am for women's lib, did that woman over there tell you, she's for women's lib? How do you know? She might be a victim of circumstances. So am I. When I came in there was no women's lib, so I couldn't have, come in for that but a lot of you guys are hiding behind the skirts of women's lib. Because you aren't gentlemen, you are using it as a crutch. He feels shoddy about pushing the women onto the dirtiest jobs while he is doing easy work so he blames women's lib. Be honest, if you want the job, take it because of seniority. You want the job because it's easy, don't bring up women's lib, be a man about i t . '

Her response seems to suggest that some of the men may

have difficulty reconciling their seniority rights with

traditional expectations about how they are to treat women.

In addition to the belief that equality means a woman must be able to do everything a man can do, there is

also a tendency to interpret equality as if women must act

like men. One woman commented;

'I am not for women's lib at all. A woman's right to vote, yes. To work, yes. I can work better than some men, but I am not a man. I am a lady and I like that feeling of being treated like a lady even though I am a factory worker, strong as an ox. '

Another woman, active in her local said;

'I want to be equal but I still want to be treated as a woman. When I travel I want . . . I. expect that man to help me with my bags. He better pay for the meal if we go out to dinner. I am still a woman and expect to be treated as one.'

In part, I think this type of response may be a reaction to working in an environment where many of the conventional reinforcements of gender differences are absent. Also , 163

sexist attitudes are often, manifested in attacks on

the sexuality of women. Finally, it is the woman

steel worker who has to accomodate to the new and previously

all male work environment. The environment has not been

altered to accomodate her. She enters under terms that

were set up by those already in power. For many blacks the

disillusionment with integration in part stemmed from the

recognition of the fact that it has usually meant inte­

gration on the white man's terms. This process may also

be operating in the case of women who are entering arenas

from which they were previously excluded.

Finally,people did not often reveal to other people

how they feel or think about a particular topic, especi­ ally if they believe it to be controversial, until the

other person gives some type of clue about their own position. One woman that I had interviewed at the union convention who was not employed in basic steel told me she

supported women's equality but that she also felt women were not qualified to work in the actual production of basic steel. After the interview we spent some time talking informally. When I indicated that I believed that sex discrimination was a problem, she revealed that in fact she had an application on file to work in basic steel.

I realized that when I asked people what they thought about the women's movement, their responses would in part be shaped by their perceptions of my sympathies. Many of the union officials seemed to assume that I supported the 164

women's movement because of the nature of my research

interests. They seemed over-anxious to show they were

not "male chauvanists," The company seemed convinced that

I was not really doing a Ph.D. dissertation but wanted to

investigate or evaluate the implementation of the consent

decree. At one point a supervisor asked one of the union

officials if I was from the government. On the other hand,

the women appeared to want some type of confirmation from me that it was alright to be in favor of the women's move­ ment. Many of the women would ask me after the interviews what I thought about the women's movement.

Most of the women gain their perceptions of the women's movement from media coverage. Some would say they did not

support the "extremes" of the women's movement. When asked

for examples, they most often said it was something they

saw on T.V. Most, however, couldn't remember what that

something was. I also asked about the source from which

they had learned information concerning the women's move­ ment. Most replied television and a few named magazines.

When I asked the women why they thought the mill was hiring women, most responded "because it's the law now." Few of

the rank and file women saw any connection between anti- discrimination legislation and the women's movement. 165

To summarize, this chapter contained my findings on women's movement related features and union participation.

I found that while many of the women, both participants and nonparticipants, identified with the goals and objectives of the women's movement, the participants were more likely to have a positive attitude toward the women's movement.

Both, participants and nonparticipants were able to identify instances of sex discrimination on the job. Non­ participants were likely to refer to discrimination as unfair or differential treatment and to cite attitudinal factors as the manifestation of such treatment. Participants were more likely to use the term discrimination and to cite structural factors as examples of such treatment.

Finally, participants were more likely to prefer work­ ing with other women than the nonparticipants. Older women were least likely to prefer working with other women.

Conflict over seniority appeared to cause many of the divisions among women. However, the majority of women re­ ported that they would like the opportunity to meet with other women in the plant to discuss their common problems. CHAPTER SEVEN

PATTERNS OF UNION PARTICIPATION

This chapter contains a discussion of a variety of participatory forms. Participation has been divided into

two broad categories: formal participation and alternative participation. An examination of each category is provided.

In addition I have provided a general overview of the trends

in union membership and union office holding among women workers.

GENERAL TRENDS

Since 1954 the proportion of women in the organized labor force has steadily increased (see Table 3 ). Between

1962 and 1972, the proportion of all union members that were women rose from 18.6 percent to 21.7 percent, repre­ senting a membership increase of 38 percent. The number of women union members rose from 3.3 million to 4.5 million.

With the growth of public sector unions, the total female membership for unions and professional associations reached

5.7 million in 1972 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics,

1973:75).

166 167

TABLE 3

Membership of Women in National Unions and Employee Associations, Selected Years, 1954-72

Number of Percent women members of total Year (thousands) membership

Unions and associations:

1970 5,398 23.9 1972 5,736 24.9

Unions:

1954 2,950 16.6 1956 3,400 18.6 1958 3,274 18.2 1960 3,304 18.3 1962 3,272 18.6 1964 3,413 19.0 1966 3,689 19.3 1968 3,940 19.5 1970 4,282 20.7 1972 4,524 21.7

Source: Directory of National Unions and Employee Associations. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics : 75.

Labor force gains by women have far outpaced their membership in unions. In 1972, 12.6 percent of working women were members of unions compared with over 15 percent in 1952 (Bergquist, 1974:3). While the proportion of women of all organized workers has risen, the proportion of women organized has actually declined. About one out of seven women workers are members of unions compared to about three out of ten male workers (U.S. Bureau of Labor

Statistics, 1973:75). 168

Women's membership in unions remains low because in

part they are not employed in the organized sector of in­

dustry. According to (Raphael, 1974:28), both men and. women

were more likely to be labor union members if employed in

industries predominately composed of male workers.

The percentage of women holding office (elected or

appointed) on the representative bodies of the major trade

unions is small. In a U.S. Labor Department survey the

response of unions indicated that female representation

on these bodies is far lower than their proportion of membership. Of a reported 4,800 positions on the governing

boards of unions and associations, 350 were known to be held by women, less than seven percent of the total (U.S.

Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1973:75).

Women do not fare well even in unions where women

are the majority of workers. The Ladies Garment Workers

is 80 percent female yet none of the 25 positions on its national governing board are held by women. Women account

for 75 percent of the total membership of the clothing workers yet only two positions out of 23 are held by women.

Only one out of five of the top executive posts of the

National Education Association is held by a woman (U.S.

Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1973:75). 169

As was the case in 1952 and 1972, women held several high offices (the national presidency in two unions, the

Stewards and Stewardesses Division of the Air Line Pilots and the Veterinarians}. Women were more common in the office of secretary-treasurer, but seldom in unions with more than 50,000 members (Bergquist, 1974:5). The most commonly held appointed positions are: Director of Social

Insurance; Education and Research Directors; Editor; Public

Relations; and Legislative Activities (Directory of National

Unions and Employee Associations, 1973:115-119).

It must be cautioned that more recent statistics are not available and that those cited reflect national level trends. Information on state and local leadership roles of women is scanty and fragmented. Since women tend to partici­ pate more on local levels more research is needed in this area.

Women in Steel

Statistical information on the number of women members of the United Steelworkers of America was not accessable.

The percentage of women members was estimated by union officials to be between 12 to 15 percent. They were not able to estimate the percentage of women in basic steel locals. However, the majority of women delegates at the

USWA convention did not represent basic steel locals. It was my observation that the 12-15 percent women members are mainly from locals outside of basic steel production. 170

I did obtain statistical information on the number of women employed in basic steel production for the year 1975 from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Although the steel industry is a highly organized industry, the statistics reflect the number employed and not union member­ ship. These statistics are nationwide and were reported by 228 employers covering 561 production units.

Women held two percent of the total number of blue collar jobs and 17.7 percent of the total white collar jobs.

In 1975, 7,971 women were employed in the production of basic steel and 23,933 were employed in white collar occu­ pations within the steel industry (see Table 4 ).

Within the blue collar category women were employed in only 0.2 percent of the craft jobs. The largest percent­ age were employed as service workers and represented 13.2 percent of all workers in this classification. Women were

2.2 percent of the operatives and 4.7 percent of the laborers (see Table 5).

Within the white collar job category the majority of women work in office and clerical positions. Women were only 1.2 percent of the officials and managers classifica­ tion (see Table 6 ). 171

TABLE 4

Nationwide Number and Percentage of Workers in Blast Furnace Steel Production by Sex for 1975

Total Men Women

Blue Collar 400,542 392,571 7,971 (98%) (2%)

White Collar 135,238 11,305 23,933 (82%) (17.7%)

Source; 1975 EEO-1 Report Summary of Nationwide Industries SIC:331 Blast Furnace and Basic Steel Production. Employment Analysis Report Program: Equal Employment Opportunity Com­ mission, Washington, D.C. 172

TABLE 5

Nationwide Distribution of Workers in Blue Collar occupations in Blast Furnace Steel Production by Sex for 1975

Occupation Total Men Women

Craft Workers 129,789 129,530 259 (99.8%) (0.2%)

Operatives 198,579 194,238 4,291 (97.8%) (2.2%)

Laborers 72,174 68,753 3,421 (95.3%) (4.7%)

Service Workers 9,777 8,484 1,293 (86.8%) (13.2%)

Source: 1975 EEO-1 Report Summary of Nationwide Indus­ tries SIC:331 Blast Furnace and Basic Steel Production. Employment Analysis Report Program; Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Washington, D.C. 173

TABLE 6

Nationwide Distribution of Workers in White Collar

by Sex for 1975

Occupation Total Men Women

Officials and 55,449 54,803 646 Managers (98.8%) (1.2%)

Professionals 16,842 15,837 1,005 (94.0%) (6.0%)

Technicians 15,224 14,057 1,167 (92.3%) (7.7%)

Sales Workers 3,449 3,052 397 (88.5%) (11.5%

Office and 44,274 23,556 20,718 Clerical Workers (53.2%) (46.8%

Source: 1975 EEO-1 Report Summary of Nationwide Industries SIC:331 Blast Furnace and Basic Steel Production. Employment Analysis Report Program: Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Washington, D.C. 174

FORMAL CHANNELS OF PARTICIPATION

I have identified the following as the formal partici­ patory mechanisms: (1) holding office; (2) running for office; (3) serving on a union committee; (4) attending labor schools, conferences or workshops; (5) attending union meetings; (6) campaigning for someone else; (7) voting in union elections; (8) filing a grievance; (9) attending educational or social functions of the union; (10) reading union literature, and (11) talking union politics at work.

I have attempted to arrange the items in decending order according to location to the formulation of policy. While most unions officially state that the general membership is. the highest body of decision makers with the power to approve or reject proposed policy, there is ample social science literature on the nature of organizations that suggests this is not the case. More specifically, the literature on trade unions indicate that voting is in fact far removed from the actual formulation of policy. In large organizations the membership elects representatives who will in the "ideal" sense reflect their common interests and who are held accountable for the actions taken in behalf of their consti­ tuency. This model of representative democracy is often at variance with the actual practices of decision making.

However, I have chosen to arrange the items in terms of their relationship to the formally prescribed channels of partici­ pation as outlined in part in the union local's bylaws. 175

I will first examine the participation of women according to the official rules and regulations and in accordance with the formal structure of the decision making process. An attempt will also be made, however, to evaluate, in light of my field experience, how each item relates the participant to the actual arena of decision making.

Eligibility rules for running for or holding office stipulated that members had to be in good standing for a period of three years prior to the elections and that they had to have attended at least one-half of all the regular union meetings held during that period. While the union is now in the process of dropping the one-half of all meetings rule, it was in effect during the period of my study. This rule made most of the women in my sample ineligible to run for or hold union office. Only the very first group (10) of women who were hired after the signing of the consent decree were eligible. I did not expect to find many women holding office. Also to run for office requires building a political base which is generally accomplished over time.

Most candidates do not win elections the first time they run. In this local, the union officials reported that they had run several unsuccessful campaigns prior to being elected.

Those women who were eligible to run for office did not have the amount of time in the union that would have enabled them to conduct a history of campaigns. 176

While I do not have national statistics on the number

of women from basic steel locals who hold an office, I did

find that more women held office than I had expected, given

the eligibility rules and the normal route one must take to

union office. Women are the latest entry into the industrial

labor scene, yet they seem to have achieved some measureable

electorial success quicker than I had anticipated.

At the International convention, I interviewed four women delegates who held office in basic steel locals. In

addition, the specific local in this study had elected its

first woman to an union office, an office with executive board

status.

In addition to being the newest members of the labor

scene, women are also among the youngest. One 26-year-old woman told me that the next youngest member of her local who attended meetings was 39. The women report that in part they were viewed as youth candidates.

Obviously women cannot run solely on a women's rights platform or on appeals to a female constituency. Those women who were elected to office identified their constitu­ ency as women, minorities and youth. Many of them ran as rank and file/reform candidates and gathered support from those members who were interested in challenging the "old guard" or entrenched powers.

Education may also play a factor. The women tend to be better educated than the population as a whole. In the local most of the male union officials believed that the 177 membership had elected a woman because she had a college education and was intelligent. One official said;

'She impressed everybody with her ability to present problems. She is very articulate and knows what is going o n . '

Another said; "She is smart, a go-getter with lots of smarts."

Another official said;

'We needed someone with the qualifications to do the job. The company has a lot of college kids on their payroll; we should too. She already had the support of the minorities but her qualifications won her the job.'

Another told me;

'She is no dummy; she knows her job. She was better educated and more capable than the people that opposed her.'

I also found that for women, the status of being one of two women who attended meetings on regular bases made them more visible to the membership. What one woman said at meetings was often carried back to the plant the next day.

Other women reported the same phenomenon. One woman told me;

'No matter what you say at a meeting it gets back. This woman said this; this woman said that. I guess it's the novelty.'

This feedback tends to heighten the membership's perception of the women's militancy. In the local I heard from both women and men;

'She doesn't take any guff; she won't back down.'

'She's not afraid to stand up and say what's going on. She should stay that way.' 178

'She won by her determination. She didn't take any shit. She took them word for word and stared down their face and told them where it was at. The men said by God, she really has guts.'

The women officeholders also had a high level of con­ sciousness about sex discrimination on the job, in the union and in society. They also held membership in women's move­ ment organizations. Most were members of the Coalition of Labor Union Women (CLUW) or women caucuses. They were also involved in rank and file reform movements and saw the fight for women's rights as part of the overall struggle for social change within the labor movement and within society. One woman told me;

'Women might have it rough but we all face many of the same problems on the job. We all have to stick together, particularly if we want to bring about some changes.'

Not all offices are vested with equal amounts of power.

On the local level it is the executive board that has official responsibility to transact all union business between meet­ ings. In a very vague sense the board is given the power to take any action it deems advisable for the "good and welfare" of the local union. All proposals are then taken to the general membership meeting for a vote. Executive board matters are decided by majority vote.

Even within the executive board there exists hierarchy of power. The chair of the board is the local president, who has the power to make committee appointments and to call 179

special meetings. The agenda of debate and which issues will

be brought before the general membership are usually decided

by the board. There is a standing item on the meeting agenda

which permits the membership to bring up new business. Also

special meetings may be called at the request of at least

ten members. But in general it is the dominant sentiments of the board that set the direction and tone of the debate.

The debate at both levels is shaped by the nature of political alignments within the local. For example, if a reform candidate is elected along with an entire slate of reform candidates, then one's odds of affecting policy outcomes are greatly increased. If, however, the reform candidate is elected without the rest of the slate, then input will be minimized.

Informally the political blocks meet separately to map out strategies and tactics. Each side seeks to recruit potential supporters from the general membership. In fact, many of the women activists reported that their initial decision to attend meetings was based on appeals from one of the power blocks. It is difficult to remain unaligned.

There is a lot ofpressure for participants to declare their affiliations. In one instance a union activist was asked to remain on a committee by the opposition block because of his expertise in a particular technical area. He did so only after making public statements and submitting a written letter declaring he would remain in the position but would 180 not switch political allegiance.

Women officeholders reported that they did participate in this political process. Many, however, felt that they were not always fully accepted by their own power blocks.

They first had to prove that they were capable of winning votes. Some felt that while they had campaigned for others in their own block, they did not receive reciprocal support efforts. All decided to run for office whether there was full support or not. One woman had to challenge the election results in order to win her position.

Only one of the women elected was serving an executive board position. However, since she was not a member of the majority slate, she was excluded from the inner circle of decision making. For the woman reform candidate elected to office without the rest of her slate, it is often diffi­ cult to determine if her exclusion is due to her status as a woman or her political affiliations.

None of the five women officials had been appointed to collective bargaining units. Cook (1962) identified this as the center of union power. In the steel industry the major contract covers the entire industry and is negotiated on the national level between representatives of the ten major steel producing companies and by representatives of the International unions. The general membership does not ratify the contract. A vote on the contract is taken by a body composed of the presidents of each local. The local presidents are supposed to play a role in the negotiating 181

stages of the national contract but many observers believe

that the real decisions are made by the representatives

of the International staff.

At the last contract ratification session the contract

proposed by the International and by the Industry was

voted down by voice vote. However, when a roll call vote was taken, the outcome was to accept the contract. One of

the major demands of many of the rank and file reform groups

is to allow the membership to have a direct vote in contract

ratification.

Not only are women not involved in national collective bargaining teams, but they are also not involved in local bargaining units. Some issues not covered by the national contract are hammered out at the local level. I did not

find any women who had been appointed to local negotiating teams. Such appointments are made by the local's president and as one might expect, members of the political opposition are not appointed.

In addition to power by virtue of appointment to the collective bargaining team, there is also power by virtue of election to the board of directors of the credit union.

I had not seen this identified in the literature, but there seemed to be a consensus on the local level that election to this body greatly enhances one's political base. I did not know about this aspect of the politics of participation when I interviewed women delegates at the International 182 convention. I do know that in the local in this study neither the one woman union official nor any members of her political block served in this capacity. One former union official explained how this works.

'Say I hold an office in the credit union and office in my local. A worker comes to me and says he needs $100 badly. All he needs is my signature. When election time comes, he is not going to forget it. Nor will I let him forget. You can usually count on him to bring in votes for you.'

Usually the dominant political block will be in the position to lobby for election to the credit union board.

Finally, the majority of women who.do hold union office in the United Steel Workers of America (USWA) hold office in locals that do not represent workers in the production of basic steel. Of the twenty-three women I interviewed at the USWA convention, eight were from basic steel locals, but only four were delegates. The remaining 15 were dele­ gates from such diverse industries as hospitals and glue factories. The majority of these women represented locals that were small (less than 500) and where women were in the majority.

At the convention those delegates, both men and women, who represented locals outside of basic steel complained that their interests were often neglected by the International.

The USWA represents about 1.3 million workers about whom

44% are employed in basic steel production, usually referred to as the big ten in reference to the fact that most of the 183 steel in this country is produced by ten major steel companies.

It is generally believed that these workers are the "favored" sector of the USWA. Indeed, the officers of the International and the district representatives tend to be drawn from basic steel. Most of the convention activity centered around the concerns of basic steel members.

The majority of women delegates and union officials in the USWA are in fact found outside of basic steel in locals with less influence in shaping International policy. With the tendency toward greater centralization of union power at the International level, the smaller locals outside of basic steel are less likely to carry much influence.

While I do not have statistics on the number of women delegates at the convention, I do know that of the 35 member delegation from the largest and most liberal local in basic steel, two delegates were women. I had been told that women represented 12% - 15% of the membership. From a rough visual impression of the 5,000 delegates, a liberal guess would be that women may have represented about 5% of the delegates. Of the 78 member resolutions committee of the convention, three members were women. While this committee, composed primarily of local presidents, was considered the formal decision making body, I am sure that the actual power resided in a much smaller body. Even so, women were only . 0.4% of the officially designated resolution committee. 184

In a very heated battle over credentials, charges were made by one rank and file group, that the International was

attempting to stack the convention by granting credentials

to women who were in fact secretaries to the International

staff and district directors. One of the women I interviewed

revealed that she was an executive secretary to a district director and also a close relative to members of the

International staff. She was angry and upset by the accusa­ tions made by the rank and file group and felt that she was a legitimate delegate by virtue of previous union activity

in her original local. While I had known about the accusa­ tion, I did not ask her, when she said she was a secretary about such charges. She volunteered the information.

The majority of women delegates from outside basic steel were conscious of sex discrimination on the job and in the union. However, as a whole, they had less positive attitudes toward the women's movement than the women delegates from basic steel. One woman was enrolled in women studies courses at a university in her area; another woman denied that she ever faced any sex discrimination.

It is generally considered that the smaller union locals outside of basic steel are more conservative. The majority of the women from both areas were supporting the reform candidate for International president. While the reform candidate did not win the presidency, he did win the big locals from basic steel. He lost from lack of support from 185

the smaller union outside of basic steel. It would seem that the women delegates favored a change in leadership even when they were from locals which did not.

In addition to running for office and holding office,

I have also included serving on a union committee. In the local the only woman to serve on a committee was the woman who was later elected to office. The majority of women officials at the convention also reported that at one time they had also served on a committee. Committee positions are usually appointed positions but in many locals there is a shortage of people willing to serve. Many of the women asked to serve on a committee. Most recommended committee activity as a way to become familiar with union politics.

Most said that the committees were accessible and a good place to start if one is interested in union activity.

Many women served on the Civil Rights Committee, a committee responsible for advising the union on questions of discrimination. It has been the policy of the Interna­ tional to deal with issues of sex discrimination through the

Civil Rights Committee. I asked one Civil Rights Committee- person if he thought that the women in his local knew that the committee pertained to them.

'They have been told at one time. We did have a female on the Civil Rights Committee and we were moving in leaps and bounds. We could see the problem from all angles.'

While the union believes that sex discrimination issues should be handled by the Civil Rights Committee, many people 186

involved in this area believe that the committee is a low

priority within the union. There are Civil Rights Committees

at the International, district and local levels; their

actual formal power, is limited to mostly consultation. One

Civil Rights Committeeperson at the convention told me;

'Many blacks are reluctant to get involved because they feel they are not getting the support they should from the union. If more minorities would come to more meetings, I believe that as a whole the civil rights program would get stronger. They know we need a union but a chain is only as strong as its weakest link. We fight each other within the union instead of fighting the enemy, the company.'

He also told me that the company was unresponsive to the issues raised by the committee.

'They don't want you standing around telling the men the moves to make. If they don't know it, they (co.) shush that up quick. If the minorities don't know the moves to make the company likes it.'

He went on;

'We used to meet with this man from the company on the civil rights program. Every­ thing that came up, he had to check it before he could give an answer. I said, what the hell is the use of meeting with you. It takes up my time and your time and you never come up with the direct answer. You ask him a question, it would be two meetings later before he could give an answer. His heart is about as big as he is. '

The company representative, he referred to, told me in a telephone interview that, "The company never underutilized women in the departments they were in." I asked him, what departments were they in?

'We have had women in the mill since WWII in tin sorting. We also have women in the office and in the clinic.' 187

I asked, "why the necessity of a consent decree?" He told me, "we once had some problems but we have taken care of

those. "

At times the International participates in various

schools, workshops and week-end conferences. In general,

notice of such events are sent to the recording secretary of the local who then makes it known to the executive board and to the general membership. Many women, even those in offices, complained that they were not being sent to such events, considered by many to be the training grounds for trade union leadership.

One woman in the local was sent to a school on the consent decree. Many other women reported that they were often overlooked. It appeared that some of the women have their own network of information on such events. Some of the women officials told me at the convention that they hear of the events because they are on the mailing list of several women's organizations. They also reported that labor education programs at some of the large state universities are a source of good information.

Attendance at local meetings is another form of parti­ cipation. In the local in this study, two women attend on a regular basis. Other women reported that they had attended meetings that were of special interest. One woman said she stopped attending once she married because her husband felt it was a waste of time. At the convention, I found 188 that in general, the women had support from their families for their union activities. Two women said that their husbands objected to their union activities but they didn't let that stand in the way of participation.

Most of the union officials complained about poor • attendance at meetings. They felt that women did not attend meetings for the same reasons that men did not. One woman official told me;

'Everybody attends when they have a problem. A lot of it is very time consuming. It takes time to change things. Women don't attend for the same reason men don't. Then too, men don't start until they are settled, married, bought a house. I find the time to go to union meetings. If I have something to do, I work it around the meetings. Summer is slow. Young people, women and men, want to have a good time. They make money and want to spend it; eventually you settle down.'

Other union officials pointed out that given the small number of women in their locals, women participate more than men on a proportional basis.

Women reported that they did not attend meetings either because'they were not interested or because they did not have the time. Some believed that their participation would not make a difference, though they have not tested out that theory. Some said they would go to meetings if they felt that other people they knew would be there. Some women cited problems with child care arrangements.

The women activists were more likely to engage in campaign activities for other candidates than non-activists. 189

Many of the convention delegates reported that they were

involved in the Sadlowski campaign for the International

presidency. On the local level one woman was active in the

campaign of a woman candidate and friend. While the majority

of women did not engage in campaign activities, most reported

that they talked informally with the other workers on their

crews or in their departments about the merits of the female

candidate.

About half of the women I interviewed said they usually voted in union elections. Others reported that they made a

special effort to vote in the election that had a woman candidate. The Sadlowski campaign also generated interest in voting. Some of the women who did not vote expressed the belief that it was something they should have done. Others said they did not have enough information about the candidates to make a choice. In general, voter turnout at union elections is not at the level that most officials would like to see.

Another mechanism of participation is filing a griev­ ance. Most of the workers tend to judge the performance of the union on its record of solving grievances. Some studies^ have reported that the success or failure of the union to resolve grievances can affect the level of participa­ tion.

A grievance is any action that is judged to be in violation of the contract. If a worker feels that she/he is being treated in a manner that violates the contract, they 190 are first suppose to take it up with their foreman. If they are dissatisfied with the results, they then take it up with their shop steward and the shop steward attempts to work out the problem with the foreman. If they cannot resolve the issue, the shop steward takes the complaint to the grievance committee and that committee decides if the complaint violates the contract. If they believe it does, the complaint becomes a grievance and is written up and submitted to arbitration. The process is lengthy and sometimes takes up to three years to resolve. In the meantime the worker must accept the actions of the company. If the grievance is resolved successfully, then compensation is awarded the worker retrospectively.

Many workers complain that they never hear about the outcome of their grievances. Union officials say that many workers do not understand the process.

'Half the workers believe that their complaint is automatically a grievance. A complaint becomes a grievance only if it violates the contract. A lot of people don't understand this.'

Another official said that because the workers never see a job description, they don't know if what they have been asked to do is a part of their job or not. If the workers knew the details, they would be more apt to follow the fine line and file more grievances.

The majority of women did know their shop steward and how to file a complaint. They were less knowledgeable 191 about the difference between a complaint and a grievance.

Three women reported that they had grievances on file, two had not heard the outcome and another had been resolved unfavorably. Most said they would file a grievance if they felt it necessary. The outcome of a grievance may help to encourage or discourage participation. Filing a grievance is a type of participation that might indicate whether a worker possesses concrete knowledge about his or her rights and whether a worker is willing to pursue the matter of unfair treatment. It does not, however, place the worker near the arena where policy is formulated. If enough grievances are filed about a particular issue, this may serve to sensitize union officials to the needs of the workers.

The union local does not sponsor many educational or social functions. The International does conduct golf and bowling tournaments but none of the women had participated.

A few women had attended the annual Christmas party.

The International publishes a monthly newspaper.

Steel Labor. The women reported that they received copies of the newspaper, but most reported they only glanced at it.

The local puts out a newsletter which many said they read.

Some also receive literature from rank and file report groups. At the convention, three women reported that they were involved in writing and editing their local newsletter.

One woman involved in a rank and file reform publication said that other members in her group got upset if the 192

publication carried more than one or two stories about

minorities and women.

Finally, the most popular form of union participation

is talking union politics at work. Most of the women

reported that they discuss union politics with other workers

on the job. A lot of talk centered around grievance issues.

Who said what at a union meeting also gets back to the work

crew. Elections generate discussion about the candidates.

A lot of the discussion tends to be critical. One well-

respected union leader said he wished that the workers would

translate the talk into action. I asked him why he felt

they did not.

'Most of the members aren't aware that their union has strength. They have been told from day one, when they were hired, told continuously that "we the company are giving you these benefits if you work for us. We have brought this up in negotiations. We feel the union has the right to come to the orientation sessions and point out to the new workers why they really have these benefits. Naturally we are always denied this.'

The union tried to hold small socials at the union hall for new members. Few, however, attended "the company conducts

its campaign on the job; we have to get them to go out of

their way to hear our side."

He went on to say;

'Most of the members won't come to the meetings. They are quick to criticize you in the locker room. They are expert Philadelphia lawyers in the locker rooms, but they won't come to the union hall. A lot of what they say might be true, but you can't change things unless you are willing to get involved.' 193

In retrospect, I would not have placed talking union politics as the least effective way to influence policy.

I think that more research is needed to explore the rela­ tionship between talking union politics and participation.

General conversation among friends at work may be more significant than I originally thought.

ALTERNATIVE CHANNELS OF PARTICIPATION

Alternative forms of participation are those that are developed in addition to the institutionalized forms which are viewed as inadequate. In general these are forms intitiated by the rank and file. They include:

(1) membership in women's caucus or women's movement organization, (2) membership in minority group caucus or minority movement organization, (3) membership in rank and file caucus, (4) requesting assistance from outside support group or organization, and (5) filing suit in civil courts.

The alternative forms are developed either because the formal forms are inadequate for certain groups of participants (Blacks, Latinos, women) or because the formal forms reflect the rules, regulations, or outlook shaped by the entrenched powers. The two categories of participation are not mutually exclusive. In general alternative forms represent activity that still falls 194 within the boundaries of trade unionism. They are not activities designed to either abolish the union or create separate unions. Rather they are attempts to change union policy, decision-making practices or the actual decision makers.

The Coalition of Labor Union Women

The Coalition of Labor Union Women (CLUW) was founded in Chicago in 1974, when over 3,000 women trade unionists met to discuss the concerns of working women. Women from

58 different unions adopted a statement of purpose, and a governing structure. Its chapters and national structure parallel those of the international unions and their affiliated locals.

The original impetus for such an organization came from women who held leadership positions in many different inter­ national unions. The response on the part of women trade unionists was overwhelming. In fact, organizers of the first convention had not anticipated the amount of interest generated by their call for a woman's labor organization.

Membership in CLUW is open to any person who is a member in good standing or a retiree of a union or other bonafide collective bargaining organization (Constitution,

Coalition of Labor Union Women, 1975). There are some people within the organization who object 195

to the fact that membership is restricted to those women who are already members of unions. They would like to

see the organization open to women involved in organ­

izing drives and to working women in general. However, their is a fear among many that this would diffuse the purpose of the organization and spread activity too thin.

Indeed, there is historical evidence to suggest that attempts to transform such an organization into a multi-purpose women's group could be fatal. The only other women's labor organization, the Women's Trade Union

League (WTUL) did not survive the conflicts inherent in attempting to be too many things to too many people.

The founding convention of CLUW adopted a state­ ment of purpose which was to become the goal of activity for the new organization. This statement of purpose is now a feature of the constitution adopted at the second convention held in 1975. They are (CLUIV News,

1975) ;

1. To Strengthen the role and participation of women within their unions and within the trade union movement as a whole.

2. To seek affirmative action in the work place.

3. To organize the millions of unorganized women workers.

4. To encourage union women to play an active role in the legislative and political processes of the unions and the nation. 196

According to Olga Madar, president of the organ­

ization, "CLUW's main goal is for union women to develop

action programs within the framework of the labor movement

around these four issues." (CLUW News, 1975.) There is

not complete agreement either about the goals or about

how to achieve them.

To encourage greater participation of women in

unions is to admit that women have been historically

excluded. There is little about this fact. CLUW is on

record as supporting the formation of women in committees

and women's caucuses within labor unions at all levels whenever necessary. CLUW also encourages the development of educational and training schools to prepare women

for leadership and policy making roles. There was some

controversy over the inclusion of a statement that called

for the coalition to encourage democratic procedures in

all unions. The clause about greater union democracy was opposed by those who felt it was too threatening to the

AFL-CIO leadership. One woman delegate at the founding convention reported that pressure was applied by the more established union leadership to vote against the clause.

The final vote was taken by a standing division of

the house. A move that many felt was taken to intimidate

the participants. The vote went in favor of including

the clause. One woman told me: 197

'If CLUW was to b e .serious about encour­ aging greater participation of women, it had to take a strong stand. Greater democracy is essential to women's participation. ïn order to open up the unions to women, they must be opened to all regardless of race, sex or age.'

Another source of conflict involved the commitment to affirmative action. Again, affirmative action measures sometimes come into conflict with the seniority structures of many unions. The majority of women do not favor the dismanteling of seniority which is seen as the primary way to protect workers from arbitrary job assignments and dismissals. Most favor a way to combine both affirmative action and seniority. This issue has generated debate in many CLUW chapters. The coalition hopes to develop programs that will make women aware of their rights under the law. It also seeks remedy through the negotiation of labor contracts that will outlaw dis­ crimination. The aim is to achieve affirmative action through the collective bargaining process.

It is not the purpose of CLUW to organize women into separate unions or to develop a dual union structure.

Rather, it seeks to work within the confines of the labor movement. It is their intention to put greater pressure on the unions to organize the millions of women workers who are not covered by collective bargaining agreements and to appoint more women organizers to their staffs. As an organization, CLUW does not have the 198 resources or the power to organize women into unions.

Earlier attempts to do so by the Women's Trade Union

League were met with little success. Organizing is seen as the responsibility of the unions who have jurisdiction in those area.

The final goal of the Coalition is to encourage women to participate in the legislative and political processes of the unions and the nation. Some of the objectives set forth by the leadership and endorsed by the membership include: passage of the ERA; fight for full employment; and to compulsory overtime, speed-up and lay­ offs; better maternity benefits; shorter work week without loss in pay; child care legislation; improved health and safety coverage; the right to strike and join unions; extension of necessary protective legislation to all workers; and expanded educational opportunities. In addition, CLUW' encourages labor union women to seek election to public office and governmental appointments.

I attended, as an observer, the Second Convention of the Coalition of Trade Union Women held in Detroit, Michigan, in December, 1975. I observed convention proceedings, talked to delegates, attended caucus meetings and social events.

The main item on the agenda was the adoption of a constitution. Each member was mailed, in advance, a copy of the proposed document and an alternative proposed 199

constitution. Most of the convention was devoted to an

article by article debate of the two constitutions. The

major differences centered on the question of membership

and governing structure.

The proposed constitution, with majority support from

the leadership, called for membership based on membership

in unions or bona fide collective bargaining organizations.

The alternative constitution stated that, in addition to people already in unions, membership should be open to

all working people eligible for unionization. (Alternative

Convention document, 1975.) The debate centered around whether CLUW was to be an all-purpose working women's organization or an organization of labor union women.

Those who argued for the broader definition of membership were unable to clearly define what was meant by "workers eligible for unionization" and this proposal was defeated.

It was the feeling of those who authored the alter­ native constitution that the proposed organizational structure of CLUW was top heavy and did not permit enough imput from the membership. In a letter, I received, dated

December 5, 1975, the principle author of the alternate constitution stated;

'Since the formation of the Coalition of Labor Women almost two years ago there has been a great debate and struggle within the organiza­ tion over the structure of CLUV7. This struggle reflects two views of CLUW: one view is that CLUW should be controlled from the top by the officers and the large international unions. 200

with CLUW being unable to engage in any activity without the consent of the union involved; the other view is that CLUW should be controlled by the active rank and file mem­ bership at the national convention, and between conventions by these same members through the chapters, with CLUW being able to engage in activities regardless of the position of any international union.'

Most of the structural changes proposed by the alternative constitution were defeated. There was one significant exception. The original document stated that those chapters with at least 100 members would qualify to elect one delegate to the National Executive Board, the major national decision making body. The alternative constitution proposed a national governing body that would include a representative system which involved the smaller chapters. A compromise was reached after lengthy debate.

A note was taken by the division of the house and a section was adopted that reduced the number of members required for national representation by a chapter from 100 to 50.

My observations of the convention led me to believe that the majority of women were not interested in such a detailed method of approving a constitution. A single item convention agenda left little room to discuss the substan­ tive issues of sex discrimination on the job. The women

I talked to were more concerned about how to start chapters and how to implement the goals of the organization.

At one point during the convention the women delegates

met in caucuses arranged by union affiliation. This 201

gave participants the opportunity to meet with other

women from their particular industry. I attended the caucus

of women steelworkers.

At the caucus meeting little attention was paid to

discussion about the constitution. Instead, the women

voiced their concern about the problems they faced on the

job and the union's responsiveness to those problems. It

was decided that the issues discussed would be written in

the form of resolutions to be submitted to the International

union. When the women learned that the national chair­

person of the Civil Rights Committee would be at the

closing event of the CLUW convention, they decided to meet with him and present him with their list of proposals.

Their demands included: 1. Establishment of a Women's

Department in the International; 2. Convening of a national conference on women steelworkers; 3. A news

column on women in the USWA monthly newspaper; 4. Appoint­ ment of women to staff positions with the International;

5. Changes in eligibility rules to run for union office;

6. Maternity clause in the contract; 7. Grievance power

for the Civil Rights Committee; 8. Recognition of CLUW by

the International; and 9. Greater democracy in the union.

It was also decided that the women would try to keep

in touch in an effort to build collective pressure around the needs of women steelworkers. Some of these same women were to meet again at the USWA International Convention 202 and discuss some of the same issues. Eventually such dis­ cussions led to the formation of a caucus of women steel­ workers in one large metropolitan area.

At the time of the second convention, the CLUW member­ ship was reported to be around 5,000. Many are members of the national organization but do not belong to local chapters because there are none in their area. Most chapters are organized along geographcial lines and included members from different unions. While some 52 different unions are represented in CLUW, a fewer number tend to deominate and this shapes the nature of the organization.

The largest union within CLUW membership is the

American Federation of Teachers (AFT) with 770 members in

CLUW. The American Federation of State, County and Municiple

Employees, the United Auto Workers, Communications Workers of America and the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America round out the top five. Taken together, they represent close to half of the total membership of CLUW.

(Constitution 1975.) While any organization attempting to unite people from such diverse backgrounds is bound to face conflict, there are those that feel that the leadership of CLUW is too closely aligned with the power structure of the large Internationals.

For what it is worth, the International Brotherhood of Teamsters sponsored what I would call a lavish cocktail 203

party for CLUW delegates. Top brand liquor was served

with shrimp, caviar, and egg rolls. In the course of this

study, I have attended similar events held by unions but

the usual choice of snacks was cheese and crackers or

small sausages on toothpicks. In any event, I held some

reservations about the motives of the Teamsters, but then

again, as the richest and perhaps most powerful union in

the country, that just could be their style.

The United Steelworkers of America endorsed CLUW at

its last convention. However, few of the women I talked

to belong to a CLUTV chapter. Many hold membership in

CLUW as individuals. There is no CLUW chapter in the

area where the USWA local of this study is located. The

majority of women members of the local did not know about

CLUW. The women who were active in the local did know about

the organization and one was a member.

Women in other areas of the country reported that

it was difficult to sustain the types of activity that would

hold a chapter together. Some of this reflects the newness

of the organization and the lack of direction from the

leadership. But there are other problems. In one east

coast chapter a woman member told me of a split between

"straight" and gay women. Some of the women felt that the

chapter was becoming a platform for gay rights and par­

ticipation dropped considerably. This type of division has also occurred in other types of women's movement 204 organization.

In New York City, some women complained that the

Teacher's Union held undo influence and that they tended to side with the official policies of the AFL-CIO. It is also the union with the greatest amount of participa­ tion by men. While membership in CLUW is open to men as long as they hold union membership, it is considered by most participants to be an organization uniquely formed to deal with the problems of women trade unionists.

Finally, some new left political groups have used the formation of chapters to promote narrow ideological goals of particular sects. Their tactics and methods often serve to discourage the participation of women who are not ready to accept that type of political program.

This was most apparent at the national convention where delegates representing new left groups attempted to mon­ opolize the speaking time alotted for discussion. Their parlimentary manuevers and challenges of the convention chairperson only served to narrow the range of debate.

While the coalition of Trade Union Women may have been initiated by women in union leadership, it appears to have a large amount of support from the rank and file.

The direction and success of the organization will depend on the ability to translate the heightened consciousness about women's roles into action. Like many new organi­ zations, CLUW will probably experience its share of 205

problems. It is difficult to judge its effectiveness at

such an early stage of development.

Wertheimer (1977:373) contends that the impact of

CLUW is already greater than their numbers would suggest.

She cites; support of passage of the ERA by many Inter­

national Unions; appointment of a woman as associate

director of the Civil Rights Department of the AFL-CIO;

development of union leadership skills among women;

sensitizing women to the inner organizational politics of

their unions; increases of women's columns in the union

press; and development of model contract clauses that

incorporate affirmative action-

The influx of women into the work force, the impact

of the women's movement and the passage of anti-discrimin­

ation legislation have made the movement for women's

equality a permanent feature of the labor movement.

Minority Caucus

Black, Chicano and Puerto Rican workers have also developed special organizational forms to deal with the problems of racism on the job and in the unions. The development of such forms are not an attempt to form

separate unions but to make existing unions more responsive

to the needs of minority workers.

Historically, Blacks have pursued collective action within the trade union movement through the formation of 206 organizations such as; The Colored National Labor Union,

The Negro American Labor Committee, and the A. Philip

Randolph Institute. The rise of the contemporary Civil

Rights movement brought corresponding forms to the modern trade union.

Black steelworkers formed the Steelworkers Ad Hoc

Committee and picketed its own union's 1968 convention in

Chicago. It demanded Black representation on the executive board, full integration at all levels of union leadership and policy-making and the reorganization of the union's civil rights department. (Green, 1976:227). At the

1976 USWA Convention a resolution was passed to keep one position on the slate of national officers open for Blacks and, in 1977, the first Black was elected to national leadership.

The Coalition of Black Trade Unionist (CBTU) was founded in Chicago in 1972. According to the CBTU's statement of purpose (Green, 1976:229);

'The CBTU will work within the framework of the trade union movement. It will attempt to maximize the strength and influence of Black workers in organized labor. . . (and) as Black trade unionists, it is our challenge to make the labor movement more relevant to the needs and aspirations of Black and poor workers. The CBTU will insist that Black union officials become full partners in the leadership and decision making of the American labor movement.'

The CBTU also emphasized the need to organize the unorganized and officially endorsed the Coalition of 207 Labor Union Women.

Many Black women belong to both the CBTU and CLUW and have created a network of possible alliances on the question of greater union democracy. Both organizations share some of the same founding members and leadership. In part, the goals and structure of the CBTU served as a model for

CLUW.

There were no minority caucus' in the local in this study. Blacks and women have collaborated through the civil rights committee to push for the greater representa­ tion of minorities and women on the local level.

Rank and File Activity

Organized rank and file activity is difficult to define. In general, a rank and file group is an organi­ zation (more or less structured) initiated by the general membership with a social change orientation. Some groups cut across industries, while others are limited to a particular industry. Some are national in scope while others exist within a single local.

There are a number of rank and file organizations within the steel unions. Women activists and officials reported that they participated in rank and file groups in their locals. The general demand of most of these groups is greater union democracy. Most view the

International as bureaucratic and out of touch with the 208

general membership. Most have a program, meetings and a press.

Some of the more salient issues include; greater minority and women representation in union leadership; worker ratification of the contract; end to the no strike clause; shorter work week with no cut in pay; end to speed­ up; elimination of anti-communist clauses; and honest union elections. Some groups run candidates for union office.

They also endorse national legislations such as, the

Humphrey-Hawkins full employment bill and participate in legislative hearings on issues that pertain to workers.

Filing Suit

Generally, the decision to file litigation in the civil courts is a measure of the last resort. With the passage of the 1960's anti-discrimination legislation, workers can now turn to the courts if they feel that their union is unresponsive. This type of action is not looked upon with much favor in trade union circles. There is a tendency to view court decisions as a manifestation of government intervention into what are essential "private" matters.

One veteran woman steelworker told me, "...if you can't get satisfaction, don't be afraid to go to the courts."

In one local a group of women currently have a sex- discrimination case in the federal courts. These women. 209 after being employed for 16 years in one division of the steel company, were laid off and male employees with less seniority were hired in their place. The women filed a grievance as a group. At a meeting they were asked to select four people to sign the grievance as representatives of the whole group. When the grievance was settled, only those four who had signed the document were given compen­ sation. The union refiled the grievance on behalf of the remaining women and were told by the company that they would not pay twice on the same grievance.

’ The women then took their complaint to the Equal

Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). The Commission collected data and conducted an investigation. When the

EEOC ruled in favor of the women and ordered the company to pay restitution, the company refused. The case is now pending in the federal courts.

Some women trade unionists believe that individual litigation is too costly and too lengthy. In addition, the back log of unresolved cases is often cited as evidence that the government has given sex-discrimination low priority. Instead, they prefer making anti-discrimination clauses a permanent feature of labor contracts, enforce­ able through the grievance mechanism. 210 Outside Organizational Support and Community Appeal

If a worker feels that the formal channels of redress

are blocked, he or she can make a broader appeal for

community support. It is then hoped that pressure from

the larger community can help to resolve the problem.

During the Civil Rights Movement, demonstrations in the

Black community were organized at construction sites to

demand a greater share of union jobs in the skilled trades

and crafts. In the absence of a mass movement, the worker might make an appeal to a community based organization such

as NAACP or NOW for support. Among some union officials

this is referred to as "going downtown," and, like filing

a civil suit, is viewed as outside interference.

Preston (1977:16) contends that "such pressure is helpful

if it is exerted in the kind of dispute than can arouse

community sympathy. Otherwise, community pressure is

likely to be useful only for morale-boosting."

In smaller cities there may not be a visible women's

organization comparable to a NAACP chapter. I did not

find any women who had gone to an outside organization for

support on an issue of sex-discrimination. For Black workers in this local, some have gone to the NAACP chapter

for support. Usually a representative from the organization

talks to union officials and company personnel. Regardless 211 of the outcome, this type of participation or its threat may serve as an additional bargaining tool.

To summarize, this chapter has presented general level statistical information on the membership and leadership rates of women workers in unions and an extensive review of the forms of participation. The next chapter will contain a summary of the major findings of my study. CHAPTER EIGHT

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

The purpose of this study has been to describe and analyze the participation of women steelworkers in their union, the United Steelworkers of America (USWA) and in the broader trade union movement.

I began with a general level discussion of the concept of participation. Through the utilization of the conflict perspective the conceptualization of participation was broadened to incorporate the dynamics of conflict and change.

Previous studies of union participation have focused primarily on the individual participants (who participated and why) and on the formal organizational features of trade unions. This study raised the question of participation outcomes or participation for what?

A trade union organization is a network of power rela­ tions. The nature and content of participation within an organization is shaped by the number of competing groups and the character of their interaction. Not all contenders involved in organization struggle over outcomes have equal

212 213

access to power or power resources. Therefore if the one

dominate group has a monopoly or near monopoly on controlling

the outcomes of participation as prescribed by the rules and

regulations of the organization, then other groups will

develop alternative participatory mechanisms.

This study attempted to describe and analyze both the

formal and alternative participatory mechanisms in trade

unions. Viewing various groups of participants in

relation to their location in the social structure and

their access to power or power resou-ces allowed a more dynamic interpretation of participation.

EXPLANATIONS OF UNION PARTICIPATION

The social science literature on participation in unions was reviewed in order to identify the variables previously employed to explain union participation. For

the purposes of this study, I chose two categories of variables

from past studies (job related features and union related

features), and added one new category of variables (women's movement related features).

Job Related Features

The literature suggested that a number of job related

features were associated with union participation. They

included; worker's stake in the job; type of job; and degree of social integration. Because the hiring of 214 women for employment in the production of basic steel is a recent phenomena, I added to this category, job recruit­ ment, i.e., the process that brought women to the mill.

Job Recruitment

I hypothesized that the source of knowledge about the job opening and how/why women believe they were hired might affect union participation. If a worker believed that he/she was hired because of a "connection" with a union official, this would increase the likelihood of participation. Conversly if a worker believed that he/she was hired because of a "connection" with management personnel, this would decrease the likelihood of partici­ pation.

I discovered that the majority of women learned about the new policy to hire women from either a member of manage­ ment or a member of their staff. The source of job infor­ mation reflected the hierarchy of the work environment.

Knowledge of the new policy flowed downward from management to union officials to workers and eventually became a matter of public information. None of the women learned of the new policy through the formally designated channels, such as, newspaper ads or the state employment office.

Some women reported that they applied for the job after hearing negative information about the new policy. In general, the source of knowledge about the new hiring policy was not related to participation. 215

Most of the women reported that they thought they had been hired because of some connection to management. Why one believes they were hired was not as significant as the actual relationship between the job applicant and manage­ ment. For example, one woman had listed as a job reference a plant supervisor who was a member of her church. She thought this was shy she got the job. This is a very in­ direct and distant connection to management and did not affect participation. I did find that more direct ties were significant. The daughter of a foreman was described as a "trouble maker" by other women workers and they were reluctant to form relationships with her. The women who were most active in the union tended to come from families with a history of union participation. I concluded that the closeness of the actual tie or connection was more significant.

Stake in the Job

The literature also suggested that the greater the stake a worker had in the job, the more likely he/she was to participate in union activities. Stake in the job has been measured by income, level of skill, seniority and job satisfaction. Because women are new enteries into steel mills, they did not have the seniority that places workers in high income, and highly skilled jobs inside the plant. 216

Women did report a high level of job satisfaction. Income,

skill levels and seniority were not appropriate measures

for stake in the job when attempting to explain women's

participation.

I believe that a more appropriate measure for stake in

the job would be the availability of alternative employment

at a comparable wage, and other sources of income. The

lowest job classification within the steel plant represented

a substantial increase in pay and benefits than the jobs previously held by the women steelworkers. This tended to

increase stake in the job. The women were very conscious of the income gap between their jobs in steel and the jobs traditionally held by women. Women without other sources of income or with spouses earning a restricted income

tended to participate more in union activities than married w o m e n .

Type of Job

The type of job also tends to affect participation.

Jobs that do not require continuous attention and provide

some freedom of movement have traditionally increased the likelihood of participation. Again, these types of jobs are allocated along seniority lines. Because women have low seniority they are less likely to be found in these types of jobs. 217

Jobs requiring little supervision have also been asso­ ciated with participation. Because of low seniority women

are not likely to be found in this type of job. In addition, women reported that regardless of their job assignment they

felt that they were more closely supervised than male employees.

Jobs that facilitate and encourage contact with fellow workers are also more likely to faciliate participation.

Most women do not have permanent job assignments and tend to move from job to job within the plant. This increases the overall number of contacts with other workers but de­ creases the chances of forming substantive relationships with other workers. I found that women who do participate in the union are women who manage to establish semi-stable relationships with a particular work crew.

Women who did not participate in the union expressed a preference for jobs that isolated them from other workers.

They preferred tasks they could do by themselves or that required minimal contact with other workers.

Also nonparticipants were more likely to compare their current job with previous jobs outside the mill and take as their reference group others similarly situated in the social structure. Consequently their evaluation of the low status jobs within the plant was favorable. On the other hand, women who participate tended to compare their 218

current job classification to the range of jobs available within the mill and to take as their reference group the

dominant group within the social structure of the work

place. Therefore they were less satisfied with low status

jobs.

Social Integration

The literature on union participation also suggested

that the more socially integrated the worker, the more

likely he/she was to participate. The preference for jobs

that minimize contact with other workers does not facili­ tate social integration. The women tended to assume roles

in the work relationship that made them unobtrusive.

They did not initiate conversation or interaction. Their response to their status as a very small statistical minority

indicates a low level of social integration. Women who do participate reported that they made special attempts to initiate interaction. One woman exchanged books with the men on her crew and another began to follow events more closely in order to have a base for conversation. Also the fact that most of the women are not members of a perma­ nent department or work crew serves as a barrier to social integration. With each new job assignment the women were forced to renegotiate a competency based relationship.

Most reported that over time they were able to establish such a relationship but only to find that they had been reassigned to a new crew. 219

In general the job related features were not good

indicators of women's participation. Many of the features were tied to seniority and very few women had over three years seniority. I would also conclude that social inte­ gration was difficult given such a skewed sex-ratio in the plant. However, those women who do participate tended to rate the social relationships formed on the job more favorably than women who did not participate.

Union-Related Features

Past research on union participation also suggested a number of union related features associated with partici­ pation. I have included; belief in unionism; evaluation of union performance; prior union experience; attitude of union leadership; and character of the relationship between leadership and the general membership.

Belief in Unionism

I assumed that belief in unionism was a pre-condition for union participation. I found that most women held a strong belief in the value and benefits of union membership, even though only one woman ever had any prior experience with unions. I often heard from union officials that women did not participate in union activities because they do not have enough background in unions to understand unionism.

However many women cited union protection as one of the things that surprised them the most about their job in the mills. It is my feeling that their experiences in the 220

unorganized sector of the labor market heightens their

appreciation of the union. In fact, many compared their

treatment on previous jobs to treatment in the mills and

attributed better treatment in the mill to the presence of the union.

Evaluation of Union Performance

While the women had a high appreciation of the concept of union protection, this did not necessarily mean that they thought their union was doing a good job. About a third of the women said they did not have enough information about their union local to evaluate the union's performance.

Nonparticipants were as likely as women participants to be critical of the union performance. The crucial difference was whether women members thought that their participation would make a difference.

Nonparticipants were more critical of union perform­ ance in areas that dealt with individual issues, particu­ larly grievances. They were also critical of "in-fighting" among those involved in union activities. "In-fighting" was their label for the political dynamics of the decision making process.

Participants were less likely to view "in-fighting" as petty squabbles and more likely to recognize the politics of the situation. In general, participants were more critical of union performance on a more general level. 221

The most often cited weakness was the gap between union leadership and the rank and file. Women delegates at the

ÜSWA convention felt that the bureaucratic structure was often out of touch with the general membership. The lack of individual input into the decision-making process was also criticized. Women participants were concerned that the membership no longer had a say in contract ratification or the right to strike.

I would conclude that a critical evaluation of union performance is not enough in itself to facilitate partici­ pation. A pattern of events seemed to be involved. Dis­ satisfaction with union performance coupled with the belief that the union is still an effective vehicle of change and that participation can make a difference.

Prior Union Experience

Prior experience in unions was not a useful variable to explore. Only one woman in the sample had any prior experience in unions. One would expect that given the fact that most women work in the unorganized sector of the labor market few would have had any prior experience in unions. For this study this variable held little relevancy.

A much more significant factor was family history in union participation. The women who participated reported that some other member in their family also participated in union activities. Outside of steel, the most frequently 222

mentioned unions were teamsters and United Mine Workers.

Most often the other family member with a record of partici­

pation was male. The data suggested that women who did

not participate had at least one other member of their

family who held union membership but did not participate.

Attitude of Union Officials

I hypothesized that a positive attitude toward the

employment of women in steel on the part of union officials would be an indicator of their willingness to encourage

the participation of women. I found that union officials have come to accept the employment of women but I would not describe their attitude as positive. All expressed their willingness to represent the interests of women mem­ bers even if they did not fully accept the idea of their employment in steel.

I also attempted to find out if union officials under­ stood the special needs of women workers. For the most part they did not. Union officials tend to view any issues raised by a minority group as a claim for special treat­ ment. Most did not see the need for a women's caucus.

Inadequate bathrooms and dressing facilities were some­ times mentioned as issues. Union officials tended to believe that women were better treated by supervisors and male 223 workers than what the women had reported. Union officials and women members hold differential perceptions of the treatment of women workers.

I also hypothesized that the belief,on the part of union officials that women were as interested as men in union activities, would increase the likelihood of women's participation. I found no clear cut pattern of responses.

Some believed women were more interested, some believed they were less interested and some believed that men and women were equally disinterested in union affairs.

Male union officials were more likely to see women as more interested in union activities than female union officials. Women officials defined interest as holding office or serving on committees where as men officials tended to view interest in terms of union meeting attendance.

Finally I suggested that the attitude of union offi­ cials toward the consent decree would indicate their willing­ ness to encourage women's participation. The consent decree was viewed favorably by those officials who were responsible for its implementation. Although no longer an explosive issue, union officials viewed the consent decree as un­ necessary. 224

Character of Relationship between Union Officials and Women Membership

Finally I suggested that the frequency and quality of

interaction between union officials and women members would be related to the participation of women. The women reported

that they knew the leadership of the local and how to con­

tact them if they encountered problems on the job. Women also reported that they had been encouraged to participate

in union activities by officials. All reported that they had been asked to come to meetings.

To summarize, these union-related features were proposed

in an effort to analyze the participation of women. Two

features seemed to stand out; membership in a family where at least one other member has a history of participa­ tion and the belief that participation makes a difference.

While the attitude of union officials and the character of the relationship between the leadership and the membership may play a role in the encouragement of women's participa­ tion, they are not essential for participation.

Women Movement Features

The former two categories of variables were for the most part drawn from previous studies of union participation.

The women's movement features were drawn from the Sociology of Gender literature but their utilization in the context of union participation represents an original contribution. 225

The women's movement features included; consciousness of

sex discrimination; positive sense of solidarity with other women workers; identification with the goals and objectives of the women's movement; and positive attitude

toward the women's movement.

Consciousness of Sex Discrimination

I suggested that greater consciousness of sex discrimin­ ation would increase the likelihood of participation. I found a high degree of consciousness about sex discrimination among women who participate in their union local. Partici­ pants were more likely to view discrimination in terms of job placement, job training and job advancement, and to identify the company as responsible for discriminatory practices.

Nonparticipants were more reluctant to identify with the term discrimination, and more likely to label their experiences on the job as unfair treatment or differential treatment. They were more likely to define such treatment in terms of psychological factors, i.e., attitudes or remarks made by other workers.

Both participants and nonparticipants identified maternity issues and child care as the most salient issues of special concern to women workers. Many cited examples of how societal expectations about the nature of gender differences affected their employment. 226

Solidarity with Other Women on the Job

I hypothesized that a positive sense of solidarity with other women on the job would increase the likelihood of participation. I found that both participants and nonpartic­ ipants reported they would like to see more women run for union office and hold union office. Both also reported that they would like the opportunity to meet with other women in their plant to discuss common problems.

Women participants were more likely to prefer working with other women. Older women were least likely to prefer working with other women. Conflict over seniority was the most significant division among women. Some women did not prefer to work with other women for pragmatic reasons, e.g., closer supervision when women work together.

Identification with Goals and Objectives of the Women's Movement

I hypothesized that identification with the goals and objectives of the women's movement would increase the likelihood of participation. I found that both participants and nonparticipants tended to identify with many of the more salient goals and objectives of the women's movement. They were; equal pay for equal work; the Equal Rights Amend­ ment; the need for day care centers; maternity leave and benefits; and more women in public office. 227

Among some women there was a tendency to define equality in terms of equivalents. For example, one woman said, "I am not for equality because men and women are not the same." Many of the women participants viewed equal rights for women in the broader context of better treatment for the working class as a whole.

Identification with the Women's Movement

I hypothesized that a positive attitude toward the women's movement would increase the likelihood of union participation. I found that many women identified with the goals and objectives of the women's movement but held negative perceptions of the women's movement as a whole.

They seemed to separate the goals of the women's movement from the movement itself. Many were quick to add the disclaimer, "I'm not a woman's libber."

The women's behavior and attitudes about the nature of gender roles were often at variance with the perception of the women's movement. Nearly all of the women identified the mass media (television, radio, magazines) as their source of information about the women's movement.

Women participants were not as critical of the women's movement as nonparticipants. Some had previous experience or membership in a women's movement organization. 228

In general, the women's movement features were fruitful in understanding and analyzing women's participation. It may be that part of the motivation to participate stems from an ideological commitment to greater equality.

Patterns of Union Participation

Formal Mechanisms of Participation

I have identified the following as the formal partici­ patory mechanisms: CD holding office; (2) running for office; (3) serving on a union committee; (4) attending labor schools, conferences or workshops; (5) attending union meetings; C6) campaigning for someone else; C7) voting in union elections; (8) filing a grievance; (9) attending educational or social functions of the union; (10) reading union literature, and (11) talking union politics at work.

While statistical information on the number of women holding office in basic steel locals is not available, I did find four women in the sample who held office. Only one held office in an executive board position and she was not affiliated with the political block in power. Conse­ quently she did not receive any major assignments from the top leadership of her local.

More women held office than I had anticipated, given the eligibility rules for running for office and their length of time in the union. Most of the women ran on platforms with appeals to broad sectors of the membership and not on women's issues. 229

Eight women reported that they had served on a union

committee. The committee most often cited was the Civil

Rights Committee. No women reported serving on local nego­

tiating committees. All of the women holding office reported

that they served on committees prior to being elected.

Attending labor schools, conferences and workshops

was another mechanism of formal participation. Many women

felt that they were not being encouraged to participate

in these forms. Some reported that they were never even

told of such events. However, women participants reported

that they had formed their own communications network

and often learned of educationals and workshops from sources

outside of their local.

I found that women office holders did have campaign

help from other women in their locals. Some women who were not very active in their local reported that at one

time they had campaigned for someone else. Women office holders also reported that while they campaigned for other

candidates, they did not always receive reciprocal support efforts.

Most union officials expressed concern about the low turnout at union meetings among both men and women. Propor­

tionately, more women attend meetings than men. In one

local all three of the women employed in a plant of 4,000 230 workers attended union meetings. However, the number of women who attend meetings on a regular basis is small. In the local in this study, two women attend meetings.

About half of the women respondents reported that they voted in union elections. Some who did not vote said that either they needed more information about the candidates and the issues or that they forgot to vote. Two women expressed the belief that voting was something they should do and seemed apologetic that they did not vote.

Almost all of the women said they knew how to file a grievance and most said they would if the situation called for it. About a third of the women reported that they had used the grievance procedure.

The majority of the respondents reported that they received copies of the union newspaper and the local's newsletter. Most said they glanced through it but the majority did not really read the articles.

All of the women respondents reported that they talked union politics at work. In fact this topic is one that often bridges the communication gap between men and women.

Alternative Mechanisms of Participation

I have identified the following as the alternative mechanisms of participation; 1) membership in a woman's caucus or women's movement organization; 2) membership in minority group caucus or minority movement organization; 231

3) membership in rank and file caucus; 4) requesting assis­ tance from outside support group or organization; and

5) filing a suit in civil courts.

In the union local in this study, there was not a women's caucus. However, women delegates at the USWA con­ vention did report that they were members of a women's caucus either in their local or their union district.

The majority of women delegates also reported that they were members of the Coalition of Labor Union Women (CLUW).

Most were individual members and did not belong to chapter organizations.

Minority participation in the local in this study primarily occurred in the context of the Civil Rights

Committee. However, at the USWA convention, black women delegates reported that they were members of minority caucuses. Many black women steelworkers held membership and leadership positions in both the Coalition of Black

Trade Unionists and the Coalition of Labor Union Women.

Many of the women convention delegates also reported that they were members of rank and file groups or partici­ pated in rank and file activity. Most were involved in the union presidential ceimpaign of a rank and file reform candidate. 232

Filing a suit in the civil courts was generally viewed as a measure of last resort. Most of the women activists, however, reported that they advise women who feel they are not getting a satisfactory response from the union, to use the court system and existing anti-discrimination legisla­ tion. On the local level one group of women members currently have a sex-discrimination case pending in the federal court.

CONCLUSION

The employment of women on a permanent bases in the production of basic steel is a recent phenomenon. Prior to

1974, women in the steel industry were employed in offices, dispensaries and in the sorting and inspection of tin.

For a brief period during World War II women could be found in jobs more essential to the production process.

However short lived that experience proved to be, it did demonstrate that women were willing and capable of per­ forming jobs traditionally defined as "male."

Women in today's steel mills are pioneers in just one of many new occupational frontiers opened by the social movements and legislative accomplishments of recent decades.

They do not think of themselves as pioneers. Like the rest of us, they too had seen the media accounts of the first women miners, construction workers, truck drivers and telephone line repair workers. 233

While these accounts can serve to raise public aware­ ness about the changing nature of gender roles and occupa­ tions, they do not reflect reality. The majority of women still work at the typewriter, staff hospitals, wait on tables in restaurants and serve customers in thousands of department and grocery stores throughout the country.

Women now make up 41 percent of the U.S. labor force and since 1960, the percentage of women who work has risen from 38 to 48. Most women work because they have to.

Over 40 percent of the working women are single, widowed, or divorced and another 26 percent are married to men who earn less than $10,000 a year (Newsweek, November 28, 1977).

At the rate women are presently employed, Wertheimer and Nelson (1975:2), predict that nine out of ten women will work during some part of their lives. For the first time, more than half the married women in the U.S. work at least part of the year. The trend is toward women continu­ ing to work after their children are born, and 36 percent of today's working women have children under the age of six

(Wertheimer and Nelson, 1975:2).

Women are far more likely than men to hold low-skill, low-paying jobs. Women earn roughly 59 percent of what men earn and are more likely to suffer from unemployment and underemployment. They are also more likely to live 234

in poverty. Women head of families constitute 43 percent

of all poor families (Wertheimer and Nelson, 1975:7).

In part, the disadvantage status of women workers can

be accounted for by the fact that few are represented by

unions. Workers without union protection receive less pay,

have little job security and fewer medical benefits. The

employment of women in the steel industry, a highly organ­

ized industry, marks for women a milestone on the road of

economic progress.

The rapid increase in the rate of labor force partici­

pation of women raises a number of fundamental issues for

society and will require readjustments on the part of

many major social institutions.

The participation of women steelworkers in their union

has implications far beyond the specific concerns of one

industry. In the process of pressing their union to be

more responsive to the needs and concerns of its female membership, they are forcing the union to put more muscle

behind social legislation that will benefit all working w o m e n .

Women steelworkers have testified at congressional

hearings on proposed legislation that would guarantee all women workers maternity leave and benefits. In the process,

the union was forced to respond and sent a staff representa­

tive to participate in the lobbying efforts. 235

There are other indications that women's participation is beginning to have an effect. A staff representative of the union resently toured day care centers in three coun­ tries as part of a Coalition of Labor Union Women CCLUW) initiative to draw-up national legislation on day care.

At the last convention, the union passed resolutions endors­ ing the ERA and recognizing the Coalition of Labor Union

W o m e n .

Finally, women in labor unions are in a strategic posi­ tion to push the labor movement forward in organizing the millions of unorganized women workers. The skills, talent and experience gained by women in trade unions can be util­ ized in the task of bringing union protection to a much broader section of the working population.

While women may be the newest voice within the steel union, there is some evidence to suggest that they are being heard. The women participants are young, bright, and articu­ late. Given the opportunity, they are likely to provide the energy and force in changing the work environment to meet the needs of the largest growing sector of the work force. APPENDIX A 236

APPENDIX A

RESPONDENT INVERVIEW GUIDE

No. _____

Date ______

Time ______

Place ______

Do you live in the city where the mill is located?_____Yes_No

If not, how far from the mill do you live? ______miles

What is your marital status?

never married separated

married widowed

divorced

Do you have children? Yes No

number of children

age of children

Do you share household expenses with anyone? Yes No tfho?

Spouse Occupation ______Union Affiliation ______

Does your husband participate in his union? ______

At what level? ______

Parents Occupation; Mother Union Affiliation

Father Union Affiliation

Level of parents participation in their local: 237

Age

Education: Grade school

High school 1 2 3 4

College 12 3 4

National or Racial origin (optional)

1. What types of previous jobs did you hold?

Job______Length______

2. How did you first hear about the job in the steel mill? (family, friends, want ad, other ______)

3. Why did you decide to apply for the job? (how long did it take you to decide to apply, how long was it before you were called, what did if feel like when you were called)

4. îVhat date did you begin work? ______

5. Have you ever been laid-off? How many times? ______For how long?

6 . What types of jobs have you done since you came to the mill?

7. What type of job do you do most frequently?

8. Which do you prefer? Why?

9. What shift do you work?

daylight afternoon night swing turns

10. Which do you prefer and why? 238

11. In general do you like your job? _____ Yes ______No What do you like the most about your job? What else?

What do you like the least about the job?

12. Have you ever bid on a job? Yes No

(How do you go about it?)

13. Have you ever bid on a apprenticeship job? Yes No (Would you like to, how do you go about it?)

14. Do you think you will be working here five years from now? _____ Yes No

15. Are you given much freedom to move around on your job? (degree of supervision, noise level, etc.)

16. What do you do when you have some free time?

17. Compared to what you thought the job would be, what sur­ prised you the most about the job?

18. How does your present job compare to the previous jobs you held? (financial, working conditions, supervision, fatigue)

19. While you are on the job, are you ever hassled about sex? (come ons, insults, abuse)

Does this come from co-workers or foremen or both?

20. Can you give me an estimate of about how much money you made last year? ______

21. How did your family react when you told them about the job? father

mother

spouse

children

22. How did your friends react? (male, female) 239

23. Who do you discuss your work with? Is it important to you to have someone you can talk things over with?

24. What is the reaction of strangers when the tell them you are a steelworker?

25. How do the men you work with treat you? Has this changed since you first came? In what way? Do you think men treat you any differently than they treat male workers? In what ways?

26. Are there any men you found particularly supportive? Who? (age, race, etc.)

27. Have you met any resistance since you started working at the plant? From who? What kind of resistance? Has this changed?

28. Are there ever other women in your work crew? How often? Do you like it better or worse when there is at least one other woman in the work crew? Why?

29. How does the foreman treat you? Differently than the way he/she treats the men?

30. Do you eat lunch with your work crew? Yes No

31. Do you drive to work with other workers? Yes No

32. Do you go out socially with any of the people you work with? Yes No

33. Do most of the other people in your neighborhood work in the mill or in other similar type jobs? Yes No

34. Ifhat types of organizations do you belong to? church

sports

political

women

35. How often do you participate in these organizations? 240

36. How do black and white workers get along on the job? Cdo the women get along better than the menl

37. Do you think having a union is a good thing? Yes No Why? Does it make a difference?

38. What kind of a job do you think the union is doing?

39. Do you talk union politics at work? Yes No What kinds of issues do you discuss?

40. Were any of your previous jobs unionized? __ Yes No Did you participate in any of those unions? Yes No In what ways?

41. Do any of your friends from work participate in the union? Yes No Are they mlae of female friends?

42. Do you personally know any union officers? Yes No Who? Do you discuss the union with them? What do you discuss?

43. When you feel you have a grievance, what do you do about it? (Did you ever just let it go by?)

44. Have you ever filed a grievance? Yes No Wliat was the outcome?

45. Did you vote in the last local election? Yes No W h y or why not?

46. Did you vote in the election for the International president? Yes No

47. Have you ever voted in a union election? Yes No (In what type of an election?)

43. Do you go to union meetings? Yes No How often? Why or why not?

49. Would you go to a union meeting if you knew more people who would be there? Yes No

50. Has anyone ever invited you to a union meeting? Yes No

51. Have you ever attended a social event sponsored by the union? Yes No 241

52. Have you ever attended an educational program sponsored by the union? Yes No

53. Have you ever served on a union committee? Yes No Which committee?

54. Are you familiar with the new contract? Are you satis­ fied with it? If not, why not?

55. Do you ever read any union publications? (newspaper, notices, constitution)

56. Have you ever read anything about labor history? Would you like to?

57. Have you ever run for union office? Why/why not?

58. If so, which office did you run for and why did you choose that office?

59. Have you ever been elected to a union position? What position?

60. Have you ever campaigned for someone else? Yes No Why?

61. Would you like to become more involved in union activity? Yes No Why or why not?

62. Î-That would have to change in order for you to become more involved in union activities? (time and location of meetings, childcare)

63. How do you think your husband or boyfrined would feel if you got involved in union activities?

64. In general, do you think women take as much interest in the union as the men? Why/why not?

65. How do you think the union feels about women workers?

66. Do you think that if women are elected to union office that the union would be more concerned about the women workers? Yes No

67. Do you think more women should run for union office? Yes No Why or why not? 242

68. If you got married would you continue to work in the mill? Yes No Why or why not?

69. If you got pregnant would you continue to work in the mill? Yes No Why or why not?

70. VHiat is the company policy toward pregnancy or maternity leave?

71. Who takes care of your children while you are at work? Are you satisfied with this arrangement? Yes No What would you prefer?

72. If daycare centers were provided would you use them? Yes No If not, why not?

73. Since you started to work in the mill does your husband help you around the house more than before or about the same?

74. In what ways does he help?

75. Would you vote for the Equal Rights Amendment (.ERA) if it were on the ballot? Yes No

76. Has working in the mill given you the chance to do things you might not otherwise have tried? What?

77. Do you feel you face any special problems on the job because you are a woman? What are they? (dressing facilities, safety)

78. In the society as a whole do you think women are dis­ criminated against? What do you see as the key issues?

79. How do you feel about the women's movement? What does it stand for in your opinion? What should it stand for? What are the most important issues? What changes would you like to see? (Where did you get information about the women's movement?)

80. Have you ever participated in any activities of the women's movement? What?

81. Do you belong to any organizations that are related to the women's movement? (CLUW, women's caucus)

82. Would you like the chance to meet with other women in the mill to discuss problems that women have on the job? Yes No Why?

83. Is there anything you would like to add? 243

INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR USWA CONVENTION DELEGATES

Convention status ______

Size of local ______

Type of job ______

Region______

Age ______

Education ______

Marital status ______

Number of children ______

Age of children ______

Current union position ______

Elected______

Appointed ______

Past union position(s) ______

1. Why did you become involved in union activités?

2. How did you get involved in union activies? (Probe: union family, friends involved in union activities, past experience in union activity)

3. From whom do you receive the most support for your union activity? (Probe: family, friends, co-workers, male/female)

4. Do other women in your local participate in union activ­ ities? If so, what type of activity? If not, why do you think other women do not participate? 244

5. Do you think that women are as interested as men in union activities? Why/why not?

6. Would you like to see more women run for union office? What impact would more women in leadership positions have on union policy?

7. Do you ever encounter resistance to your leadership role? From whom? In what ways?

8. Have you ever encountered sex-discrimination on the job? If so, can you cite an example? What could the company do to solve the problem? What role should the union play?

9. Have you ever encountered sex-discrimination in the union? If so, can you cite an example? What would you propose by way of a solution?

10. Do you support the Equal Rights Amendment? Why/why not?

11. Should the company provide day care services? Should the union propose this through collective bargaining? Should the Federal government be responsible for this?

12. Should there be a maternity clause in the contract?

13. Should the International establish a Women’s Department to handle the special concerns of women workers?

14. Do you support the idea of some type of national con­ ference on women sponsored by the International?

15. Do you support the consent decree? Why/why not? Has it been effective?

16. How do you feel about the Women’s Liberation Movement? 245

INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR UNION OFFICIALS

Current position

Past positionCs)

Age

Sex

Race

Education

1. Why did you decide to run for union office?

2. What do you see as the key functions of your office?

3. What qualities do you think make a good union leader?

4. Why do you think women wanted to work in the steel mill?

5. What was the attitude of company personnel about the hiring of women? Has this changed over time?

6. Do you think company personnel ever deliberately try to make it more difficult for women in order to dis­ courage their employment? If so, how?

7. Initially, what was the attitude of male workers about the hiring of women? Has this changed over time? In what ways?

8. How do you personally feel about women working in the mill?

9. Do women participate in union activities? Which activi­ ties? How many women participate? At what level of consistency? 246

10. Do you think women are as interested as men in union activities? Why or why not?

11. Why do you think some women don't participate?

12. How do the men who participate in union activities feel about the participation of women in union activities?

13. TVhy do you think your local elected a woman to union office?

14. Do you think that women may have certain types of problems on the job that are different from the men? What are they? What should the union do about these problems?

15. What is your reaction to the consent decree? (Probe: necessity, evaluation)

16. What do you think about the women's liberation movement? APPENDIX B 247

APPENDIX B

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE U.S. TRADE UNION MOVEMENT

It would be premature to analyze the participation of women in the contemporary trade union movement without a review of the historical forms their participation has taken.

Placing participation in its proper historical context pro­ vides a comparative perspective essential for the understand­ ing of the growth, direction, development or lack of develop­ ment of women's participation. History allows us to identify the trends and pivotal events that helped to shape the character of women's participation. According to C.W. Mills

(1959:149), "our chance to understand how smaller milieux and larger structures interact, and our chance to under­ stand the larger causes at work in these limited milieux require us to deal with historical materials."

In order to grasp the essential features of women's participation in the smaller milieux of the Steelworkers union, it is necessary to move beyond the specific events of a particular time period. Therefore, I will present a brief historical overview of women's participation in the trade union movement. This overview will focus primarily on the collective organized efforts of women to exercise some measure of control over the conditions under which they labored. The term organized effort is loosely construed to mean any attempt on the part of women to purposefully alter or change the conditions of work. These attempts may be 248 successes or failures and may range from spontaneous strike activity to the establishment of formal organizations with written bylaws, decision-making structure, and codified goals and objectives.

Any historical discussion of the forms of women's participation must take into account a number of factors.

It would be difficult to discuss the topic without some reference to the actual conditions of work and to develop­ ments in the general trade union movement. Therefore, an attempt will be made to relate women's participation to the nature of work, the character of the labor movement and to broader historical forces such as industrialization, urbani­ zation, developments in technology and political climate.

Colonial America to the American Revolution

The dominant character of American labor during the colonial era was decidedly involuntary. According to

Foner (1947:19) of the three million colonists, one out of six were slaves. In addition, three out of four persons living in Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia at the time of the Revolution were or had been indentured servants.

The most common form of employment for the women inden­ tured servant was domestic service. Wages were low or in many cases nonexistent. Most worked to pay for their passage to the colonies. The woman maidservant worked and lived under the complete and often arbitrary control of the "master" of the house and elaborate rules and regulations were 249

established to govern even the most personal aspects of her

life (Baxandall et al., 1976:26).

Laboring under such harsh conditions and in isolation

from one another, there is little historical evidence to-

suggest that women indentured servants ever engaged in collective efforts to change their situation. However, despite harsh penalties some did rebel either through run­ ning away or through more subtle forms of resistance such as "insolence" or "disobedience." The trial record of one maidservant read :

Susan C., for her rebellious carriage toward her mistress, is to be sent to the house of correction and be kept to hard labor and coarse diet, to be brought forth the next lecture day to be publicly corrected, and so to be corrected weekly, until order be given to the contrary (Baxandall, et al., 1976:23).

Eventually the indentured maidservant could pay for her freedom through the serving of time. This was not an option open to the slave woman.

While little is known of the role of women in the slave community, we do know that women were not spared the harsh realities of slave labor. The primary organized response to the conditions of slave labor was the slave revolt.

There are very few records of successful revolts but we do know from the newspaper accounts of the unsuccessful ones that women were involved (Aptheker, 1970). 250

Davis (1971) contends that because the slave woman worked beside the man slave in "deformed equality" and experienced "equal oppression" under slavery, she was in a unique position as the central figure in the domestic quarter to translate that oppression into action. In addition to the collective efforts to escape the conditions of slave labor, women slaves engaged in individual expressions of resistance. This ranged from poisoning the "master's"food and burning his house and crops to feigning illness and work slow-downs (Davis, 1971:8).

Conditions of forced labor were not conducive to the formation of worker's organizations. They did however generate both spontaneous and organized resistance. Even­ tually, the number of white free laborers increased through the expiration of the indentures and through the immigra­ tion of free workers.

As the demand for commodities grew, merchants and artisans came to realize that it was more profitable to employ free laborers because they did not have to be fed, clothed or sheltered. Also the type of work required by many of the new shops and mills was seasonal and it was cheaper to use free laborers who could be laid off during slack periods. This transition marks the emergence of a working class who sold their labor in exchange for wages

(Foner, 1947:23). 251

The mid-eighteenth century marked the beginnings of wage labor,but the dominant character of the economy was still agricultural. The center of industry was the home where women produced all the commodities necessary for domestic maintenance. According to Abbott (1919), women produced primarily for home consumption and sold whatever extras to the village shop or to private customers. Employment away from the home was unimportant compared to work within the home.

The major commodity of home industry was cloth. By the end of the eighteenth century women were engaged pri­ marily in the spinning and weaving of yarn. Women began to spend more time producing surplus cloth for local merchants.

This activity was openly promoted by the colonial powers who saw the manufacturing of cloth as a source of tax revenue (Flexner, 1974:9).

Because the work centered in the home and in isolation from other sources of production, women did not attempt to combine their efforts to alter the arrangements under which cloth was produced. It is important to remember that under colonial rule, the free laborer had very few democratic rights. Their attempts to organize were branded as con­ spiracies and were outlawed (Foner, 1947:27).

The closest form to trade unions developed prior to the Revolutionary War was the benevolent society. According to Foner (1947:27) the purpose of this type of organization 252

was to provide support for a worker or his family in case of

accident or death. It did not focus on questions of wages,

hours or working conditions. The benevolent society origi­

nated among the highly skilled sector of the working popula­

tion. Colonial merchants, on the other hand, had the power

to form employers associations and to fix prices. Clearly,

the balance of power did not favor the development of worker's organizations.

"Seedtime of Unionism"

The American Revolution changed considerably the character of economic production in the United States.

The major shift involved the transition from mercantile capitalism to incipient industrialism, a process that lasted about three decades. With the development of trans­ portation, markets were greatly expanded and the division of labor became increasingly specialized. The independent artisan once responsible for the production of an entire commodity was now limited through specialization to work on a single operation within the production process. In reaction to this threat to their long-standing independence, good living conditions and status, these journeymen were the first to form trade union type organizations (Brook, 1964:13).

Essentially,the labor movement was a rebellion against rising industrialism and often joined with the more middle- class utopian movements of the time in denouncing the evils of the factory system. These skilled workers organized in 253

an attempt to protect their standard of living from both

the rising capitalist class and the swelling class of semi­

skilled workers. (Foner, 1947:37).

This period of history is characterized by Brooks

(1964:13) as the "seedtime of unionism." The skilled

workers were the first to institute many practices of the

contemporary labor movement. Among the many seeds planted

were; fraternal cooperation between unions in different

locations, the first paid "walking delegate" or union organ­

izer (1799), the first sympathetic strike (1799), the first

general strike (1809), the first permanent strike fund

(1805), establishment of the first closed shop, and use of

the boycott (Brooks, 1964:18-19).

Labor activity was highly dependent on the fluctuations of the economy, and most forms and activities were spontaneous and temporary. Also, laws were passed that made organizing difficult.

The doctrine that a combination of workmen-, to raise their wages was a criminal conspiracy was applied in some nineteen cases during the early decades of the nineteenth century. The prosecution— or threat of prosecution— of workers' organizations on this charge no doubt hindered the early development of trade unions (Brooks, 1965:21).

These initial forms of labor agitation were most developed among skilled workers and women were excluded from these occupations. However, this is not to say that women did not participate in the early phases of trade union activity. 254

The transition from domestic production to the factory system coupled with the introduction of machine technology and the increased specialization of labor brought thousands of women into the manufacturing trades. According to

Abbott (1919:63) this transitionary period lasted from about 1808 to 1840.

The earliest form of factory employment among women is found in the New England cotton industry. Abbott

(1919:49) contends that work in the cotton mills was viewed as the logical extension of women's work in the home. As such, it was met with a measure of popular approval. The employment of women was seen as an economic asset to the community, since their labor was viewed as unproductive for agricultural development.

Despite the fact that the United States industrial census of 1822 listed over one hundred occupations in which women were reported to have worked, it was in the cotton industry where their numbers were greatest. The following table (Table 7 ) reflects the concen­ tration of women in the textile industry of Massachusetts. 255 TABLE 7

% OF WOMEN OPERATIVES EWLOYED IN

SELECT MILL TOWNS OF MASSACHUSETTS;

1818 - 1833

% which women formed of total Date______Place number of operatives

1818 Lancaster 88

1819 Waltham 95

1821 Waltham 85

1822 Fishkill 83

1825 Lancaster 83

1827 New Market 90

1827 Lowell 90

1833 Lancaster 85

Sources: Abbott, Edith, Women in Industry: A Study in

American Economic History. New York: D. Appleton and Co.,

1919:90.

The development of the factory system is key to our

understanding of the development of labor organization among women. For the first time large numbers of women workers were brought together under the same roof. The organization of work under the factory system required cooperation between workers. Workers were forced into close proximity;

thus,for the first time,creating the possibility of joint 256

efforts on their part to exercise some control over the

conditions of work (Kranzberg and Gies, 1975:101)

In a remarkable study prepared for the United States

Senate, by Andrews and Bliss (1911) the early history of women in

trade unions is thoroughly documented. According to Andrews

and Bliss (1911:11) the history of women in trade unions,

up to about 1910, can be divided into four periods:

(1) the beginnings of organization, extending from 1825 to

1840; (2) the development of associations interested in labor

reform, including legislative action, 1840-1860; (3) the

sustained development of pure trade unions and the rise of

the struggle over the sufferage, 1860-1880; and (4) impact

of Knights of Labor and American Federation of Labor,

1881-1910.

Early Organization: 1825-1840

Labor union activity during this period was generally

spontaneous, short-lived and more often than not unsuccessful.

However, there is ample evidence to suggest that women did

engage in collective efforts to challenge the conditions

under which they worked (Henry, 1915; Andrews and Bliss,

1911; Wolfson, 1926).

In 1824, Pawtucket, Rhode Island, became the site of

the first organized protest by female factory workers.

Women went out on strike in support of male weavers who were protesting the reduction of wages and the extention of

the work day (O'Sullivan and Gallick, 1975:9). 257 In the following year women formed the first all women union, the New York City United Tailoresses Society.

They not only demanded higher wages but also advocated the right of women to vote and hold political office. In 1831, the union led 1600 women in a strike for better wages.

Unfortunately, the strike was short lived and there is no record of when or why the union disbanded (Henry, 1915:7).

The first important strike of women mill workers, on their own behalf, occurred in Dover, New Hampshire, in

1828. The tactics employed by the women strikers were forerunners of many of the contemporary practices of the trade union movement.

Against reduction of wages, monthly payments, and exasperating rules the Dover girls furnished to their compli- ants by means of street parades, protest meetings, placards, poetry, and widely published resolutions. They appointed committees to secure the support of workers in other towns, and raised funds to relieve the necessities of the strikers (Andrews and Bliss, 1911:12)

Strike activity often led to the awareness of the need for a more permanent organization to represent the needs of women workers. For example, a strike of women cotton- mill workers in Lowell in 1834 led to the formation of the

"Factory Girls" Association. The association numbered about

2,500 women and passed resolutions reflecting their right to form unions. Their proclamation read, "Our present ob­ jective is to have union and exertion, and we remain in possession of our own unquestionable rights." (Andrews and

Bliss, 1911:28) 258

Finally, in 1835, women in the sewing trades formed

the first city-wide association of women workers across

job classifications. The Female Improvement Society for

the City and County of Philadelphia included; tailoresses,

seamstresses, binders, folders, milliners, stock makers,

corset makers, etc. These women organized to protest low

wages and the practice of charging workers for needles,

thread and damaged cloth. Each group formed its own committee

to develop a scale of price demands (Wertheimer, 1977:97).

After some small victories, however, the organization

vanished.

The organization of women workers during this period,

primarily took the form of strike activity. Some were

pre-planned; many were spontaneous; most were short-lived

and unsuccessful. However, this was also the case with the

labor movement as a whole. While strikes may not have

been successful in winning particular demands, they did

establish some of the basic principles of the trade union movement: the right to organize and the power of unity.

The Development of Female Labor Associations 1840-1860.

According to Andrews and Bliss (1911:13) this period is

characterized by the formation of "labor reform" associations.

While these organizations were predominantly educational in nature, they did organize a number of successful strikes,

fight for increased wages and a shorter work day and agitated

for protective legislation. 259

Lowell, Massachusetts was perhaps the center, of the labor reform movement. In 18 44, twelve women met to form the Lowell Female Labor Reform Association and within six months the membership reached five hundred. This marks the first attempt to form a permanent organization of women workers (Wertheimer, 1977:73; Henry, 1915:12).

The constitution of the organization reflected a high level of working class consciousness;

Shall we, operatives of America, the land where democracy claims to be the principle by which we live and by which we are governed, see the evil daily increasing which separates more widely and more effectually the favored few and the unfortunate many without one exertion to stay the progress? (Andrews and Bliss, 1911:72).

The constitution also established the rights and obligations of the membership, provided for the election of officers and established a dues structure (Andrews and Bliss, 1911:72).

The association affiliated with the New England

Workingmen's Association and joined in the campaign for the shorter work day, collecting thousands of signatures on a petition calling for the ten hour day. The association also engaged in political activity and was responsible for the first governmental investigation of working conditions in factories. Activity was not limited to Lowell, Members traveled to other mill towns in Massachusetts and New

Hampshire in an effort to help other women organize reform associations. 260

In 1846, the organization in Lowell changed its name to the Lowell Female Industrial Reform and Mutual Aid

Society. The name change reflected a more fundamental change in the character of the organization. According to Wertheimer (1977:76) the Society became more practically based. "It set up sick funds and benefits and tried to appeal to the self interest as well as idealism of the mill women."

It also formed a library, held classes and continued to publish the Voice of Industry (labor newspaper) until late in 1847.

Women were organizing in other industries as well. In

Lynn, Massachusetts women in the shoe industry founded the

Female Society of Lynn and Vicinity for the Protection and

Promotion of Female Industry. The organization drew up a constitution recognizing equal rights and the right to organize. It also had an executive structure,-held regular meetings and collected dues. It organized women around the issue of low piecework rate and attempted to establish a uniform price list. However, the organization was short­ lived. Unlike mill work, where women worked under the same roof, women in the shoe industry worked primarily in their own homes, and it proved difficult to organize women who worked in isolation from one another. Despite the failure of the organization, women participated in many strikes.

They joined with male workers when over 20,000 New England shopworkars organized one of the largest walk-outs during this period (Wertheimer, 1977:87). 261

In general this period marks the transition from strike activity to the establishment of more formalized expressions of protest. Although the organizations were for the most part short-lived, they served an educational function exerting influence upon public opinions and legislation.

In general the ups and downs of the labor movement reflected the ups and downs of the national economy. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the labor movement was marked by a long series of local strikes and a long succession of short-lived organizations. The labor movement, as a whole, lacked continuity. One generation did not know about the efforts of the preceding one, and efforts to organize in one place were unrelated to efforts in another

(Henry, 1923:8).

Development of Trade Unions 1860-1880

The Civil War greatly accelerated the pace of American industrialization. According to Flexner (1974:31), westward expansion and war production brought about large scale capital growth. In addition, the victory of free labor over slave labor further stimulated economic develop­ ment. The period also marks the permanent foundation of the modern trade union movement. By 1870 there were thirty-two national unions; only two, however, the printers and cigar- makers admitted women (Flexner, 1974:33).

The Civil War and its aftermath sent thousands of women to the cities in search of work. During the war women were 262 needed in industry to replace the men who were drafted or lost to the war effort. After the war, women left destitute by the death of their husbands flocked to the sewing trades.

It was about this time, however, that the introduction of the sewing machine was beginning to displace thousands of workers,

Working conditions were the worst ever and wages were extremely low or in some cases nonexistent (Henry, 1923:87).

In response to this situation protective unions were established. These were not trade unions but organizations formed, in part, by women reformists concerned about the victimization of women working in the sewing trades. The protective unions combined many functions but never really encouraged women to organize. They did, however, provide legal services to women seeking compensation for back wages.

Also in some cities they served as employment agencies and training schools, but never really significantly affected the working conditions in the clothing industry ’(Baxandall et al., 1977:155).

This period also marks the formation of the first national labor federation, and in 1866, the National Labor

Union held its first convention. The National Labor Union endorsed equal pay for women and encouraged the organization of women into trade unions. A resolution passed at its second national convention urged women to "learn trades, engage in business, join our labor unions or form protective unions of your own, and use every means to persuade or force . 263

employers to do justice to women by paying them equal wages

for equal work" (Wertheimer, 1977:161). Women delegates

were seated at the convention.

Labor was still mainly organized on a local basis.

By this time the original "Yankee" women workers in the

New England textile mills were replaced by immigrant labor.

Strike after strike was lost. According to Henry (1915:17),

organizing drives met with little success because working

conditions were so appalling and wages so depressed. Com­

petition between home and factory systems, the influx of

war widows and economic speculation on war goods all served

to reduce wages to starvation levels.

However, in other industries, where conditions were

not so bad, organization was more successful. Women laundry workers organized so effectively in Troy, New York that

their union the Collar Laundry Workers was able to contri­

bute strike funds to other unions. They were able to raise

their own wages from $2 and $3 a week to between $7 and $14

(Henry, 1915:20). However, their union was broken by a strike

in 1869.

The experience of women who worked in predominantly

"male" trades were best reflected in the printing trade.

Women had always been found in small numbers in printing

since the colonial era. At first discouraged by the male unions, they were often employed as strike breakers. While opinion was divided, the International Typographical Union 264

initiated the expenses of starting a women's union and on

October 12, 1868, the Women's Typographical Union No. 1

was organized (Henry, 1915:21). While never a very large

operation, women had been admitted to a number of other locals

on an equal basis with men.

Another industry where the organization of women workers

met with a measure of success was the tobacco industry.

During the war women cigarmakers formed the Lady Cigar Makers

in Providence, Rhode Island and organized a campaign to

boycott a non-union employer. Male cigarmakers threatened

by the growing numbers of women, blacks and immigrants who

worked as cheap labor in the industry, opened their doors to

women and blacks. In 1875, the National Union of Cigar Makers

amended their constitution to prohibit local unions from

discrimination against women workers (O'Sullivan and Gallick,

1975:27).

The first national union of women, the Daughters of

St. Crispan, was organized in 1869 by women in the shoe

industry. According to Flexner (1974:139), the history of the

organization is sketchy. It is known that the union had

"fraternal" ties with the National organization of men

shoe workers the Knights, of St. Crispin and that the "Daughters"

had twenty-four lodges throughout the country. It held annual

conventions until 1872 and in that same year successfully organized women workers in Lynn, Massachusetts to strike in protest of a wage cut. It is believed that the organization 265

declined by 1876 when the economy suffered one of the worst

depressions.

Despite brief periods of economic decline after the

Civil War, wages and working conditions substantially improved

for union workers. Wage increases of organized workers

were forty percent higher than those of unorganized labor.

However, when in 1873 the banking house of Jay Cooke and

Company closed its doors the situation changed completely.

Overnight the entire credit structure of the country collapsed,

and by the end of the year over five thousand commercial

failures had been reported (Foner, 1947:439).

Unemployment was high and trade union membership

declined rapidly. Few unions were capable of surviving a

long depression. In 1873 there were thirty national unions,

but by the end of the depression only eight or nine remained

(Foner, 1947:439). Despite the bleak realities of depression

living, workers fought back. Unemployment rallies were held

demanding food, shelter and jobs. In 1874, in New York

City, protesters were attacked by police, and hundreds of workers were injured and several were arrested (Foner, 1947:

445; Wertheimer, 1977:178).

Strike activity continued despite the use of lockouts, blacklists, legal prosecutions and yellow dog contracts by

employers to smash the trade unions. In Fall River,

Massachusetts women voted to strike a textile firm over a proposed ten percent wage reduction, regardless of whether 266 the men voted to or not. More than 3,000 workers had stopped working, and those who remained on the job were taxed to support the strikers. Initially, the workers prevented the wage cut, but eventually the company, with the support of the militia, reinstituted the wage reduction (Foner, 1947:

454) .

During the summer of 1877, a nationwide strike of railroad workers was called. Almost all major cities were involved, and over 100,000 workers walked out. They were met again by the militia. "Twenty men, women and children were killed by the militia in Pittsburgh, twelve in Baltimore, and similar troop attacks against strikers took place elsewhere" (Wertheimer, 1977:178).

By 1878, the economy entered a period of recovery, and the trade union movement experienced unprecedented growth. It was also the age of monopoly, and the demand for cheap labor increased. "Cheap tractable labor was needed for these giant enterprises; in the decade after 1880, immigration from impoverished European countries topped five million. Women workers were in rising demand, always for the lowest paying jobs" (Flexner, 1974:193). However, women continued to work in the same types of occupations they held prior to industrialization. They were concen­ trated primarily in clothing, textile, laundry and household domestic work (see Table 8 ). 267

TABLE S

OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF FEMALE FACTORY WORKERS

______Industry______Number of Women

Clothing manufacture 389,231

Laundries and cleaning 109,280

Cotton textiles 92,394

Other textiles 42,420

Shoes 21,007

Containers and boxes 14,126

Tobacco 10,868

Printing 9,322

Silk and rayon 9,211

Carpets and rugs 7,674

Hats 6,357

Sources; Flexner, Eleanor, Century of Struggle: The

Women's Movement in the United States. New York: Atheneum,

1974:193-

Despite advances in technology and rising corporate profits, working conditions worsened. Wages were lower than the pre-depression level. Working conditions deteriorated and the rate of industrial accidents increased in the absence of any health or safety legislation. In the cities women worked 12 and 14 hour days in crowded, unsanitary tenement dwellings. In the mill towns workers were still paid in script redeemable at the company story, and children went into the mills and mines as soon as they were able. In 258

the South, black workers often earned no more than fifty to

seventy-five cents a day. They, too, were paid in script

and often times found that after the harvest they owed the

employer more than they received in wages (Wertheimer,

1977:181).

Women in the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of

Labor.

In response to declining wages and worsening working conditions, labor increased its organizational activities.

Those unions that survived the depression emerged to form the first solid national organization of workers, the Knights of Labor. The Knights of Labor originiated in 1869 as a secret order pledged to the improvement of living conditions, and in 1878 held its first convention. The Knights attempted to organize on an industrial basis rather than along craft lines and to include unskilled workers. The preamble of their constitution called for equal pay for equal work for both men and women. Black workers were included from the beginning and were organized in both segregated and inte­ grated assemblies (Boone, 1942:52).

In 1881, the Knights became an open organization and in the same year voted to admit women workers (Wertheimer,

1977:182). According to Wertheimer, women joined in great numbers, and by 1886, 192 women's assemblies had been organized. Women also joined previously all-male assemblies.

At the peak of its organizational strength over 50,000 women were members of the Knights of Labor, representing ten percent 269

of the total membership but only two percent of all employed

women. Most of the women assemblies were organized geograph­

ically across trade lines while a smaller number were found

in single trade assemblies.

On paper the Knights were committed to the full parti­

cipation of women in the labor movement, but it was the women

themselves who initiated action to realize that goal. At

the 1886 convention, sixteen women were seated as delegates

and these women took independent stands in the interest of the women workers they came to represent. The following account is given by Henry (1915:27):

...the (women) announced that they had formed a permanent organization, the object of which will be to investgate the abuses to which our sex is subjected by unscrupulous employers, to agitate and principle which our order teaches of equal pay for equal work and aboli­ tion of child labor.' They also recommended that the expenses of this new women's depart­ ment and the expenses of a woman investigator should be borne by the order. The report was adopted and the memorable Women's Department of the Knights of Labor was created.

The establishment of the Women's Department and the develop­ ment of women assemblies afforded women the opportunity to develop their own organizational and administrative skills that would prove useful even after the Knights of Labor ceased to exist.

The early 1890's marked the decline of the Knights of

Labor and rise of the American Federation of Labor (AFL). The

AFL was a loose federation of national and international unions 270

primarily concerned with consolidating and advancing gains

won by skilled workers. It placed great emphasis on the

autonomy of its affiliates and on the principle of organ­

izing workers into separate craft unions. It refused to

broaden the scope of the organization to encompass political

action preferring, instead, to follow more pragmatic guide­

lines to accomplish the objectives of the labor movement.

In principle the participation of women was encouraged; however, the actual practices of the AFL served to insure

that their role would be minimal. In a speech before a trade union congress in 1901, Samuel Compers, President of the American Federation of Labor, declared, "The American

Federation of Labor affirms as one of the cardinal principles of the trade union movement that the working people must organize, unite and federate irrespective of creed, color, sex, nationality or politics" (Foner, 1964:219).

The 1882 convention gave representation to women's labor organizations on the same basis as men's, and in the following year there was a declaration calling for equal pay for equal work. The convention of 1885 sent out a call urging women to organize, and by 1890, the first women delegate was seated at a national convention. The AFL passed a resolution in favor of suffrage and another calling for the appointment of women organizers (Boone, 1942:54),

Foner (1947), however, contends that the actual practices of the AFL were incompatible with the expressed goal of 271

organizing women. First, most of the AF of L affiliate

unions were organized along craft lines, and women were

excluded from many of these crafts. The high dues and initia­

tion fees set by the federation for member organizations precluded the participation of women. "Dues ranging from

$1 to $5 a month and initiation fees fexed at sums varying from $25 to . . . $500 made a mockery of resolutions and speeches calling for the broadest organization of the working class" (Foner, 1964:220).

Everytime an individual union or the federation was questioned about the dues structure the answer was always the same: ". . .if the skilled crafts can do it so can everyone else." It became obvious that the American

Federation of Labor thought it a waste of time to spend money organizing low-paid, unskilled trades whose workers could not contribute to the union's financial treasury.

To the repeated pleas of a woman organizer attempting to get her union of shoe and boot makers affiliate status, to lower the dues came the following response, "We have been in touch with these women right along, as their letter indicates, and there is nothing to be gained from pursuing the matter further.

They evidently want to organize on the bargain-counter plan, and we can well do without such members" (Foner, 1964:221).

Because of the emphasis on the autonomy of its affili­ ates, the American Federation of Labor would not interfere with the discriminatory policies or practices of its 272

affiliates. Some member organizations openly excluded women

through constitutional clauses barring women from their craft.

However, it was more common for the unions to exclude women

by restricting their apprenticeship programs to men only or

to reject their transfer cards from another local within their

jurisdiction (Foner, 1964:221).

Throughout this period the proportion of women who

held trade union membership began to decline. In New York

the proportion of women to all trade unionists fell from 4.8

to 2.9 percent, and in Chicago the number of women trade

unionists dropped from 31,400 to 10,000. At the same time

the number of gainfully employed women doubled, and by 1910

only 0.9 percent of women workers were unionized (Foner,

1964:222).

Yet, Gomper's consistently justified American Federa­

tion of Labor policy on the grounds that women were "only"

temporary workers and that their real "place" was in the

home. He did not believe that married women should work despite the fact that between 1890 and 1912, married women

in industry increased from 515,000 to over 3 million

(Foner, 1964:223). Eventually, the American Federation of

Labor, did appoint a full-time women organizer without status on the executive council, but when funds were short they asked her to leave. The executive council refused to appoint another organizer on the grounds that no qualified women could be found and that the money would be better spent by hiring male organizers (Wertheimer, 1977:207). 273

With or without the support of the American Federation of Labor, women continued to struggle. Between 1895 and

1905, women were directly involved in 1,262 strikes, and in 83 of the strikes women workers alone were involved

(Foner, 1954:224). A survey conducted by Herron (1905) of the major national and international unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor concluded that the participation of women in union activity was greatest in sex-segregated locals than in mixed locals.

She also makes note of two other types of women's organizations, the auxiliaries and the consumer leagues.

Women's auxiliaries are composed of women belonging to the families of male unionists. In the Typographical Union, the auxiliary is organized along local and international lines, and their objectives are the social enjoyment of its members and the furthering of labor interests. The locals (auxiliary) insist upon the use of the union label, agitate for improvements in child labor laws, look after the sick of the society, and increase the 'good fellowship' among the families of the locals by social gatherings (Herron, 1905:24).

The other type of women's organization found as a

"support" group within the labor movement was the Women's

Union Label League. The organization was first established in 1899 to emphasize to the community the importance of buying only goods that carried the union label. Other objec­ tives included: the promotion of the welfare of the wage earner, fight against the seat shop method of production, 274

to gain a universal eight-hour day, abolish child labor, secure equal pay for equal work regardless of sex, aid

Sunday and early closing movement, sustain fair employers, and to aid in the study of social economics (Herron, 1905:27).

The primary focus of the Women's Union Label League was the encouragement of the use of the union label.

Membership was primarily the male unionist's family. The organization was modeled along the lines of ordinary union structure . . . local, state and international (Herron, 1905:28)

Women's Trade Union League

Perhaps the most written about chapter of the history of women in the labor movement was the establishment of the

National Women's Trade Union League (WTUL) in 1903.

Up until that time, two facts had characterized the attempts to organize women workers. Women had clearly demonstrated that it was possible to organize vonen workers, yet their organizations were short-lived and there was a lack of continuity.

Historians (Boone, 1942; Andrews and Bliss, 1911;

Henry, 1923) have suggested a number of reasons why the above occurred. First, the AFL policy of organizing along craft lines virtually assured the exclusion of the parti­ cipation of women. Women worked primarily in unskilled low paying jobs and not in the crafts. Second, the belief that women were only temporary members of the. labor force affected the willingness of labor leaders to allocate the necessary 275 material resources and personnel it would take to organize women. Also traditional ideas about the roles and status of women proved to be an obstacle in organizing. Women's dual role (home and work) made it difficult for women to find the time and energy organizing required (Boone, 1942;

58-61).

Women who wished to join or form unions faced competition from the large masses of unorganized women workers. Employers could easily replace a woman unionist with the women who attempting to escape wretched working conditions and low pay were willing to give up their right to form a union. Typically, it had always been difficult to organize the most disad­ vantaged sector of workers because their most pressing needs are of immediate concern. Formation of trade unions required long range planning and sustained activ­ ity. Perhaps, the most important obstacle was the hostile reaction of employers. Women workers represented a vast pool of cheap labor and manufacturers were willing to fight to maintain that pool. This was also the case with any group of workers seeking to form a union. As soon as a worker's organization gained in size or strength, employers almost always sought to break it up. But this was especially so for women (Andrews and Bliss, 1911).

Some of the tactics used by employers to prevent the growth of unions included; requiring the worker to sign an agreement that they would not join a union as a condition 276 of employment, circulating lists of workers who sympathized with labor among employers ensuring that such a worker could find no work, and lockouts or simply firing union organizers.

If all else failed, court injunctions were easily obtained and the police could be called out to handle the situation in a more forceful way (Andrews and Bliss, 1911:37).

Despite such obstacles, women trade unionists and social workers began to hold small meetings to discuss the problems of women workers and the obstacles of organizing. From these discussions came the idea for a national organization that would bring together working women from different industries and occupations to confront the situation facing women workers and to lend support to each other's efforts to bring about better wages and working conditions (Boone,1942: 248)

The model for such an organization was the British

Women's Trade Union League formed thirty years earlier in

England. The original constitution of the Women's Trade Union

League (WTUL) stated that membership "... was open to any person who will declare himself or herself willing to assist those trade unions already existing, which have women mem­ bers and to aide in the formation fo new unions of women wage­ workers " (Boone, 1942:250).

From the beginning the WTUL, according to Wertheimer

(1977:270), sought a close alliance with the AFL in order to avoid the appearance of establishing a dual union structure.

In fact, all League publications carried the motto: "The eight hour day; a living wage; to guard the home" and the 277 statement "Endorsed by the A.F. of L." (Wertheimer, 1977:

269) .

The national office of the WTUL was located in Chicago with local branches in New York, Boston, St. Louis and Kansas

City. The specific program of the WTUL throughout various times in its history included: (1) organizing the unorganized;

(2) shorter work week; (3) a standard of living commensurate with the nation's productive capacity; (4) equal pay for equal work regardless of sex or race; (5) cooperation with trade union women in other countries; (6) international cooperation to abolish war; (7) equal opportunity in trades and training programs; (8) training of women trade union leaders, and (9) representation of women on industrial tri­ bunals and public boards and commissions (Boone, 1942:223).

The WTUL published a labor paper. Union Labor Advocate, held educational classes for women trade unionists, and developed a speakers bureau. It also provided support for striking women through picketing, publicity, fund raising and court investigations. It also provided paid organizers to the labor movement and engaged in political lobbying

(Henry, 1923:64).

According to many historians, the WTUL was pulled, sometimes in opposite directions, by its dual allegiance to the labor movement and to the women's movement. According to Boone (1942:63) the function of WTUL was to keep the labor movement alive to the problems of working women and 278

at the same time act as the interpreter of the labor point

of view to women in general. Did the WTUL represent women

to the labor movement or labor to the women's movement?

In a provocative article , Robin Miller Jacoby (1975)

contends that it was this tension between class conscious­

ness and feminism that ultimately led to the decline of the

League. The WTUL support of a labor party and its socialist connections alienated the AFL and the League's support of protective labor legislation and opposition to the Equal

Rights Amendment alienated the women's movement.

The WTUL founded in 1903 began its decline in the 1930's and closed its doors in 1951. According to some, the influence of the WTUL far exceeded its numbers. "The rank and file women unionists, trained by the league, went on to help build the labor movement throughout the first half of the twentieth century. In 1920 the Women's Bureau of the United States

Department of Labor was established, in part because of WTUL persistence. . ." (Wertheimer, 1977:290).

In the 1920's the League fell victim to anti-communist hysteria. This coupled with the disinterest of the AFL and disagreements with the women's movement led to a drastic decline in membership. Many of the original goals of the

WTUL had now become law and women would gain greater accept­ ance in the campaign for industrial unionism.

Women and the Rise of Industrial Unionism.

The early part of the twentieth century saw the "great uprising" of workers in the garment industry. Working 279

conditions in the garment industry were intolerable.

"Work was seasonal, which meant weeks of unemployment

each year. Employees paid for their needles and a fee for

electricity, and often were charged for the boxes they sat on and for coat lockers (when there were any). They paid

for any damaged work and were fined if they were late.

Clocks were set back so workers would not be able to calculate how much overtime they worked. Frequently their paychecks were short " (Wertheimer, 1977:298).

In response, over 20,000 workers in over five hundred shirtwaste shops in New York City walked off their jobs in

1909. The labor movement was still young and the employers were able to break the strike through the use of scab labor.

At the Triangle Shirtwaist Company the owners would make certain that the unions would not gain a foothold in the garment industry; they literally locked union organizers out and workers in (Wertheimer, 1977:299).

On March 25, 1911 an explosion and then fire broke out at the Triangle Shirtwaist Company. One hundred and forty- six trapped workers, mostly women and children, jumped to their deaths or were burned and suffocated in the building.

The exit doors were locked. The owners were indicted on murder charges but were later found "not guilty." Hundreds of thousands of New York City working men and women turned out to pay tribute to the victims, of the fire. The tragedy sparked an organizing drive in the garment industry that would span many years (Wertheimer, 1977:310). 280

The National Labor Relations Act, guaranteed workers

in certain industries the right to unionize, even to have

government supervised elections, and required employers

to bargain with the union representatives for wage rates

and working conditions (Baxandall, et al., 1976:220).

While New Deal labor legislation did not cover many of the areas of employment where women were to be

found, it did stimulate large organizing drives in the

garment industry. Under the new legislation, 95 percent of the workers in the cloak and silk-dress industry were unionized and the ILGVTU grew to 200,000 in two years time, a growth rate of 500 percent. In addition membership of the New York Joint Dress Board went from 10,000 to 70,000

in two weeks (Chafe, 1972:83).

In 1937, the Congress of Industrial Organization (CIO) formally split with the more conservative AFL and undertook the task of organizing in the mass-production industries like: steel, auto, rubber, electrical and textiles.

Long and protracted struggle brought union protection to thousands of new workers (Banner, 1974:236).

Some historians have noted that the organizing drives of the CIO marked "dramatic" advances for women in trade unions, but there is little documentation of the actual role women played in these organizing drives and in the subsequent growth and development of indsutrial trade unions. The names of Mother Jones, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, 281

Rose Schneiderman, Pauline Newman, and many others are

firmly etched in the annals of history, but a systematic

examination of the overall participation patterns of women

still remains to be written.

More is known about the role of women in the auxiliary

formations of the CIO unions. Fine (1969) in a comprehen­

sive study of the United Auto Workers (UAW) writes about two of these organizations: the Women's Auxiliary and the

Women's Emergency Brigade.

The Women's Auxiliary was primarily a strike support group. Women organized a speakers bureau and a publicity department for the sit-down movement in the auto industry.

They picketed on a regular basis, staffed first-aid stations and collected food and money for the strikers (Fine,

1969:200).

The Women's Emergency Brigade actually took part in street battle against police and company thugs. According to Fine (1969:201), the organization originated in Flint,

Michigan and then spread to Detroit, Cleveland and Toledo and was structured along semi-military lines. The women would form a human barrier between police and striking men: "We will form a line around the men and if the police want to fire then they will just have to fire into us" (Fine, 1969:201). He reported: 282

Six or seven hundred women marched through the business district of Flint, some of them wearing the red berets of the Emergency Brigade, others the green tams of the Women’s Auxiliary. They sang as they marched and shouted imprecations to the Flint... (police) and Sheriff Wolcott (Fine, 1969:279).

Historical materials about the participation of women in the organizing drives of the CIO was difficult to find. This suggests the need for further research in this area.

Conclusion

This historical review provides the background for my study of women’s participation in the United Steelworkers of America. Without the grounding of a historical per­ spective it would be more difficult to examine the salient features of women’s participation. The dynamics of social reality are often embedded in the broader historical context; thus, history can provide the clues necessary to uncover the less apparent aspects of a contemporary phenomenon. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY

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