PART VI. SECRECY A~iDMlSINFORMATION

(d. Thelirstperiod

A few years after the Portnguese bad.opene(! the seaway to India and discovered tbc coast of , Dom Mannel ordained by Royal Decree of 13to November 1504 tbat a11maps, ebans and logbooks in conneetion wltb south oftheequator were toremain secret, Onee his successor Joao Ill had ratified tbe TreatyofZaragoza in 1530, no longer insisted en strietsecreey; except in regardofthe West Pacific and mpartieaûar tbc 'Moluccan Enclave', a hazyarea hordered on tts eastsîde by the meridian of 291 ..5Castilianlegut1.Y (l,606km,) eastof Moluquo, Santa Cruz complaine(! already that tbc knowiedge of tbe Indias and the Moluccas suffered bad!y from tbe restrietions on free travel itnd researcb,imposed by 'pn..-tensions and competinen' 260. Moreover, conupted maps and documents showing islands in the wrong longitude, shrunken parts of the equator and strange d~arcation lines wem produced tbr pubtic sale.

Hoping for an early passage to Europe, the Portugueae pilot Simào de Britn Patalim deserted te tbc Spanish captain Hemando de la Torre in (Napoles: Coleccián

V: 88). Saavedra's navigator bad died 011 tbc way from New Spat» and Britn Qfièroo his services, endorsed by the Spanish eommander, Saavedm agreed to take him aboard togetber witb 11 fewPoftuguese convicts and thcir warderhutmroUed a Spanish pilQt~ who died shortly afterwards, In Min$.Aûri thePortugucse stoJe thc sloop alldretumed to the Moluccas, According to Rebelo.tbey intended

'tu return 10 tbe [portuguese] fort aad so 10 he forgiven. (, ..) When me}' reaeheda

village of me king ofTidQre 261, mey sp~d me news tbat [Saavedra's]ship had perished and that eavages bad held them captive. Wben [Saavedra's] ship arrived in

Tidore, lhe Spaniards arrested and quartered Patalim and hung ïhe warder' 262,

\'lhatever his ultimatemetivc, Brito koew very weU that besides a secend desertiou, he commined a fdony hy stealing tbe boat and deprlving tbc F'lorida efherprincipal means tö take in feod, firewood and ffesh water, even te go ashore, He may have been a Portuguese spy but it seems unlikely that he was a planted saboteurbeçause he expected to participate in a direct crossing of the unknO\\'flPacific to Ne\\' . Perhaps he tost his nervc in Mios Aûri after rnonths of unfavourable wind and hoped 'to be forgiven' for his desertion to Spain by informing his superiors of the land

~óO For modern authors Of! this aspect, sec for instanee, Blair 190:;. I: 195. 199; Rouffaer & IJz~rman 1915/25, LVm·LXlI; CortesàQ 1935, La. 278-282. ~til Waya.mli: ef end of sectiO" JA,2. 1&: Rebelo u in Sá; IH, 416417; Rebelo min Sá VI, 219-220, 133

Saavedra had discovered, so the Portuguese could formally occupy it befere the

Castilians did.

6.2. The legacy of A/vara de Suavedra

When upon arrival at Eniwetok on 1 October 1529 Saavedra made the last entry in bis journal, he was already inhad health. He stayed there a week, then eontinued the voyage, A few days later at 26°N., he was at death's door and summoned the whole crew. He enjoined them all to sail on to 300N and if at that latitude tbey still had not found favorable wind. to go back to Tidore and turn over tbe ship and all that went with it to Hernando de la Torre, to use it in the service ofthe Emperor(Nápoles 1866: 93). He died on 19 October. He will have confided his last dispositions to Francisco Granado and charged him with transmitting his joumal and other details ofhis discoverles to the vicetoy or ultimately Charles V. Likewise, he will have instructed Nápoles not to di vulge his knowledge about the recent discovenes to anyone but the emperor or his aides. Consequeatly, Nápoles wrote his two narratives, apparently from memory, after he had returned in Spain; they contain little more informaticn than the long wait for favourable wind in an island called tsla de Papuas in one account, is/a de Oro in tbe ether. The logbock and maps of'the conceming her whole voyage were confiscated in Goa by governor Nuno da Cunha, Only the journal of Saavedra contains the information from which his itineraries, in partienlar the 1529 one, could be retraced. Navarrete (1837 V; 465) noted in lts exordium that this document 'Is takenfrom the book Francisco Granado, the escribano of the fleet, brought over'. Perbapshis notarial standing allowed Granado to conceal it between last dispositions and ether papers he was carrying to Spain and possibly he was among the fU'S! to benefit trom a certain leniency introduced by the Treaty of . The scheme -if it ean be qualified as such- succeeded, witness thc fact that in 1536 Cortés informed Grijalva of tbe latitude of the land he had to look for in the Pacific and tbe description of the coast by Santa Cruz (Cuesta Domingo 1983-84; 258-9). The mysterieus 'rich island' Grijalva had been instructed to visit on the route from America to the Moluccas must have been Saavedra's coast because Spain, and therefore Cortés, cannot have had ncw information 00 the latitude of any ether large island in the Pacific (cf Rebelo 11in SA LlI: 417-8). For the following decade, the search for Saavedra's large island east of'the Moluccas beeame the crux of the East Asia peliey ofboth Spain and Portugal. 134

When Saavedra' s voyages became known in Lisbon. they caused a eommotion. Net far from the Moluccas, in art islartdwith the titillating namelsla de Oro, Saavedra had purehssed a supply of'riee for the crossing to America, Apparently, wis iálartd was self.•suffieient for stapJe food. of which the Portuguesehad 50 far controlled thc main supply lines of'the Möluccas, Worse, Saavedra bad noted on the way out from Mexico that were for salein the island Candiga near South Mindanao and he had heard that cloves were a180 available eest ofJs/a de Oro in the islaad Urais la grande but that the natives there 'did not eat it'. In time, the Spanish would discover the route back to America and might exploit the hostility of the Moluecan princes and tradera towards the Portuguese to settle in these new islands. The Portuguese did not expect Spain to scrupulously cbserve the , nor did Charles V any longerintend to aft:erexaminatien of'Saavedra's documents. Consequently, Portugal eencentrared OD preventing tbe Castilians from resenling in the Moluecas and teughened even more the policy ofkeepingMoluccan information from reaching Spain. It has escaped notlee that over time.this policy has ended in systernatica! corruption of therelevant passages in António Galväo's Descobrimentos, Barres'

Década IV t the Treatise and tb.e work of Gabtiel Rebelo, in order to prevent Spain from finding tbc islands discovered by Saavedra and Grijalva,

Spain stuck to the interpretation that the eastern global demarearion line remaint1d located at a short distanceeast of and lhat tbc new borderline defined in Zaragoza concerned the Moluccan Enclave andnotbing else, Since there is no record of further contact with , Villalobos will have been authorisedbefore his departure trom Mexico on November 1st, 1542 to eventually break the Treaty by re-eenling in Tidore with a garrison, The reasen to do so was important indeed, namely to contact Saavedra's sailors, who had nol repatriared in 1534 and toenrolthese who could guide his ships from tbc Moluccas 10

Saavedra's new CORSt. A clashwas avoidedby a.localtreaty conclnded on January 8. 1545 between Villalobos and the newPortuguese Captain of the Moluceas, Jordào de Preitas. The treaty subjected contécts between Ternare and Tidore tQ vet')' strict tules, which made Tidore virtually ft Spanish Enclave within the Portuguese Ençlavc in the Spanish hemisphere.

6.11Ï1e Nobre Report

Once Galvào had won thc lightning war in Ncvember-December 1536, bis charisma.

80011 improvedreladons with tbc Moll.lccanRajas ..To implement the -plën, his first concern was to issue orders tbatCastiliarts were nor to he allowed ashore 135

anywhere, that they were nor to he supplied with food er water but should beurged on to Ternare where he, António Galväo, would receive them weU iDescobrimemos: 204; ss TV: 25), Already in July1537, his fears seemed to materialise when two Spanish shipswere reported in North Halmahere. As he had direeted, they were turned away by the but in stead of'reporting at Temare. they disappeared eastwards, More, than a year later Galväo heard n-omMiguel Nobrethat these ships had nöt been the vanguard of a Spanish invasion but thaI preparations were indeed being made in

Mexico for a return to the 'Western Islands' 26) and that the Castilians were aware of thc Portuguese military weaknessin the Moluccas (Sá IV: 25,28). Nobre had never heard ofan island Versaibut will have stated the total disrance from bis 'first land sighted' [ and/or East- ] to the Moluecas as ca. 200 leguas, about the same figure Meneses had calculated for Versai. Galväo knew only that Nobre' s firstland was located due Bast of the Moluecas. Theddeatificaticn was plausible but us essential point was the implioation that all further places and islands Nobre had mentioned were located in or to the west of Meneses' Versai, although not necessarily all formally occupied or annexed by the Portuguese, Stating mat Nobre's Quaroar was called i/ha Baxa (Low Is land), a common denominator of coral islands, implied Portuguese familiarity with the area. Tbc suggestion that tbc exhausted crew

\aboured two days to take in water in Quaroar, an a1011where ft large quanti ty of fresh water is not easy 10 get at, looks suspiciousand incongmous in sight.ofia green and pleasant island' as Lemaire described Biak in 1616.

In tbe final analysis, a11geographical information about Grijalva's expedition derives from tbc Treatise version of Miguel Nobre's deposition, who as contramat',stre was involved in navigation and perhaps in charge ofit, once the boatswainhad been elected commander after Grijalva's death. There is no reason to doubtthat Nobre's deposition in was complete and straight forward, that he mentioned the islands and villagcs in the correct order, and that in late 1538 Galväo malled (his information in extenso to Lisbon. Nobre gave the position of the Gueles (Mapia (stands) correctly

as lat ION. and ca. 125 leguas east of' 264and he deserves, therefore, to be

taken seriously. Yet theitinerary of Grijalva's ships along thenorthcoast ofNew Guinea eannot be tetraeed from Nobre' s Report. tbc Carta and/or the Descobrimentos. The place-names

163 Nobre may havereferred to (1486-1541), who in 1534 prepared an expedition to the Spice lslands but abandoned this plan when he heard ofthe immense riehes Pizarro bad discovered in Peru (Ene. Europeo-Americana vol. 26: 1326). zM Descobrimemos: 204. 136

Nobre mentioned (but perhaps net all) are scaneredui these documenls, which all three were written andlor (co- )edited by Ant<>nioGa!vào,

6.4. Galvào 's Carta tv Queen Catarina andthe Nvbre Report

Alonso de Santa Cruz completed from 1539 to 1541 part 3 (the African, South and Southeast Asian, and Pacific islands) and Part 4 (tbe Amerîcan islands) ofhis l$làrio, ahead of the ether parts, In 1545, he made an exceptional voyage to Lisbon to eelleet maps, documents and any erherieformation about the sea-lanes to, and the.geography and history of the Indias and the Meluecas, Charles V bimself will have approved andpossibly instigated a voyage with 5Uch a delicate objeetive by oneofhis close aides and he certainly addedhishabitual instruction to colleer information on lost Spanish ships and crewsamong whom perhaps Miguel Nobre, whose présence in Tematé and friendship with Galväo had been far from inconspicuous, Fully aware that he acted illicitly, Sauta Cruz secretly purchased derroteros in which repatriared pilots had described their routes to the Indias and the Moluccas. He eeacluded that in these doeuments thepilots told the truth, in contrast with the maps for publie sale, in which the Portuguese cartegraphers bad heen ordered to shotten certain di stances, notably between India and the Moluccas by up to cight degrees 265, which drew the Spice lslands deeper ioto thePortuguese hemisphere.

Galväo's Carta to queen Catarina (Sá IV: 22*28) isundated but the remark at the end that he had already lived more than four years in tbc Hospita! of Alt Saints, dates it to ca. 1545. The sigaarare and the handwriting are different trom H3 intbeTreatise; the authenticity of tbc signatnre isuncertam,tberefore. Yetthe style is Galväo' s and tbc text repeatedly uses almest thesame wording as Nobre' s Report 266. The letter opens with au unusual explanation as to why Galväo wrote it:

'Sänora Many times I recoiledfrom writing this [letter] becausewith my werk I eamed just enough eo he bom and to die, and [because I risk] to lose my goedname as mnch by not daring to ~•.peak (lut as by bril1ging things up to draw attel1ûon to thern. But mindful of tbc obligauon I have to serve Yöm HighIless, I shall write it.'

16$ Carriazo 1951 I: xevi-eii, clxxvii. 16<1 Cf. Jacobs1971: 9/10. J6. 1.37

Por an unsolieited letter to the queen.fhe opening words are lackitig in courtesy while the remeinder is pointlees. ft is also in striking contrast with a passage Galvào wrote about the same time in the Treatise - unless the sring is in tbc tail:

'Of (queen Catarina) I willnot speak ataH because she is desired both in heaven and on earth for her catholic anti VirtuOlL"worb, for in [tbc sphere of] diviniry a litûe

suffices to obfuscareeur human nature' 267,

But if tbc letter really is a reply to a question posed by (the intermediary of) the queen, the query must have concerned Grijalva's expedition and rhe fate of the survivors. Presuming Galväo would not write lies to tbe queea, tbe Carta confirma lhat in his opinion Biak!Versl~:V was the 'first land' Grijalva's ships had sighted since leaving

Peru 268 and that they tried to call at Morotai, Suma and befere thejourney ended in Mios SÛ(Mchunsum-Savahlm). Then fellows the text which-if authentic- idenrifies some of the corrupted passages in the Descobrimentos. After a geographical introduetion leeding te the Möluccas as tbe Jewel of tbc Portuguese crownand a wamlag thar a strenger garrison is needed against tbe Spanish projects to resettle in these islands, it deals only with the Grijalva expedition. Galväo justifies his policy to keep Grijalva 's ships from making landfaH and he explains his orders to the local popelation not to allow them on land but send fhemon to Ternare.

He clarifies bis instruction to J030 Fogaça to avoid any fight with theCastilians and ro elude them if'fhey were aggressive, He mentions the same narnes and provenanee ef the Spanish officers as stated in Nobre's Report. 'Ihe carra,however, pays special

attent ion 10 Nobre by mentioning him twice, first as one of the two SUrviVOIS and a secend time in striking detail asthe entry in the list ofthe vessels' .staff:

'the contramaestre from ViUefranche near Nizza, Duchy of Savoy,brougbt: up in Castile: bis name is Mignel Nobre, a man of good wil! anda bit sandy-haired; about thirty years of age.'

Presumably, when Saata Cruz inforrned the emperor that he met with öbstruction.in his Grijalva research. Charles V asked his sister queen Catarina töintervene. This would explain Galväo' s hesitancy between remaining silent as ordered (by Jeêo UI)

and speaking up 10 the queen - but, about what? Besidee the letter of Tristäo de Ataide

21>'), two bitter passages in the Treatise come to mind:

'The murderers come to India, andfrom there they arc degrsded te Mälaeca, .and monstrans cases are transplanred to Maluku, whieb isthe hotlJed of alt we evils of the

UP My translation difTersslightly from Jacobs's (Treatise: 211). 163 It was Yapen, cf. sectien 5.3.(}. !~9 See above 6.1. world' (Treatise: 73) 21!l 'the things whieh happened in thatinfemallabyrinth defying an)' written de$ctiption' (Treatise: 326/1 final sentenee),

It remains undecided whether tbc Carta ever reaehed the addressee; it was of no partieular interest to historians and Si (IV: 22 note c) referred 10 N obre as just 'um prisioneiro'; In conneetion with Santa Critz's visit and Nobre's Report, however, the Carta beoomes a meaningful document

6.5. Sifting Miguel Nobre 's deposttion

Unsuspieious of a possible falsification, Jaeobs (1971: 18)suggested that Galvao might have obtainedpermissien tosell the obsolete work~copy of the Treatise to Santa

Cruz, If 50, such a permissiën cannot have been givea fora copy that included Nobre's top-secrot deposition and Santa Cruz win soon have realised that bis newly acquired manuscript contained liftie of seientific value andnothing about Olijalva 's voyage. Io provide him with more information enrumours he had'heaed, atruacated abstract of Nobre's deposition was prepared in great baste. The extant folios 37 and 38 of the Treatise are almest certainly thc original of this abstract In folio 37, cbapter 51 ofthe Treatise deals only withthe Pacific part of Grijalva's voyage and includes a tew corrections andremarksby H310alvào. Folio 38, on the other hand, contains the seasitive and eonsiderably shortened part of thcexpt.'ditlotl along northwest New Guinea. There is no traee ofH3/0alvàoon this sheet,which suggests that Galväo did not participate in its cleansing and perbaps was këpt unaware of it. The censor started his work in the secondparagraph of chapter 58:

'Net until [Grijalva's ships] had already spent ten months less six days in these troubles did they catch sight of some islands, which, according te the injormati()fI they gave, the Papuans cail Versa! and We eal! ft tne island of Dom Jorge de Meneses

because, when trying toflnd the wa)' 10 Maluku. he went there IQ wat: out the monsoon. 11is situaied at about /wo huru/red leaguesfrom [Maluku], He [Nobre]said mat fot

lack of wind they could not reach it, and thattrom there tbeytumed tothe, [loTto 171 and cast anchor at an island which is called Quaroar, and by us Ilha Baxa. Here they took water and remained two days; and.as theyb~ tost au anchor, they set sail;and to tbe west they came upon enother [island], 50 or 60 leagues ttolll the fermer, whicbthe' [transit trom f.38r te U8v]

'mhabitants call MeUlll$um. and we me Watering Plan? ofSimào de Brito 172 For 7 or

21Q Cf sectien 7.t.s.: • 9. m Descobrimentos: turned north ene degree. 172 Tbc CUria bas: 'the .flagship perished in alt islam:! ou thc equator .I.hatthc PQrtuguese cal! ugoada, but its inhebitants Mehunsum, whiehisîtsreal name, and the harbour whcrcit 139

8 days ihey saäed amid these Islands, wnere most of thecrew died, (, ..) [They] ran

agroundin a bay where there are lWO islets and üuo which a freshwater broek erupties. ( ... ) In tlle native language this port is called Sav3)'m.· (Italics added).

At 50 er 60 lt--guasftom Quaroar,one would expectfolio 38\1'10 continue, likethe Descobrimentos does, with "inhabitanrs callGuele,s' (Mapia Islands] :mand hence tp Morotai, where their preseace was reported to Galväo. Instead, the censor used tbc transition tohave the shipssail from Biak directly to tbc end of the voyage in Mies 8it (Meumçum-Savaym, \VÎthoutBufii). whicl1eliminated the essenrial part from Samber in South Biak by way of thc Mapia, Asia and Ayáu islands, North Halmahere and back to the Soutb.~Waigéoarea. In the hurry, thecensor overlooked tbat in thc fitst paragraph of the innocuous folio 37 thesighting oftbe two shipa in Morotai,Sunia and Weda had already beeamendoned and he could notkncw that Islands 10 wander amidst, can be found nearthe WareringPlace of Simêo de Brito in South. Weigéo (MeflujiifMenyái Fun) butthat the ;\,1eumçum/Mios SÛ islets are the only ones in a long stretch of the northeeast of the Bird' s Head Peninsula,

Evidently, tbc censor was aequainted with what had gODe 0'0 in the Moluccas during tbc past twenty years but he had DOclëar goographicalpicture of tberegjoD. Charged with a rush-order at the demand of thè qu~. he quicklymade a censored copy of Nobre's depositicn, He omitted all new Informeticneboutthearea between Biak and Temate but did net insert any false informariön instead.

In tbc end. the extensive corruptions in Nobre's Report imply that, at least in the Portugeese evaluatien, bis original deposinon wauld have provided convincing and legirimate support of eventual Spanisb claims.

6,6 ..A mutiny caught in a vicious cifcle

A strong argument against an}' Spanisb claim would beto demonstrate that Grijalva's

ships, whilst eruising in New Guinean waters, were nor 011 an official mission under tbc Spanish nag but had been in the hands of mutineers.

The sourees diverge so widely 00 thispoint that they do not even agree that a

mutiny did occur' and if it did, who W$ killed, when and where.Betore Retes' 1548 report. that Grijalva's tlagsbip would haveperished.near tba Padaido Islands beeam« known, the view in Lisbon had been thatA1varado might still turn up to disavow any mutiny Story and make a claim to islanda unknown tetbePortuguese,

p~eris.hed,Savahim' (Sá IV: 26), ",} The disrance frnm SamhérlQuaraar to Mapiais 50 PMu~ese Icguos ot6/) Spanish- American ones, From Sambér to Mjo~Sû: 75 and90 respectivêly, 140

Castanheda explafned rea..~nably tbat in accofdance witbthc Treaty of7..aragoza,

Grijalva rcfused to sail t() the Moluccasbccllu.',,(%he wished neither tQ be accused treason nor to infringe upon thePortuguese rights. Rebel0 never mentioned MigUel Nobre but wou1d have heard in the Moluccasfrom Gineë Dominguesand luan Camacho that Grijalvahad made hls expedition with only a single ship and was killed by his men on tbc way out from America beeausebe reûised to turn back wllen tbc)' ran short of food and water 274, Diogo do Conto wrote in 1612 thatwhen Grlja1va refused to head for tbe Moluccas, the crew rose in mutiny and killed nim and his nephew 'Lopo de Avalos'. Argenrola (1609, 11:64), on tbc oIher hand, stared that Cortés had sent tbc ValOfoUS Capi!tJn Alvarado to Temate, wbo discevered the islas de los Papûes but, he added, some hlstortas Portugutfsas ascribed tbis exploit to lorge de Meneses, wbo arrived there in 1527 and also diseovered tbe Gelleslslands nn tQN. Descalaute wretein 1548 that in the Padaido Islaads 'a. shil' oftbe Marquis del Valle [Cortés] waslost Oh. wbich eame as commender Grij{llva, whom the crew killed' ..At flest sight~ thismeans thar Grijalva. was murdered in thcPadaido !slands but actuaUy.,tbc text is ambiguous as to time, plaee and victan, The oae certaioty is tlmt ifa mutin1' did occer, a survivor must have brought tbe news to tbc Moluccas and later idendfied in Retes' presmce tbc Padaido Islm:l.dsas its location, an aspect Le Roux (1933: 269) alteady proposed hut at tbc time.eeuld enly

qualif)' 6$ 'not impossible'.

Tbc narnes of the four known sucvivQrS of Grijalva '8 espedition do notappear al1loog the repatriating Spaniards who in 1548 arrived in Lisbon. Of these four, tbc trio Miguel Nobre, Juan Camacbo, and Juan Preto were kept hostage byPapuans in Savaym. (Mios Su) after tbeloss oftbeTrinidcld. 0011' Gio~()()mingues> whom Nobre

and Galväo did oot mention, can have been 00 the Santiago when shcsaiied of! from Mios Su to America andhe must haveba~ thepersón aooardRetes' &mJl1an, who recognised the Padaido islands. Moreover. in Nobre's versioo, only after the 1rin.idadhad heen abandoned in Sct),wym, did tbe boatswain depart for the Moluccas, whilst Alva..radosailed 01'1' te America, now as oommander oftbe &ntiago. Al'parently, neither fcared to he aeeused of rnutiny or of failing to act againsl mntineers,

This shi.pwreck cannothave happened on the wa)' out to tbeMoluccit..:; because in that case only one Spariish ship would have been sigbted near , Oothe way back, Grijalva cannot have been tbe vlctim because this wouldbe evidenee that fbe

n. Rebelo n in SAlil: 417-8: Rebelo UI in Si VI: 220, 141 discovenes had been made ander his eommand and under tbc Spanish nag. If'there was a mutiny at a11,the only possible victim was Alvarado 011 hls way back 10 Mexico.

Descalante' s Relaciáll was dated.and signed OH August 1st, 1548 in Lisbon, so tbe suggestive but on reflection unteneble phrase "on which came as eommander Grijalva. whom tbc crew 1OllOO'willhave been (re-.)fommlated under Portuguese pressure, just enough 10 disqualify any Spanishelaim to tbe discovenes. Whatever did happen. Grijalva was not killed in thePadaido islands and the mutiny theorywas useless to ward off Spanish claims.

The truth is probably that in the Mios Su Islands, Alvarado saw auniqne opportunity

10 rise to fame if'upon arrival inNew Spain he could.announce that he had fouudbeth the way back to Araerica and the exact location of Saavedra' s proruising coast. Near the Padaido lslands between East Biak and Yapen, however, his crew recognised tbc area as their 'first land sighted' on the way out andmay wellhave.rebelled when Alvarado insisted on taking tbe same course back- this time against tbc prevalling winds. On their own initiative or after a fight aboard, local Papuans may have overrun the Santiago and even Alvarado had to give up or perhaps fell in the battie. A few years later onlyGines Domingues survived to be ransomedto tbe Portugeese, This interpretation also avoids the peeuliar aspect that Domingues would have presenred bimself to me Portugeese as a mutineer but that neither Viltalobos nor Retes took this seriously, usedhim as aguideto identify thePadaido Islands and, when they repatriated, allowedhim to stay on in the.Moluccas unpnnished,

6. 7. A close look al Gabriel Rebelo

In his introduetion. Jacobs quored striking' parallels betweenshe Treatise and Rebelo's 1569 lnformaçao das eausas de Maluco concerning seven misconceptions about the Moluccas. He wondered how and where Rebelo, who 'arrived in Ternare oot rnuch

aûer the departure of Galväo 17.5 and Iived there many years' and -at least until Galväo" s death- apparently never remmed to Portugal eould have readthe Treatise (Jacobs 1971: 15-16). The solutioa is that six of'the seven passages in question beleng to the Primeira Parte ofthe Treatise, Rebelo may have followed training at me Casa da India befere he was sent to Tidore as/eitor bul when GaMlo was already employed there. During this time, he oan have read Serräo's report or an edited drafl of the Primetra Parte and perhaps even discussed it with Galväo.

1.75 Jacobs gave no source fcr Rebelo's earlyarrival in Ternate. The GEPB (vol, XXIV: 530) states that hesegllio em 1566para 0 Ortente ssfeitar in Temate but no source, either, I have been unable to find a clear indiearion. S,G. 142

According to Rebelo, GrijaJva sailed lnto the Pacific with only one ship, of which only two survivors attained Ternate, namely [Juan] Camacho and Gines Dorningues, who remembered nothing of interest; Nobre is not mentioned 176. Rebelo wilJ have realised that the information Cortés gave Grijalva on.rhe latitude of the richisland he should visit, had come by wayof Spain and in the end from a persen who had been involved withthe navigation of this discovery, lt is hard to believe that he interviewed Domingues, Nobre's shipmateJuan Camacho and overthe years, many ether propte in the Moluecas but would never have heard afa secend ship or of Mignel Nobre.

Rebelo must have followed instructions to consign Nobre, Alvarado andthesecond ship to oblivion, in order to leave Grijalva tbe only possible victim in Padaido, in support of Descalanre's relacián of 1548,

6.8. Censoring the Descobrimentos

Galväo refused to corrupt the manuscript ofthe Descobrimentos in orderto bring it in line with Nobre's censored deposition, wbereupon Barros prevenred its publication, no doubt witb approval, if oot on order, of Joäo lIl. After the death of Joäo 11Iand Galväo in 1557, (he exeeutor of Galväo's will, Francisco de Sousa Tavares submitted the manuscript, in accordance witb Galväo'swish, to the Dnke of Aveiro tbr publicanon, adding mat the manuscript bad not yet been finalised at the author's death, Tbc duke had dynastie reasens ofbis own oot to antagooisc queen-regeat Catarina and so the Descobrimentos did not escape from royal control.If Galvêohad acoepted to adapt the Descobrimentos, fhere would have been no reasen to send the manuscript to the Duke, so tbe contradictory passages must have beeninserted and/or deleted between the author's death in 1551 and us publicationin 1563. The eensering of the Descobrimentos wil! not have starred until the duke of Aveiro had returned tbe manuscript to Tavares orperhaps bad sent it bimself to Barros. Tbc censored version appeared in 1563,the same year as Barres' :r Década ofAsia. Barros did not live to finish the ,f1 Década.

Saavedra's discovenes incited tbc Portuguese to prove that tbey a1ready knew the islands 'irrquestien and had visited therrïbefore Saavedra did. Unfertanately, apart

from tbc involuntary SOjOUfD of'Jorgede Meneses in Versai in 1526-1527, no Portuguese had ventured beyond tbc Papuan Islands befóreSaavedra embarked on his 1528 expedition.

m Rebelo H, U, capA; (Sá ][1:417/8). Rebelo IU. Il, eh. 4; (VI: 220). 143

Jorge de Meneses is mentioned only oncein theDescobrime1JlQs (1862; 168), namely as captain of'the Moluccas in 1525, His1526-27 'hibemation' in Biak ispassed over in silence:

'Neste anno ,k HlS ~umd() dom Jorge de klene,scs cepttam de Mo/ueo, eue Dom

Garde Henrique» mandam hiiafusla Z'n descobrir (...l'. In Hakluyt's trauslation: 'In this yeere 1525Don George de Meneses, captaine ofMaluco, and wrtb him Don Garela Henriquez sent a foyst to diseouer (...)' .

Actually, it was Garcts Henriquez, who in September 1525 succeeded António de Brito as captain of the Molucc.as. whereas Meneses was blown into tbc Pacific in late 1526 on his way from Malacen tO.tbc Moluecas te becomeHeariquee-successor. Meneses did nut arrive in Ternare until May 1527.1n the Portuguese context, thc word 'eile' does not indicate close cooperation hetween the two men but independent activities or even strife. Tbe words •Neste anno de 1525 estando dom Jorge de Meneses capitam de

Maluco, elle' W(''TC inserted te antedate Meneses' eapraincy and his pn..zeeding voyage to Biak to several year~ before Saavedra's anival inthe.area. lt is difficult to see who between 1557 and 1563 could bavemade or approved this insertien' in the Descobrimentos, if oot Barros.

The Descobrimentos designales A.cca (Asia Ts1.) , tbc Pescadores and Haime (Ayáu Isl.) as Grijalva's 'first land' and places these islands ca. 500 leguas or about 28.6 equatorial degrees (mod(.·rn24°30') east of'fhe Moluceas, somewbere near Kapingamarang Atolt, far in the Spanishbemispbere ..lIençe" the ships would have sailed to Coma in Blak, thea to Mejjsli and }Ju/u in the R.ajaAmpat Islandsiandback to the GuellesfMapia islands northwest ofBiak, The last legfrom Mapia.tQ Mototai b}" latitude-sailing on 11>N, had of course to ignore Acea! Asla and HaimelAyàu but thc

censor did not realise that he ten AA important clue: Nobre could not have known these

roponyms without calling al the real islands. Tbc voyage ends in Morotai, probably to avoid mentioning Meljsil a secend time, now in the sense of Menyai Fitn maar Waig~~. Next, the sectien about Saavedra's voyages had lo bebroughr in üne with the disappearance ofAcea and Haime.ftom the Waigéo area: every tracé ófhistwovisits in theAsia Islands hasbeee deleted, Bis tirst voyage in 1528 is redeeed to "he returned te Ncw Spain and look Simäo de Brito Patalim and ether Pottuguese (dong and aftel' several months at sca, he retumed to Tidore, where Patalim was beheaded and his companions quartered' - without a reasen being given for rhisintervention

rn A smal! two-master. 144

During the 1529 attempl 'he sighted land in 2°S.andran east along it more tban 500 legtJas (.. .) to 4 or S""S.', which is Retes's 1545 itinerary to the Astrolabe Bay,

This in turn required an update of Retes' voyage: it shrank 1.0 •thcy Wt.'1ltto the coast of tbePapuas and sailed alt atong it and because they did not 1mo\\l' fuut Snnvedrn bad travelled there, they claimed tbc honour andmerit of' this discovery'.

6.9. Grains Island

In 1615, Lavaaha publisbed Bmos' .r Déoada, the only soureeto mention Graos as an epithe; of the island Sufi'; (Déc. IV, 1. 16).lt is unlikely tbat Lavanlm himself' added the toponyms ,\.Ientifti, Bujii, and Griias to Meneses' 1526/7 itinerary and, to my knowledge, the autbenticity of these entnes in Bmos'text has never been brought into question. Saavedra oought nee in Mios Am in 1528. Meneses may have seen detàrested patches of rough grass but oot an 'abu.lldance'of grains justi.fying the name Grains Island; millet and maize have not been mentioned in tloriliwest Ncw (iuillea until the 19th century in.Mansinam island jn fue bay of' modem Manokwari (Bruyn Kops 1850: 191). The spelling in Barrns' lex! is 1'I0Lin doubt because Gràos eppears on later Pertuguese maps andHeredia transcribed It ca, 1620 as .t' dos granos (PMC est, 4 t 9). Sailing north of Waigéo, Meneses cannot have seen or visited Mem!t« and/or Bt!(û/Bf!(u!Beséu. In tbc Spanisb. accounts of Saavedra' s explerations, tbe name Graos ot Granos does net occur and Simao de BritoPatalim was executed bcfore he.reaehed Ternate, This.leaves Miguel Nobre the only possible .sotlrce of Grao$,

A Spanish grao being a beaeh that qualifies as anembarcadero, Nobre wilt have described islands with good.landing beacb.es as 'Islas de Graos' Initially, Galväc and Nobre may have believed tbat tbe near-homonyms gnlos and gra()s had tbe seme meaning in tbc other'g language. as in his own but it is unlikely that between tlavlll officers !his misunoorstanding woul.d have gene unnoticed, Neitherwordis an apt description ofMenyiÜ Fun or Bêséu bul 'Island ofLanding~Beaches'perfectly fits the Asin and Ayáu atolls north ofWaigoo. Severalof·tbese islets are (were'l) strips of vegeration wilh splt.'1ldid beaches all aft)uod, which on the ocean side suddenly stuk steeply into the Pacific and gelltly into thc lagoonon the lnside.

BarT'()S conld notsolve tbe riddle ofMeun.vu andBufii because heceuld not inter mat tbe name.Meunstt in its vanon!> speUing5 desiguated dtherMenyái Pun (Laganyan) or Mios SÛ(Biak·Besér), of whicb only tbefirst has aneastedy neighOOtlf

178 Wichmann (19091: 15 note 5) noten in tbc context efthe hib('''I'nation ofJorge de Meneses tllat in thc dialect ofthe Limousin regioo in f'l'anee,'gra()S' means 'flat beacb' but lefl it at tMt. Tbc Casti!ian pÎlot Martin de Uriarte baptÎsedin lSZithe. island$ Hasil and Damar (south-east Halmabera}as Omos andTomadortl (Rocky lsland). 145

BlifillBeséu. He just wished to forestallthat theseislands fell into Spanish hands and became a threat to the Portuguese monopoly. To belatedly construct Portuguese anteriority, he had only large de Meneses 10 credit with their discovery, In the manuscript of Do Asia he inserted Nobre' s Mem{/ii~Bufû islands .in Meneses' 1527 return trom Versái and pinned the word Gràoslgraos 00 then still unknown Rufu;

'When the [easterly] monsoon came, the ships of Dom Iorge sailed allthe timeunder the equator, becausealong itthcy would reach the Moluccas, and lhey arrived at an

island which the natives call Mcnufo. and (0 another they call Bl!/Ü that lies more to

the east; 10 this [is/atuf] they gave (he name dos Grëos because ofthe abondance they found in it.' (Italics added).

Barros (or the persen charged with this task) overlooked that tbc passage begias with staling that Meneses did not make any detour and the.reason why, He did not realise that sailing eastwards to Buf« after calling at Menufû fitred in Nobre's travelling eastwards along South Waigéo to Mios SÛ but not in Meneses' sailing as fase as possible from Biak to Ternare along Waigéo's northeeast. This still leaves the question unanswered why Barrosbothered to make this insertion at all, The only explanation seems to be that the term graos or grêos did iudeed appear in Nobre's original deposition but that no copy had beenkept of the hurriedly amputated version presenred t0800ta Cruz, Barros could not compare the rwo versions because the only 'truc' false copy was in thehands of Santa Crûz, This also explains why the clearly false.information in the Descobrimentos is oot in line with Nobre's Report inthe Treatise:

6. JO. The Gueles lslands

Galväo (Descobrimentos: 204) quoted Miguel Nobre's deposition for the coordinates of the Gueles Islands: ION., 124 od25 Castilian leguas east of Moroj-tai], which is remarkably accurate.Jnthe same passage, we are toldthat 'tbc people are (dark)

brown and have tank hair like the Moluccans'. Argensola (1609: 64) added from 00

unknown souree 219 that the inhabitants of tbc Gueles had a language of their own. If we read 'Gueles' as the Portuguese plural of Guele (pronounced gJJeelee), the name would fit in with Biak kèret, Raja Ampat gelet. Seram kili (clan, settlement); possibly also e.g. Kili in tbc and Kiritimati (Christmas) Island. Galväo will cerrainly have interrogated Nobre about the coordinates of other islands along the New Guinea coast, If the censor delètedthese. he made perhaps an exception for the Gueles to prove mat this was well-known Ponuguese tetritol'X'

:79 1found no record of vislts to these islands belween 1537 and tbc 1609 publicärion of Argensola' s Conoutsta de {as is/al' .Malucas. 146

In the 19tncentury, a Biak hengi-fleet look all inhahitants.offtbe Mapia lslands and sold themas alavesin Tidore,

6.J J. The Moluccan Enclave (U)

In the final version of tbc Zaragoza Treaty the words 'in order to ascertain what islands, places, (, ..) are 501d henceforth and torever ( ... ) under the aforesaid condition [of eventual repurchase]' limited the validity of'therelevant clauses to the area to he cireumscribed, lts castem borderline was to he drawn on two copies of the PajJrón, the master chart in the India House ofTrade in Sevilla, 'by which the fleets, vaasals and subjects of the emperornavigate'. Tbc chart

'shall also designare tbc spot in whichthe said vaasals ofthe sald Emperor and King of castile shall situate and locate Màluqao, whieh duringthe time ofthis contract shall he regarded as situated in sneh place, although in truth it is situated more or lcl'is diatance eastwards from the place thar is designated in thesaid chart.s, The 17 degrees eastward shall he drawn from the point where Maluquo is situated in said charts. '

Evidently, a borderline anchored to an islet, of which tbeccördinates were to be arbitrarily located by ene party on a map in his pcssession, was not intended to he of the same order as, even less to prejudge on or replace.the global demarcation Iine established by pope Alexander Vl.Tt wasmeant to have limited validity in time and space. The Molucean Papua-New Guinea, near the present Indenesian border. Defining its nonhem and southern borders inanunexplored part ofthePacific 0eean was impossible, More important, in Zaragoza neitherparty was aware that at the seme time Saavedra was discovering tbe mainland of New Guinea. Tbc treaty was nîlified befote this news couldpossibly have reached Europe; Saavedra was unsware of'the neering conclusion ofthe negotiations in Zaragoza and perhaps also of Meneses' sojeum in Versai/Biak, but he wiIlhave been convineed that bis discoveries -ead certaînly tbc 'beautiful land' - were lo<;atedin the Spanish 147 hemisphere. When a few years later some of his maps and logbooks arrived in.Spain, the Treaty of Zaragoza had moved tbe demarcation of the Moluccan Enclave ril! to the cast of Saavedra's coastand it became au open question whether henceforth this coast fOnTIL'(l part ofthe Spanish hemisphere or of'the PenugueseBnclave, About 1540, Charles V no Jonger expected to exercise hls right to repurehese the Moluccas and decided to ger round the Treaty of Zaragoza. Anténio Galväo had lefta chaotic situation in tne Moluccas and all attempts to find asailingroute backte Mexico bad failed thus far, which precluded any financiel profitability in the foreseeable future. From thispoint of view, incurring the penalty of losing his right to repurehese and owing JOOoDI a restirution of2oo,OOO dueats, Was a bargain price tor tbe , access to East-Asia and its markets. and Saavedra 's new land with its expected potcntial of staple food, cloves and gold. On the Portuguese side, JoOO1U would reeover almest sixty percent of the-price he had paid for tbe Spanish claim. whilst his own rights to the Moluccaswould henceforth 'remain secure, valid, and stabie fotever and ever,2~\l.

6.12. Ironing out the Zaragoza inconvenience

Velasec opened bis 1571-1574 Geografia with the Limites)' Términos de las Indias and stared explicitly that he used the Castilian legua of 1711 to a Ptolemaean degree,

'The .. , (realm) .., ofthe Kmgs of Castile, usually called New WorJd, is all tbc land and seas comprised in a hemisphere or half of tbe world, of 180 degrees latitude front north to south and at; mány of longitude from East to West, reckoned from 39 er 40

degrees west ofthe meridian of 101000 2\11. Converted mto leguas of 17Ylto a degree, said demarcation exiends over a disrance of3,150 legliGS [17,010 km.] from north to south and as many from cast to west'.

In 1601. Hertera (.1934: eh. I) repeated Velaseo's viewson tbc cireumference ofthe earth and tbe use of Castilian dogrees. Eastof Halmaheraand along the New Guinea coast, however, both authors used tbe Mexican legua of22lh to a degree and most of

the distauces they mentioned are correct with rhis unit FOT instance, both srated tbe

distance from Cape Gamcaka (NE Halmahera) (0 the Rio de Santaugustin as ca. 245

Mexican leguas .282 (ca. 1,030 km.), which is correct. WitbCastilian legua.•.•of• 5.4 km, Ibis disrance would measure 1.323 km. and place the mouth of the Mamberamoin the Cyclops Mountains. It is hard to believe that Velasec and Herrera were-not aware of the differene between the results of Castilian leguases prescribed.by the Trea~y and

!80 Clause 150ftheTreaty. 281 Approximately the Atlantic demarcation line. 182 For the cornplctetexts, cf. sections S.l.Land 8.3./, 148

their own procedure with Mexiean ones, The same proviso must be made in the HDe of command from Charles V 10 Viltalobos and possibly Retes,

As shown in Part V, most of tbc distauces in tbe West Pacific mentioned in Spanish

sourees prove to he correct with the SpaniSh~Mexican legua of 4.2 km. 263, With this shotter legua, the 2451eguasfrom cape Gameaka tothe Rio de Samaugustin* Mamberamo measure ca. 1.,030km. This designates the area of the village Sawai and the Mawa River opposite Kurudu Island at 2°8., whicb was Saavedra's point of reference (cf sectien 5.3.4.).

Retes sailed a direct course from Cape Gameaka to SOUt1l Biak and bad at least one erewmember of Saavedra's on board to guide him to the latter's point ofreference,

'the beginning' of'the coast eppesite Kurudu Island 284 The disrance from Ternare- Tidore to bis point is ca. 270 Mexican leguas. Anether 20 Ieguas bring us to the present mouth of the Mamberamo River, at ca. 290 Mexican legt/as (ca. 1,220 krn.). The similarity of this number to tbe 297.5 Castilian leguas fîxed for the Moluecan Enclave did not go unnetlced,

Ir Retes bad been instructed to annex Saavedra 's land at the intersectien of tbc Enclave demarcation with tbc New Guinea coast, he shonld have sailed to a point hetween Aitape and Wewak in PapuaNew Guinea hut instead, 'the captain rook

possession of this island fot your Highness' 285 in the estuary of the Mamberamo River~Rio de Santaugustin.

Herrera's two maps show tbe demarcstion of'the global hemispheres near Malacca but the temporary Enclave demarcation islacking in both, Bis map n° 1 (sec figure 6)

shows no place-names 00 the Nueua Guinea coast but the west eoast of Halmahere appears in 1860 W. and the Rio de Saniagustin would he locatedat ca, 169" W. Ou his map n° 14 (seeûgure 7), !heR. de Saniagustin is located in 170" W. and Temate in

187°W., 00 both maps adistanccofex.actly 17 degrees, The trick in these arithmëtics is that the 17 degrees in Herrera's maps are presented

as the disrance of 297.5 Castilian legtuls (1,606 km.) agreed UpOIl in Zaragoza, whereas tbey acmally coveronly 290 Mexican legt/as (1,218 km.) as shown above, This operatien moved the eastern UrnîföftbeMoluccan Enclave 357 km. (2975 x.

{5A * 4.2 km.} )westwards. which left theeoastof tbc Nueva Guinea máinland, from the Mamberamo eastwerds, safely in the Spanish hemisphere, Portogallost only a dubieus claim to tbe Sarmi-ccest from the Mamberamo to the Tänanh Merah Bay and

2$) Cf secnon 5.L't lS4 Cf. secäon 5.'1.1. 18$ • Tomó el ctlpiUm la posesion decsJais/a [KJ/" vuesta selioria' (~scalante; 155)., 149 a pièce of empty ocean. This tacit conversion seems to have been formally and legally admined, possibly as falling within the renns and Iimits ofthe diseretien allowed

Charles V in !he secend clause of'the Treaty (of sectien 6./0.) but 00 doubt mainly beeause of declininginterest in thearea, Saavedra had described it as seemingly a good land, but it bad tumed out that the inhabitants were primitive.and often aggressive savages, who had no gold or valuable products. Bast and Southeast Asia, the Americas and Africa were commercially far more promising and in faet wem more than the two kingdems could handje - and defend agaiast British and Dutch competiters. When in 1568 a Spanish:t1eet under tbe oommand of Álvaro Mendana de Neyra diseovered the Solomen Islands, both Spain and I>ortugal had lost interest in the New Guinea area.

According to Ballesteros-Beretra (19:l4~lxxvi-vii), there exists linle doubt that Velasec had been the real author of the maps in Hertera 's Descripciàn. This mises the question whether bom eranistas could have remainedunaware of the contradlotion between the legua used in thciT descriptions and the lteaty of Zaragoza, If 80, did then Santa Crûz .•wnountil nis death in. 1567 was cosmographo to Charles V and Philip 11, already have a hand in this ch:angeofyardstick?

6. IJ. The maps by Fernào Và'Z Dourado

Several places Iabeüed witb Europeen narnes on Iberian and early Dutch maps, remain unidentified because they are not mentioned in any extant souree. From 1568 on,

Femäo Vaz Dourado produced a series of New Guineamaps 2~ with a sudden wealth of new loponyms. Same arevaguely reminiseenr of Saavedra and Retes, e.g,

Cideseado, c. des, estevlio ZI!1~ C:dela.••uirgînes; and bullaone$(volcanoe$)~ ethers such as R. de la garte, lias pliahOztlS, tera de gJgdres m. costa descrauo, tera de la [ortuna; gamsales and C:dllniz(J, cannot he placed at alt The tantalising aaswee might he that Donrade celleered the remaining unidentified narnes from now lost logbooks and narratives and planted them in the unexplored coast of Nova Guinea but one wondets why the Spanishmainland entries Ril) SIUtl AtlJPlStin and Catw de San Lorenzo ó Punt a SaUda are missing. Nota single place can be identified., their sourees are unknown and mey have beenignored by Velasco, Herrera.Pottnguese and Dutch cartegraphers alike, as if they were known to he a sham.

In the same vein, Dourado elaimed en some of his maps that New Guinea. had bCCl1 discovered by the 'nativePortuguese Magalhaes' by order of Emperor Charles V; he

'lf( ., PMC ~1. 244, 271, 272,285, 286..308, 324. and 325, 21\1 Perhaps named after Gerénimo de Santistéhan. tlB This namelnay refer te the patagollt:.<: gigtmtes: see for instanee Oviedo 1852 ll, 1. xx.vä- viii, 150 labelled it Nova Ethiopia in bis maps of 1568 and 1575 (PMC est. 244. J07). The whole operatien looks like a nationalistic attempt to belatedly show that the north- coast was well-known and controlled by tbePortuguese and to claim 'moral anteriority on the Spanish side of the Pacific demarcation line, 'renaturalise'

Magalhäes and rebaptise New Guinea 10 'Ethiopia', a name recalling the first days of Portugeese overseas history.

6. 14. Summary andconclusion

Charles V abdieated in 1555 and died three years later. Joäo IU and António Galväo, locked in au.uncompromislng discord, both died i1l1557. Until he had a stroke in 1567. Joao de Barros conrinued to handle the hoax that began when after the ratification of tbe Treaty of Zaragoza, the discovery of the mainland ofNew Guinea by Saavedra became known inEurope, The dissimulation intensified when Santa Crûz insisted in 154500 more information aboutthe survivcrs of Grijalva'sexpedition. The fate of Miguel Nobre remains unknown. In bis Carta of 1545, Galväo speaks of Camacho and Nobre in tbc present tense after au enumeration in the past tense of Grijalva 's deeeased crewmembers. Had Nobre been available, surely Villalobos would have enrolled him for expeditions. He may have died of natura! causes but ifhe was still around when Villalobos arrived in 1543-4 in the Philippines and began to assembie the Castilians in the Molnccas, the Portuguese will have taken 00 risk and evacuated him 10 India, the fale Tristào de Ataide had recommended in 1534 Ior tbe Spanish garrîson. . The •corrections ' in Nobrel s Report of 1545 and in the Descobrimentos of 1563 designate Waigéo and the surroundlng islands Menyái Fïïn, BeséuJGràos, Mies SÛ and the Ayáu and Asia islands as tbc thomy area. Barros used Meneses' 1526/7 hibemation in VersailBiak to credit him withthe discovery of Menuj'u and Bufo and to ereare Portugeese anteriority for Gràos by identifying it with Yen Besir/Bujii. Alonso de Santa Crüz (ca. 1540) and possibly Gaspar Viegae (ca. 1537) showed Saavedra's observations of tbe Bird's Head coast but without any trace of Gràos island 28'1.

After the death of Joäo lIJ and Galväo in 1557 and of Charles V in 1558, the embargo

00 informanon ahout the Moluccan Enclave and New Guinea was gradually Iifted. Aguada and Gräos came into the open, atypieally nor with indigenous place-names but with Portuguese ones, which foiled identiûcatioD of both tbc discoverer' and the truc Iecation, The irrelevance of the name Gràos tor BujillBeséu is confirmed by the fact that Menu/û and Bulu are not Cobe found en any map. while Ilha.de Grào$ and Aguada l89 Cf.figures.l. and 2. 151 appear on Portugeese maps only after the death of Joäo III in 1557. Griias first emerged ca. 1560 in the Livro de Marinharia and on a map attributed to Bartoloméu Velho (PMC est. 97,234). A 1558 map by Diego Homem shows two unnamed islands near Easr-Halrrïahera, probably the Gébé islands and farther east I d'aguada (without allusion to Simäo de Brito) and papuas. On bis almost identical map of 1561, these two islands are labelled I dos Gräos (PMC est. 105, t 24). After 1561, most Portuguese maps show between Halmahera and Biak the (I dos) Gräos, (I d') Agoada and the papuas, always in this order from west to east,

This soflening of the Portuguese security policy may have been prompted În part by the decision ofking Philip IIof Spain in 155910 rc-embark upon the discovery and format occupation of the Is/as del Ponlente. especially Nueva Guinea and the Philippines, in order to engage in the spice trade and to open relations with Japan. Philip 1I instructed the vicetoy of Peru to prepare a fleet to this end but to respect the Moluccan Enclave. The expedition departed in 1564 from Mexico under Mignel Lopez de Legazpi. Tbc following year the trade wind back to America was found, According to Hertera's maps, the old Spanish claim that tbc Ptolemaean eastern global demarcation line ran near Malacca, remained unchanged.

Tbc corrupted passages in the Descobrimentos, the Nobre Report and other sourees expose systematic Portuguese disinformation on Southeast Asia and the West Pacific in thc period between 1545 and 1560. Spain was duped to a limited extent only, On the otber hand. the Spanish ambassador in Lisbon. Joäo de BOIja, still announced in a letter to Philip Il dated 26 November 1573 that he was forwarding two cases with books containing 'unusualleguas', documents, maps, charts and everything he had colleered 'to demonstrate the falsifications being committed and to prove that the Moluccas are located many degrees within the realm of Your Majesty' (Cortesäo 1935: 279/80.). m

6./5. Epilogue

The final irony is that when Yiiigo Ortiz de Retes, in violatien ofthe terms of the Treaty of Zaragoza, annexed in the mouth of tbe Rio de Santaugustin the land Saavedra had discovered, he unwittingly scored the bull's eyc. In modem terms, the Mamberamo river debouches 'into the Pacific at ca. 137°30'E., nearly tbe exact antipode of Herrera's Rio Maranen in ca. 43°West in the region ofSäo Luis de Maranhäo, wherc in 1493 the had blindly dropped tbe Atlantic demarcation. A Portuguese map, drawn in 1554 by (PMC est. 27) and 152

praised by Cenesäo as 'îamOgsJor itsp~$ion~, $1oWst:bern'o d~tion lines respectively over tae moufuo.f fue Amazon River andtbe Mamberamo estuary,

The circumscription of fue 'area sold' tp Portugal wasneverfonnally tlnalised. Portuguese protests against Spanish ptmetTation in the Motucca$ andthe Pbilippines were of no.avail. Thedemarcation lines detennined by Pope Alexander VI and the Treeties of Tordesillas and Zaragoza were.annulled.in .1750 by!he Treaty of Madrid.

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