"BORN ON TONGUEn:

EDUCATION, XDENTITY AND AGENCY OF

TIBETAN YOUTH IN THE INDIAN DIASPORA

Matilde Bernabei

B.Sc. Engineering, Queens University, 1 988

B. Ed., University of British Columbia, 199 1

THESIS SUBMITTED M PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

in the Faculty of Education

O Matilde Bemabei 200 1

SIMON FRASER UNIVERSTIY

April200 1

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The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the authorYs ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ABSTRACT In 1959, after the invasion of their country, thousands of Tibetans, following the Daiai Lama, escaped over the Hixnalayas to India. In India, the Tibetan Govemment-in- Exile began attempts to ensure the well king of the refbgees and to establish a cohesive diaspora community. The ultimate goal was retuming to Tibet after fieeing it fkom occupation Schools were developed to care for Tibetan refbgee children and to suppoa cultural continuity for refbgees as well as for Tibeîam born in exile. Although rehgees continue to arrive in India, most Tibetan youth in India have little or no direct experience of their homeland, and Tibetans coastitute a small minority group in India. These circumstances provided the context for framing the central research question which guided this inquiry: How do Tibetan youth, educated primarily in India, perceive and respond to the attempts of Tibetan authorities to involve them in processes of cultural continuity and reconstruction, and formation of "Tibetan" identities? Ethnographie interviews with 13 graduates (7 male; 6 female) of various types of Tibetan schools in India are analyzed in relation to pst-structural theones on discourse, identity, and agency, as well as in relation to theones of minority education and adaptation. Data analysis indicates graduates' varied perceptions of how Tibetan schools have figured in their identity construction as well as in their abilities to access post secondary education and employrnent in India. Despite the diversity of school and life expenences, al1 interviewees shared some orientations regarding religion, language, and nationhood. However they embodied, manifested and articulated these orientations in their adult lives in different ways. Some chose to foliow closely the guidance of authorities (teachers, parents, politicai and spiritual leaders), while others attempted to challenge some of the traditional noms and to try to develop their community in new directions. This study bas implications for Tibetans, especially the Tibetan Government-in- Exile, concemed about the role of educationai programs in the maintenance of language, cdture and nationhood. In a broader context, this study is relevant to understandings of the relationships among community, culture, education and individual agency in forced diasporas.

iii Dedication

\ To the Tibetans in exile

and Many thanks to the Department of Education of the Tibetan Govemment-in-Exile for their approval of this project and the encouragement they gave me to explore these ideas. This project would not have been possible without numerous fiiends and Tibetan officials in Dharamsala who shared their time and expenence to help me gather the Ulformation. 1 thank them for their help, and for their insistence that 1 keep my eyes and mind wide open and report my findings as honestly as possible. Th& also to Phulchung-la for copious cups of the best tea in India and for his generous help, support, and fiiendship over many years. Much appreciation is due to Kalsang for his support and encouragement, for his skepticism, constructive criticism, and for the reminders of why these issues matter. Table of Contents Page .. Approval 11

.m. Abstract 111 Dedication iv Acknowledgements v Table of Contents vi List of Tables X Chapter 1. introduction 1 The Beginnings of Inquiry 2 Theory 3 Tibetans in Exile 4 Methodology, Documentary Background, Data ~nalysis 5 Chapter 2. Theoretical Framework 6 Introduction 6 Identity Formation 6 Diaspora Identity 12 Adaptive Responses of other Minority Groups 15 Minority Schooling 18 Chapter 3. Methodology 20 Rationaie for Qualitative Methods 20 Data Collection 21 The Interviewees 22 Access and Rapport 22 Reciprocity 24 Biases and Limitations 24 Poiitical Reasons for Limits to Communication 26 Chapter 4. Documentary Background to the Tibetan Diaspora 29 Sources of Information 30 Origins of the Diaspora 3 1 Cultural model: The idealized View of Tibet and Tibetm-ness and it's reIation to schooling 33 Challenges and Adaptations in Exile 36 Diversity of the Exile Population 37 Dispersal to Further Destinations 38 The Development of the Education System 39 Overview of the Tibetan Education System 39 History 40 Goals of Tibetan Schooling 43 "Good People" 44 Tibetan Identity 45 Economic Survival 46 Types of Schools 46 StafEng 47 neCurriculum 48 Tibetan Children's Village 50 Centra! Tibetan Schools 50 Extra-Curricular Activities 51 Curriculum Refonn in the 1980's 51 Post-Secondq education Options 52 Cornplexity, Challenges and Pitfalls 53 Chapter 5. Data Analysis 55 Introduction 55 The Interviewees 55 Tibetan Children's Village Schooled 55 Central Tibetan Schools 56 Gender Differences 57 General Themes 58 Theme # 1: The Refiigee Experience 58 Origins 59 Leaving Tibet 59

vii Family Disruption Retaining Ties Poverty and Work Widening Perspectives Life as Refùgees Duty to Free Tibet Rationale for Preservation of Tibetan National Identity Relationship to Indian Society Identity as "Stateless Refugees" Representation Theme #2: The "Essence" of Tibetan Identity Buddhist Religion L=wJage Culture Theme fC3 :Tibetan Schooling Importance of Education Teaching Tibetan Identity Tibetan Children's Village Central Tibetan Schools The School Community Tibetan Children' s Village Central Tibetan Schools Suggestions for School Improvement Tibetan Children's Village Central Tibetan Schools "S hyness" and "Respect" Contested Central Tibetan Schools Tibetan Children's Village Theme #4: Life AAer Tibetan School College Life Career Choices

viii Centrai Tibetan Administration and Tibetan institutions 95 Tibetan School Employees 98 Unemployed .. . seeking 99 Modem Artist 102 Hopes for The Future 103 Chapter 6. Interpretation and Recommendations 105 Adaptive Responses in Exile I 06 Authoritative Discourse and Identities 107 Figured Worlds 110 Refugees in the Diaspora 110 Power, Identity, Belonging 111 Power, Identity, Not Belonging 112 Essential Tibetan-ness and Nationaiism 114 Tibetan School Experience 117 Life AAer Tibetan School: Change and Continuity 119 Coherence - Stated Goals of the Tibetan education System vs Outcornes 122 Implications for Tibetan Society 123 Implications for Minority Schooling 124 Recommendations 126 Appendix A - Interview Protocol 128 Appendix B - Interviewees 130 Notes 132 References 133 List of Tables

Table 1 :Enrollment by Type of School Table 2: Interviewees: School Aîtended and Family Home Table 3: Interviewees: Post-Secondary Education and Employment CHAPTER 1 Inîroduction The purpose of this study is to inquùe into how Tibetan youth in the diaspora community in Maview their identities, and what factors they see as implicated in their identity construction. A prominent part of this inquiry consists of ethnographie interviews with youth who graduated fiom Tibetan schools in India between 1991 and 1996. Since Tibetan schools in India, Nepal, and Bhutan were established by the Tibetan Government-&Exile with the aim of promoting and preserving Tibetan identity, particular attention is paid to the youths' perceptions of the role of their school experiences in their processes of identity construction Framing the context of the information gathered fiom the interviews involves tying together perspectives relating respectively to: pst-structural theones of identity; anthropological and educational theories of the role of education in minority communities; selected cases of other communities where there is (as in the Tibetan case) a close comection between religious and educational institutions; and the history of the Tibetan diaspora comrnunity and the role of education within it. Consequently, this thesis consists of the following five sections: 1) A theory based literature review consisting of: a discussion of post- structural thecries on identity, theories on the role of education in minority communities, and examples of cases of other minority communities which attempt to maintain their cohesion through shared religious ideals and operate schools to teach those ideals to the youth. 2) A description of the methodology utilized in collecting and organizing inte~ewdata, dong with an explanation of my background and my relationship to the Tibetan exile comunity. 3) A summary of the historical background of the Tibetan diaspora comrnunity through the use of documentary sources and persona1 communications with current educational leaders. This summary focuses primarily on the development of the Tibetan education system. 4) Illustrative quotations fiom the interviews with Tibetan youth in relation to pst-structural and anthropological theories. 5) Interpretation and analysis of the data in relation to pst-structural theories on identiîy.

The Beginnings of Inquiry My fist encounter with Tibetans occurred in 1988/89 on a backpacking trip through Asia. 1 went to Tibet and Nepd, and then travelled extensively through India. More than any other part of my journey, my experiences in Tibet were a shock to me. 1 had known people in Canada who had emigrated fiom countries immersed in political strïfe, but 1 had never before ken to such a place myself. Tibet was clearly under an oppressive military occupation - the carneras on rooftops, omnipresent axmed officiais, and the weary fear on the faces of rnany Tibetans could not escape my attention. 1 had previously seen myself as "repressed" by the conse~atismof the Ontario town in which I was raised, but the "barre1 of a gun" repression in Tibet made me see my cornplaints as melodramatic. 1 spent one month in regions controlled by the Comunist Chhese Govemment, and the stress of that experience left me in awe of Tibetans who had sornehow managed to survive 40 years under far more restrictive conditions than 1 would ever have to imagine. My curiosity and fascination with the apparent resilience of the Tibetan people ultirnately led me to Dhararnsala, the town in Northwest India where the Ddai Lama now lives, and that Tibetans consider the capital of their exile community. Dharamsala is 500 km North of Delhi, on the South side of the set of mountain ranges that border Tibet. My interest in the Tibetan situation was piqued in Tibet itself, but my subsequent experience and the focus of this research is with Tibetan reîügees in India. From my vantage point as a cunous odooker, the refugees' efforts to maintain cohesion in their community and to transmit their cultural beliefs to the youth seemed to be fabulously successful. 1 was fascinated by the practices and procedures that had been put in place by the Tibetan Government-in-Exile and community groups to maintain their cultural fabric and to encourage persistence in the conviction to return to a free Tibet. 1 decided to spend some time as a voiunteer in a refùgee settlement, and subsequently lived in Dharamsafa for seven months in 1990, teaching English to young Tibetan moaks and to adults who had recently escaped fiom Tibet. Since that time 1 have maintaùied my relationships with Tibetan fiiends in India and Canada, and have retunied to Dharamsala five times. In total, 1 have spent almost two years there, and have visited several other Tibetan refugee settlements in India and Nepal. Zn the years that 1 have been involved with Tibetan communities in India and Canada, 1 have become aware that their struggles to maintain their cultural identity, to work towards ikeeing Tibet, and to avoid assimilation into majonty populations of other nations, have been more complex and problematic than 1 realized in my first encounters. My initial fascination with the swival strategies of this community has continued, but has shifted to focus on the tension between the ideals and aspirations promoted by Tibetan leaders, and the realities of many Tibetans' daily stmggle to survive as "stateless" minorities in a developing country. My interest in the apparent success of the initiatives aimed at cultural continuity has deepened with the realization that the process has not been seamless or unproblematic.

- Theory In exptoring the experience of identity construction of Tibetan youth in India, specific issues relating to identity and forced diaspora will be explored (Hall, 1990; Venturino, 1997). 1 will draw on concepts of identity as multifaceted and fluid (Hall, 1996), identity construction as a complex and creative process taking place within active engagement in social and histoncal contexts (Holland et al., 1998), and as a discursive process infiuenced by authoritative discourse (Bakhtin, 198 1). Expectations can be contested as individuals engage in the endeavor of responding to authoritative discourse and in generating their own intemally persuasive discourses (Bakhtin, 198 1). Gibson and Ogbu's (199 1, 1997, 1998) explorations of adaptive responses of minorities and school success also corne into play. The experiences of the Huttentes, the Amish, and the Hasidim are discussed as examples of other minority communities that work to maintain their cohesion through their religious beliefs and utilize schools in sheir efforts to avoid assimilation into the larger community. The theoretical framework will be discuçsed in greater detail in chapter two.

Tibetans in Exile Since their arriva1 in hdia in 1959, Tibetan leaders and community members have been involved in an ongoing stniggle to deal with issues of resettlement and reconstruction of their society. Tibetan refugees constitute an extremely small mioority group in India (about 100,000 Tibetans within an Indian population of one billion) ehattacharjea, 1994). Many of the youth in the comrnunity were born in exile and have never been to Tibet. Others were smuggled out of Tibet at pre-school age by parents who believed that they would have better educational oppomuÿties in exib *riian in Chese occupied Tibet. Most of those parents retwned to Tibet to work and help support other family members, leaving their children to be cared for in Tibetan schools in exile as "de- facto" orphans. In light of their minority status, and the fact that most Tibetan youth in exile have had linle or no direct experience with their homeland, I wondered at the challenges involved in the task of cultural continuity and reconstruction and formation of "Tibetan" identities in India In contrast to life inside Tibet where expressions of Tibetan identity can lead to due consequences at the hands of the Chinese government, in exile Tibetans are reiatively fiee to politically identiQ with Tibet and the Tibetan Goveniment-in-Exile. There is no physically oppressive force directing their thoughts or actions, but there are historical and societai pressures and expectations. At home, in schools, in their communities, in Indian society, and through international media representations, Tibetans in exile receive a variety of messages and directions (discourses) pertaining to who and what othen perceive and expect them to be (Bakhtin, 198 1). This study involves explo~gand documenting the responses of Tibetan youth to this array of discourses as they engage in the creative processes of identity construction as individuals and as a collective (Hall, 1997; Holland et al., 19%). Tibetan leaders (headed by the Dalai Lama) are overt in their efforts to create a new identity and ethic for upcoming generations of Tibetans. The Tibetan schools in exile have been utilized ai vehicles in teaching and promothg to youth the ideals of the new Tibetan society. Schools were set up as orphmages within a year of the 1959 exodus fiom Tibet and ultimately were developed to form a wel1 organized school system overseen by the Tibetan Govemment-in-Exile's Ministry of Education. Some of the issues of concem within the Tibetan society and schools are ensuring the emotional well being of the students in light of the physical and emotional traumas of resettlement, and encouraging understanding and respect for the students' own cultural heritage while following a foreign cuniculum and Living within a society dominated by cuItures and values differegt from their own (Department of Education, 1995). Tibetan youth in india are in a world partly defiaed by the history of Tibet, and situated withh the daily realities of life as stateless refügees in Maand the global community. The authoritative.discourse of the Dalai Lama, other community and religious leaders, school administrators, teachers, parents, and societal nom, implores youth to embody the mord and ethical codes generally understood to be the essence of "Tibetan-ness". At the same tirne, they are expectcd to fünction in modem socio-culturd, socio-economic, and socio-political reahs.

Methodology, Documentary Background, Data Analysis Open ended, one-on-one, ethnographie interviews were conducted with 13 Tibetans who had completed high school at Tibetan schools in India in the period fiom 199 1 to 1996. While the students came fiom four different geographical regions, the intemiews took place in Dharamsala India. The interviews focused on the inte~ewees' perceptions of their experiences in school, in their corrununities, and in Indian society. The rnethodology will be discussed in Merdetail in chapter 3, including more information on my position within the framework of the study . Analysis of the data revealed several key themes and sub-themes which are documented. As well, data was analyzed in relation to gender. CHAPTER 2 Theoretical Framework

Introduction Theories of identity construction and minority adaptation to life in new lands will fkme this inquîry into identity in Tibetan youth. Post-structural theories on identity construction in individuals and in cultural groups are not based on claims of "essential", fmed and unchangeable identities (Hall, 1996; Holland et al., 1998). Rather, identity is viewed as a product of historical, social, and creative forces. In this study these theories form the lens through which 1 explore the perceptions Tibetan youth have regarding their identities. Issues specific to the case of forced diaspora are important to consider. It seems apparent fkom curent analysis (Hall, 1997; Gibson, 1997; Venturino, 1997) that forced diaspora carries its own set of historical and socio-cultural constructs. In diaspora communities identity construction is an act of power, and identities can serve as means of excluding outsiders (Hdi, 1996). Members of forced diaspora communities often have worldviews and hopes for the future that have qualities different from other communities of migrants (Venturino, 1997; Camino & Kmlfeld, 1994). Relevant to the present inquiry is the hope for a retum to the homeland.

Identity Formation Hall's (1996) description of identity as multifaceted and fluid is fundamental to this analysis. According to Ha11 (1 996):

identities are about questions of using the resources of history, language and culture in the process of becoming rather than being: not 'who we are' or 'where we came hm' so much as what we might become, how we have been represented and how bat bears on how we might represent ourselves. (p. 4)

Identity creation is not hed in past experience, but is a transfomative process in which al1 of our expenences and perceptions of our histories are lùiked to a vision of the future. Cultural identity must be conceptualized as a matter of "becoming as well as being" (Hall, 1990, p. 4), and as demarcating difference (Hall, 1990). It is within representation that identities (individuai and national) are constituted, and "identity shifts according to how the subject is addressed or represented, identification is not automatic, it can be won or lost" (Hall, 1997, p. 60 1). The concept of identity that Hall (1996) takes is not essentialist; rather, identity takes its form as strategic and positionai. There is no "stable core" of the self or the group, but individual and group identity is fluid and many layered.

identities are never unified and, in late modern times, increasingly mentedand fractured; never singular but multiply constructed across different, O ften intersecting and antagonistic, discourses, practices and positions. They are subject to a radical histoncization, and are constantly in the process of change and transformation. (Hall, 1996, p. 4)

Identities are constituted within social and political contexts. They are creations - inventions - but the imaginary aspect of identities does not in any way rninimize their importance:

the question, and the theorization, of identity is a matter of considerable political significance, and is only likely to be advanced when both the necessity and the 'impossibility' of identities, and the suturing of the psychic and the discursive in their constitution, are hlly and unambiguously acknowledged. (Hali, 1996. p 16)

Holland et al. (1 998) also perceive identity as fluid, contextualized, and evolving through the experiences and improvisations of individuals. They conceptualize identity as happening within social practices. In contrast to Hall's theory of "suhiring" the psychic and the discursive, they describe a "CO-developmentof identities, discourses, embodiments, and irnagined worlds that inforni each moment of joint production'' (Holland et al., 1998, p. viii). As humans go about their lives, al1 of their experiences, including their historical and social contexts, inform their present expenences and their visions of potential fùtures and directions. Within Holland et al.3 (1998) hework, the production of identity is a creative process intimately linked to social engagement. Identity is a concept that figurativeiy combines the intimate or personal world with the collective space of cultural foms and social relations. We are interested in identities, the imaginings of self in worlds of action, as social products; indeed we begin with the premise that identities are lived in and through activity and so must be conceptualized as they develop in social practice. (Holland et al., 1998, p. 5

In explonng identity, individuals cannot be considered in isolation fiom theix environment. Rather, the entirety of their lives, social worlds, and histoncal fhmeworks must be brought forth into the discussion. Identities are products of a myriad of inauences and actions. Holland et al. (1998) concur with Hall (1 996) in the conception of identity as fluid; "identities - if they are dive, if they are being lived - are unfinished and in process" (Holland et al., 1998, p. viii). "Persons are malleable, changeable, and subject to discursive powers" (Holland et al., 1998, p. 5). Identity processes are an ongoing part of the nadfabric of being, and hence, even within cultural constraints which appear to be rigidly set, creativity and innovation combine to create new foms and interpretations. No identity, group or individual, is "set in stone", because the people who embody those identities are involved in acts of living; they are continuously subject to discursive influences and are continuously ùnprovising. Identities are constructed and contextualized. We can envision persons as "taking form in the flow of histoncally, socially, culturaily, and materially shaped lives." (Holland et al., 1998, p. 5). Where identity is concemed, human creativity and agency, within and bounded by Xiistorical and social conte-, corne into play.

Identities are improvised - in the flow of activity within specific social situations - fiom the cultural resources at hand. Thus persons and, to a lesser extent, groups are caught in the tensions between past histones that have settled them and the present discourses and images that attract them or somehow impinge upon them. In this continuous self-fashioning, identities are hard-won standpoints that, however dependent upon social support and however vulnerable to change, make at least a modicum of self-direction possible. (Holland et al., 1998, p. 4)

As social and cultural creatures, human beings are bounded, but through improvisation and creativity as individuals and collectives, are capable of movement "fiom one set of socially and culturally formed subjectivities to another" (Hoiland et al., 1998, p. 6). A key issue in the construction of identity is recognition that wide variations and variability exist, both arnongst and within individuals. Holland et al. (1998) express this sentiment in the statement:

there exists a huge variety of discourses, practices, concepts, means, and modalities of the self. The question now is not so much whether there are ciifferences but rather what they sipi@. At issue is the role of historicai, social, and cultural phenornena in constituting the self. (p. 20)

While youth in Tibetan communities in India live in a relatively tight knit and bounded society, they have diverse personal histories and iife experiences, moreover, a wide variety of reactions to those experiences can be expected. As lives progress, new experiences and interactions contribute to the layers and complexities of identities. Aspects may be strengthened and refmed, or shifted to different proprietary positions, while new versions of self-imaginings emerge. This process of reshuffling, creating, and redirecting understandings continues throughout life. The concept of multiplicity and fluidity of Ymer selves" fùrther specified by the dialogic nature of hwnan activity as expressed by Bakhtin (198 1). The dialogism that is the basis of Bakhtin's philosophical stance reveals the complexities and intricacies of human inner existence. Diaiogism presumes that "there is a constant interaction between meanings, al1 of which have the potential of conditioning others" (Bakhtin, 198 1, p. 426). Extemal dialogue occurs between two different people, and intemal dialogue occurs between an "earlier and a later self' within an individual (Bakhtin, 198 1, p. 427). Dialogues and discourses link past, present and fhre imer States, but not smoothly. Al1 discourses are back and forth processes, which; "cannot fail to be oriented toward the 'aiready uttered,' the 'already known,' the 'common opinion' and so forth. The dialogic orientation of discourse is a phenornenon that is, of course, a property of uny discourse" (Bakhtin, 1981, p. 279). The concept that active engagement is required in identity forxnaâion (Holland et al., 1998) is echoed in Bakhtin's work. Within his theory, the distinguishing feature between simple repetition of word and intemalization is the presence or absence of involvement on the part of the individual.

In the actuai life of speech, every concrete act of understanding is active: it assimilates the word to be understood into its own conceptual systern filied with specific objects and emotional expressions, and is indissoiubly merged with the response, with a rnotivated agreement or disagreement. (Bakhtin, 198 1, p. 282)

Bakhtin's discussion of authoritative and intemaily persuasive discourse (198 1) conhibutes to understanding identity construction processes. Authoritative discourse and internally persuasive discourse are interactive positions in dialogue:

The authoritative word demands that we achowledge it, that we make it our own; it binds us, quite independent O: any power it might have to persuade us intemally; we encounter it with its authority already fused to it. The authoritative word is located in a distanced zone, organically connected with a past that is felt to be hierarchically higher. Its authority was already acknowledged in the past. It is aprior discourse. It is therefore not a question of choosing it from among other possible discourses that are its equal. It is given (it sounds) in lofty spheres, not those of familiar contact. (Bakhtin, 198 1, p. 342)

In contrast, intemally persuasive discourse "is, as it is &rmed through assimilation, tightly interwoven with 'one's own word' "(Bakhtin, 1981 p. 345). It consists of the discussiùns and arguments we have with ourselves, that can serve to solidify and shift inner beliefs at the very core of our "selves". Bakhtin ( 198 1 ) contends that the history of an individuals' "becoming" is determined by the struggle and dialopic interrelationship of authoritative and intemally persuasive discourse. Authoritative discourse may contain "authority as such, or authoritativeness of tradition, or generally acknowledged truths, or the officia1 Iine and other similar authorities" (Bakhtin, 198 1, p. 344). In this thesis the authoritative figures, stmctures, and traditions in the Tibetan diaspora will be considered. The youths' perceptions of the impact of these influences on their lives are explored in this study. In Bakhtin's view: The tendency to assimilate others' discourse takes on an even deeper and more basic significance in an individual's ideological becoming, in the most fundamental sense. Another's discourse perfonns here no longer as information, directions, rules, models and so forth - but strives rather to determine the very bases of our ideologicd interrelations with the world, the very basis of our behavior; it perf~rrnshere as aurhontative discourse, and an inrernally persuasive discourse." (1982, p. 342)

The interreiationship and dialogism between extemal authoritative discourse and intemally persuasive discourse is profound in an individual's "becoming":

When someone else's ideological discourse is intemally persuasive for us and acknowledged by us, entirely different possibilities open up. Such discourse is of decisive significance in the evolution of an individual consciousness: consciousness awakens to independent ideological life precisely in a world of alien discourses surrounding it, and from which it cannot initiaily separate itself; the process of distinguishing between one's own and another's discourse, between one's own and another's thought, is activated rather late in deveiopment. When thought begins to work in an independent, experimenting and discrirninating way, what first occurs is a separation between internally persuasive discourse and authontarian enforced discourse, dong with a rejection of those congenes of discourses that do not matter to us, that do not touch us. (Bakhtin, 198 1, p. 345)

We, as individuals, are never autonomous entities unto ourselves: "In the everyday rounds of Our consciousness, the internally persuasive word is haif-ours and half-someone else's" (Bakhtin, 198 1, p. 345). The works of Hall, Holland, and Bakhtin provide a theoretical framework for viewing how Tibetan youth engage the discourses of the Dalai Lama, parents, teachers, educationai leaders, international media, and the Chinese Govemment. From a post-stmctural perspective, each individual will hear, assimilate, intemalize, rework, evaluate, and reconstruct the extemal discourses in their own way, resulting in an array of outcornes within the community. Holland et al. (1998) bnng the concept of "figured wodds" into the discussion of identity. Where Hall (1997) and Bakhtin (198 1) focus on individuals and identify the importance of their social interactions, Holland et al.'s (1998) notion of figured worlds more substantially widens the focus to social settings. Holland et d.'s (1998) "figured worlds" are the frameworks in which we see ourselves and participate in social processes (e.g. the "T' as worker, student, citizen, refugee, exile, or family member). "Figured worlds are historical phenomena, to which we are recruited or into which we enter, which themselves develop through the works of their participants" (Holland et al., 1998, p. 41). Congruent with the conceptualization of the multifaceted nature of identity, individuals inhabit a varïety of tigured worlds. As identity is fluid, so are figured worlds. They are "socially organized and reproduced, and provide a means to concepaialize historical subjectivities, consciousnesses and agency, persons (and collective agents) forming in practice" (Holland et al., 1998, p.41). The human faculty of improvisation comes into play both at the level of the individual, and in the sense of the collective group.

Improvisations are the sort of impromptu actions that occur when Our past, brought to the present as habitus, meets with a particular combination of circumstances and conditions for which we have no set response. Such improvisations are the openings by which change comes about from generation to generation. (Holland et al., 1998, p. 17-18)

Throughout human society, "individuals and groups are always (re)forming themselves as persons and collectives through cultural materials created in the immediate and the more distant past" (HoIland et al., 1998, p. 18). In recent diaspora there is an abrupt and dramatic shift from one society to a new one. Lessons of the past society play a dynamic role in the life of the new one. How to encodc thesr in discourse in the new setting is a task for those actively shaping the diaspora cornrnunity.

Diaspora Identity In diaspora the possibilities and challenges for the geographical transposition of the dialogical discourses of the community need consideration. Anderson (1983) directs Our attention to the set of social circumstances where authoritative discourses are strategically and actively engaged, inserting themselves into identity processes of the geographically displaced. According to Anderson ( 1983); "al1 communities .. . are imagined. Cornmunities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuiness, but by the style in which they are imagines' (p. 6). In the Tibetan case, those "imaginings" place them in a worid defined by religious ideals and political positionings. The labels "refbgee", "minority", and bbstateless"help to situate Tibetans in a community distinct from the Indians arnongst whom they live, and the Chinese who occupy their Iand. These "imaginings" are essential to their political struggle and to their efforts to maintain a cohesive diaspora communi ty . Anderson (1983) concepniaiizes al1 communities as "imagined", but contends that the idea of nation-ness "is the most universally legitirnate value in the political life of our tirne" (p. 3). Anderson (1983) States: "The nation is imagined as limited because even the largest of them ... has finite, if elastic, boundaries, beyond which lie other nations. No nation imagines itself coterminous with mankind" (p. 7) and nations are "imagined as comrnuniîy, because, regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, üî~nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship" (p. 7). When people suddenly find themselves part of a diaspora, the concepts of "nation" and "nationalism" take on new meanings. In the case of diaspora, it is particularly usefùl to consider Hall's (1996) characterization of processes of identity formation as acts of power, which are "more the product of the marking of difference and exclusion, than they are the sign of an identical, naturally-constituted unity" (p. 4). The concept that "identities cm function as points of identification and attachment only because of their capacity to exclude" (Hall, 1996, p. 5) becomes highly significant in the creation of a national identity as a diaspora Forced diaspora has it own set of meanings because its members inhabit a space which has its own characteristics distinct from those of other migrants. In Hall's (1997) description, people dispersed from their homelands:

retain strong links with their pIaces of origin and their traditions, but they are without the iliusion of returning to the past. They are obliged to corne to terms with the new cultures they inhabit, without simply assirnilating to them and losing their identities completely. (p. 629)

While living as rninorities within larger populations, the exiles must find ways to identifj themselves as distinct from the majority, and as linked to each other. Failure to do so is likely to result in assimilation. The traumatic nature of diaspora due to forced exile cannot be equated with the experience of other types of migration (e.g. voluntary minorities as characterized by Gibson and Ogbu, 199 1). In the Tibetan case, "survivd as a migrant is not .. . an end in itself, but a means to an end" (Venturino, 1997, p. 99). Voluntary migrants may revel in the opportunity to develop a "global identity", but for people forced into exile by an oppressive regime, diaspora takes the form of a "daily threat to life and culture" (Venturino, 1997, p. 100). In general, but perhaps with greater intensity in diaspora, the past:

is always constructed through memory, fantasy, narrative and myth. Cultural identities are the points of identification or suture, which are made, within discourses of history and culture. Not an essence but a positioning. Hence there is always a politics of identity, a politics of position. (Hall, 1990, p. 226)

Steven Venturino (1997) raises specific questions regarding post-structural diaspora theory in relation to the case of Tibetans. His concem is that pst-structurai theory seriously undervalues the Tibetans' claim to an essential identity based on uniqueness, and their determination to reclaim their geographic homeland. Post-structural theory figures identity as fragmented and contingent, whereas; "when the Dalai Lama .. . speaks for Tibetan independence, he is unequivocal in his appeal to an essential Tibetan identity based on a necessarily Buddhist Tibetan spirit and a 'birthright' springing from the physicai homeland" (Venturino, 1997, p. 99). The Tibetans do not deny the existence of cultural transformation and historical change, but instead "trans-nationaiism is reabsorbed into essentialist identity claims" (Venturino, 1997, p. 99). The ability to adapt and successfully adjust to new circumstances has corne to be included in the definition of "essential" Tibe tan character. The Tibetan diaspora identity may be theorized as "irnaginary", but as pointed out by Venturino (1997): "the Tibetan national imagination is a means to a particular political end" (p. 103), and as such, is a creative act of agency. There is a dual nature to the "end that is often expressed: one aspect is to reclaim their Tibetan homeland, and the other is a "mission to improve the spintual condition of people around the world" (Venturino, 1997, p. 103). In emphasizing the global benefiü that a free Tibet would bring,

the Tibetan diaspora is (seen as) a worldwide support system making the most of its global character for the sake of a free Tibet.. .Global hybridity is not the end of the diaspora identity, but a means to recover the homeland, and so the politics of Tibetan essentialism is written into the text of global hybridity. (Venturino, 1997, p. 110)

Throughout human society wide variations in conceptions of "nation-ness" and identity exist, but in cases of forced exile such as the Tibetans, Ventunno asserts there is agency in claims of essentialism. "Tibetan claims to an essential identity, whiie demonstrably imaginary, constructed, and teleogical, are no less essential in that they serve as foundational claims that operate politicdly, socially, and, for many, spirituaily" (Venturino, !997,p. 1OS). It can be reasonably assumed that expressions and formulations of Tibetan identity would be very different under a different political umbrella. The current political reality informs acts of representation and cultural transmission within the exile community. The fact of forced exile must *be considered in the discussion of influential forces in identity processes within the Tibetan refugee comrnunity .

Adaptive Responses of Other Minority Groups The above referenced writings on diaspora encompass a multitude of political, social, and national histories. In the Tibetan diaspora authoritative discourse embedded in religion and education are prominent. Inquiring into the role of educational institutions in other communities where religion is a prominent dimension of identity helps to focus on some of the creative responses to possibilities of assimilation. There is good documentation for three such communities in North Arnerica: the Amish, the Hutterites, and the Hasidim. These communities have attempted to maintain their cohesion and cultural continuity through isolation and distinctness from the larger community rather than assimilation into the majority population in the countries in which they were living. Self-imposed isolation is a strategy they deem necessary for the survival of their culture and the distinct practice of their faith (Hofer, 1998; Hostetler, 1974; Kraybill & Olshan, 1994; Mintz, 1992). Tibetans have also attempted to establish degrees of isolation, but not with the same intensity as the other groups listed. They established separate schools in exile, but have not established cultural taboos on outside or ideas or on involvement in the world outside their own communities. Of the examples cited, the Amish are most extreme in lirniting access to "the World". They believe that their very survival as a people and as a faith depends on shutting out most of what the modem world offers. The Arnish feel that they must be isolated, though it was relatively late that they began to develop their own private schools in eamest. It was not until the 1950's and '60's that a significant percentage of Amish children began to attend Amish-operated schools (Kraybill & Olshan, 1994). Now that the Amish schools are in full operation, they are regarded as an essential element contributing to the survival of the faith and the communities. By running their own schools, staffed by rnembers of the faith, they feel they are able to provide a consistent message to the youth (Kraybill & Olshan, 1994). Use of modem technology is discouraged. Hutterites permit more access to wortdl y knowledge than the Amish, but they are careful to minimize its impact and its emotional importance in the eyes of their people (Hostetler, 1974). Worldly knowledge is seen as important in tems of their econornic survival, and to understand the ways of the majority population, but it is always placed in a position of lesser importance than the traditional forms of knowledge. Exposure to the modern world is controlled, and presented to the Hutterite children on their own terms. Hutterite schools have existed since the beginning of the Hutterite movement, and it has remained a requirement that al1 schooling take place on the grounds of the colony itself (Hostetler, 1974). The Hutterites have secular (Department of Education) schools on the colony grounds. This allows the leaders to control the tone of the school, and to monitor and regu!ate its relative importance to the students. School is designed to indoctrinate children with traditiona1 beliefs (Hofer, 1998). Most children attend school up to the age of 15 years, and receive vocationai training into adulthood. Unlike the Amish, modem equipment is permitted for practical purposes such as farming. The philosophy is "It is not the thing itself that is good or bad, but the use to which it is put"(Hofer, 1998, p. 28). Worldly knowledge is permitted to a certain extent, but it is carefully monitored and controlled, and is always given lesser importance than traditional knowledge. The Hasidim do not reject the new technologies of the worId to the extent that the Amish do, but neither do they give worldly knowfedge much importance. Secular studies and interests can be useful in ternis of economic benefit, and as long as they are kept in that context they are tolerated in most Hasidic courts (Mintz, 1992). Some courts reject secular interests entirely, as they are deemed to be "against God". Debate on the issue of secular education continues within the Hasidic community. The greatest success for the Hasidim in terms of preserving the ways of the past came when isolated colonies were created, moving people away from the cities. On the colonies it was much easier to control the type and amount of exposure that the youth had to the modem world (Mintz, 1992). In contrast to these three groups, Tibetans have chosen to embrace modem knowledge systems, but have also tried to blend and balance new knowledge with the traditional, and attempt to find a way for the two to coexist. For Tibetans, physical and political survivd depends on functioning successfully in the modem world. They have attempted to identify the essential elements of their culture and concentrate on preserving those. A significant difference in terms of frame of reference between the Tibetans and the other groups is that the threat to Tibetan survival is very new, and they still cany the hope of retuming to a free Tibet. Prior to the Chinese invasion of the 1950s, Tibetans were aware of their military vulnerability, but they had not yet had to deal with the realities of penecution against them as a race and religious group. The three other groups have been dealing with the realities of persecution since the beginning of their very existence. Tibetans have had to quickly adapt and develop survival strategies and techniques. The other groups have had hundrecis of years to blend these strategies into their betief systems, and educational institutions play a central role in their strategies. Tibetans are now living in a developing country, with its own economic and social problems. They have been forced to rely on the help and support of people from outside their community. This support has been used for basic survival in exile (food, clothing, shelter and medicd care), and it has been utilized towards attaining their educational and political goals as a community. The schools continue to exist on donations, and many of the students have foreign sponsors who support them throughout their schoot years. The Tibetans don? have the option of cornpletely shutting themselves off from the modern world, because they need help just to survive. Prior to the 1MO'S, Tibet was politically isolated from other countries. Most Tibetans had Iittle knowledge, access, or interest in the modem world. The current political situation has forced them into it, and they have had to develop coping strategies. The other three groups have been smail, isolated minorities since their inception, but the Tibetans were not isolated minorities within their own country. Rather, they were an isolated country, surrounded by large, powerful neighbors. In modern times, the Hasidim, Hutterites and Amish fear the larger community, not from overt attacks on their people and their faith, but for the seductive nature of the modern world. They fear that their people, particularly the youth, will be drawn under the influence of the outside world where matenalism can be overwhelming. They fear that their spintuality and community values will gradually fade into non-existence. Due to Buddhist principles that emphasize personal responsibility and freedom of choice, Tibetans do not have such a strong concept of "membership", and do not so aggressively try to convince others to stay within the community (N. Tsering, personal communication, July, 1997), but it may have also been helpful to them that the outside community in India has not been particularly welcoming or attractive to the Tibetans. The Tibetans' desire for isolation was considered to be quite reasonable by the Indian population, and the lndian Government aided the Tibetans in setting up their separate school system. The only challenges to the concept of isolation were based on financial and political rather than ethical concems.

Minority Schooling Margaret Gibson and John Ogbu spearheaded research into minonty youth and school performance with their typology of immigrant and involuntary minorities (Gibson & Ogbu, 199 1). Their initial theories were based primady on the experiences of minority youth in public schools in the United States, but subsequent research based on international studies has revealed a far more complicated picture of the experience of immigrant youth. The findings were summarized by Margaret Gibson as follows;

Empiricai reality proves to be far more complex than what can be explained through dichotomous typologies of accommodation and resistance, success and faihre, or immigrant and involuntary minorities. Moreover, minority youth do better in school when they feel strongly anchored in the identities of their families, communities, and pers and when they feel supported in pursuing a strategy of selective or additive acculturation. (Gibson, 1997, p. 43 1)

It was found that "a number of different factors, including the immigrant group's reasons for leaving its homeland, its status in the new country, the context it encounters on arrival, and the nature of resources available to the group, interact together to shape immigrant students' performance in school" (Gibson, 1997, p. 433). In subsequent malysis, refugees were characterized somewhat differently from either immigrants or voiuntary minorities (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Their choice to leave their country of ongin and settle in another country was not a free choice, but they were found to share some attitudes and behaviours of immigrant minonties which lead to school success (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). They accept that they have to iearn new languages and codes of behavior in order to succeed in their new homes, but they approach the process with the attitude of a tourist. They can learn the codes of conduct and communication without fear of losing their own cultural and ethnic identities (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). The case of the Tibetm diaspora, the importance of schooling to their community and the individuals within it wiil be explored in light of their characterization as refugees. Rationde for Qualitative rnethods Defining characteristics of qualitative research include an assumption of a multiple nature of reaiity (Creswell, 1998), a grounding in the lived expenences of people, and research as an emergent and evolving process (Marshall and Rossman, 1999). and the interaction of ". .. cultural factors and human agency" (Gall, Borg, & Gall, 1996, p. 610). AI1 of these factors corne into play in this exploration of identity. The Tibetan school system and Tibetan leaders have clearly stated goals of how they hope to affect the youth in their community, but until now there have been no studies tu elicit perceptions the stucients have of their experiences. With qualitative research, a small number of interviewees are involved, but the interviewees themselves have the opportunity to play a role in shaping the outcornes and directions of the interviews. They can explain the reasons for their feelings and the meanings they associate with the issues that arise. Qualitative studies can also initiate exploration into ideas and situations about which linle is knovrn or documented, and thus can open windows to new avenues of exploration. Through this research 1 hope to begin to reveal some of the layers of complexity in the experience of identity construction in Tibetan youth. The technique of using oral, taped interviews can be a powerful research tool. As explained by Anderson and Jack:

taped interviews preserve a living interchange for present and future use; we can rummage through interviews as we do through an old attic - probing, comparing, checking insights, finding new treasures the third time through, then arranging and carefully docurnenting the results (Gluck & Patai, 199 1, p. 11).

The interview must be an interaction between researcher and intewiewee "where the focus is on process, on the dynarnic unfolding of a subject's viewpoint" (Gluck & Patai, 1991, p. 23). In this case 1 am an outsider, so the issues king studied are new to me, but even within the Tibetan community very iittIe is recorded regarding the feelings and perceptions of students who went through the Tibetan school system. The history and stmcture of the system has been well documented, as have demographics, and success rates. Information from these documents form a substantial part of chapter four of this thesis, however there is no documented narrative data from those young people for whom the systern was designed.

Data Collection Open-ended, ethnographie interviews were conducted with 13 Tibetans, six female and seven male. The interviews were one-on-one, with the exception of KeIsang and Tashi who at their request were interviewed together. Each of the interviews was 1 to 2 hours long, with open-ended questions focusing on the interviewees' perceptions of their expenences in Tibetan schools, in Tibetan comnunities in India, and as young adults participating in post-secondary education and sometimes employment in wider Indian society. 1began each interview with an interview protocol (see Appendix A), which was effective in opening up the discussion and identifying key issues of importance to the interviewees. 1 then asked the interviewees to elaborate on specific issues they raised, such as Tibetan identity and the concept of "free Tibet". The interviews were audiotape recorded with no note taking, and took place in Dhararnsaia, India, in July of 1998.1 transcribed the tapes one month Iater when 1 returned to Canada Al1 of the interviews were conducted in English. The interviewees had al1 attended "English medium" schools and several had attended English language colleges, so they were able to understand my questions and communicate their ideas effectively in English. Some made grammatical errors, particularly in the area of tenses, but their meanings still came through clearly. 1 have presented the quotations in the "voice* of the interviewees, retaining the grammatical errors and 'Tibetan-English" colloquial figures of speech. 1 did not attempt to "edit" their words because 1 believe that the voices of the interviewees are comprehensible, and they retain the energy and passion of the stories as they were told. The Interviewees Al1 13 interviewees had cornpleted their high school education at Tibetan schools in India between 199 1 and 1996, and had lived for a few years as young adults working and/or going to college outside of the environment of the Tibetan schools. This age group was selected because it was hoped that the few years they lived outside the Tibetan school system after graduation had given them some time and oppomnity to reflect on the impact and implications that their school expenences had on their identity construction, as well as time to formulate visions of how they hope to proceed with their lives outside the stnictuted environment of the Tibetan schools. Ten of the interviewees were bom and raised in the exile comrnunity, and the remaining three were bom in Tibet and were brought to Tibetan schools in India at the age of seven or eight Some had attended boarding schools several days joumey from their parents' homes; others attended day schools in their home settlements in rural areas of South India and lived with their parents until leaving home for college or work. Most of the interviewees completed degrees in Indian colleges or received vocational training &er finishing high school. and the others acquired employment soon after finishing high school. Many were working in Dharamsala at the time of the interviews. Some were unemployed and were visiting friends or relatives while deciding what to do next. Refer to Appendix B for a breakdown of each interviewees' birthplace, type of school attended, post-secondary education, and employment status at the time of the interview.

Access and Rapport The interviewees were located with the help of four Tibetan friends of mine in Dharamsala. 1 had known one of the interviewees for several years previously, but 1 did not know any of the others prior to carrying out the study. I consulted with and received approval and a letter of support from the Tibetan Department of Education (DoE), but the DoE had no involvement in locating interviewees. The office was not told who was approached for the study, or who agreed to participate. Before each interview I explained to the interviewee that their participation was completely voluntary and they were free to withdraw from the study at any time. The approval 1 had received from the DoE afforded me a degree of credibility, but 1 was concemed rhat it not appear as an imperative to participate. 1 assured each interviewee that using pseudonyms in my report, and presenting the information in such a way that they could not be identified would protect their anonymity. This was explained verbdly and in wntten form, and each interviewee signed a permission form. In order to keep the atmosphere comfortable, informal, and private, the interviews took place in the homes of the interviewees or their friends. according to their wishes. Two of the intewiewees opted to be interviewed in their private offices at their workplaces. My previous experience in the Tibetan community was important in establishing rapport with the interviewees. On several visits over a span of the previous nine years 1 had worked as a volunteer teacher of children and adults in Dharamsala, and had maintained the friendships that 1made there. My previous experience and reputation within the Tibetan community in Dharamsala was helpful in acquiring assistance for this project and in gaining the trust of the intewiewees. The fact that 1am an outsider had some advantages and some disadvantages. It may have been difficult for me to recognize or grasp some aspects of the interviewees' lives, since theirs is an existence that 1 cannot experience personally. The interviewees may not have been as open with me as they might have been with another Tibetan, and they would have been able to be more expressive if the interviews could have been conducted in their Tibetan language. A potential advantage to my king an outsider is that ethnography "tracks noms and values of which intewiewees in the culture may not be aware" (Creswell. 1998, p. 114). In that sense it can be valuable to have an outside perspective. Another possible advantage is that since 1 am not Tibetan, 1 feel relatively free to float between the communities of students, monastics, labourers, office workers, etc., without worrying about traditional fomalities and the culture of "respectful behavior". The Tibetan interviewees may have been less likely to feel that they had to observe the traditions of respect and protocol that wouId be appropriate with other Tibetans. In this way, my position on the fnnge of Tibetan society may have ken an advantage. 1 have enough experience within the Tibetan community to be comfortable and reasonably well tnisted, but I'm not so much a part of the community that niles of protocol necessarily get in the way of frank discussion.

Reciprocity Reciprocity is an important aspect of the research process (Creswell, 1998), and 1 was particularly concemed about this issue since 1am an outsider to the Tibetan community. The interviewees, Tibetan friends, and staff at the Department of Education, generously perrnitted me access to their world and cooperated fully with dl my requests for assistance. In my communication with the DoE and with the interviewees 1explained that 1would provide a copy of rny completed thesis to al1 interested parties (the DoE in particular, and any of the interviewees or Tibetan offices who requested a copy) in the hopes that it could be of some benefit to them in understanding the effects of their programming, and assist them in their future planning.

Biases and Limitations The subjective nature of the research process must be acknowledged, and it must be recognized that "the research product is ultimateiy that of the researcher, however modified or influenced by informants" (Gluck & Patai, 199 1, p. 1 14). In this case, there were serious logistical difficulties in locating and communicating with the interviewees in India after the analysis had been completed in Canada. 1 was not able to have the interviewees read over my analysis or provide their responses. As such, 1 must emphasize that the interpretation of the data is entirely my own. 1 have attempted as much as possible to retain what 1believe to be the intent of the interviewees, but it must be understood that this is my subjective understanding of their intent. 1 am a white, middle class, university educated, fernale, Canadian, high school teacher. 1 was raised in a srnaIl Ontario city, which was, when 1lived there, a primarily white town. 1 chose to travel after 1 finished my university degree because 1ached to expenence other cultures that 1 had previously only seen on TV and in ethnic restaurants. My first trip to Asia was a wonderful, if ovenvhelming, shock - 1 spent seven months immersed in cultures radically different from the one in which 1 was raised, and 1 expenenced a sensory overload. Al1 that 1 was learning fascinated me, and 1 was overwhelmed and overawed by the barrage of new experiences and perspectives to which 1was exposed. Each subsequent trip to Asia has had a different feel for me as 1 gradually integrated my middleclass-white-Canadian understandings and experiences with those of my life in Asia. Over the years that I have been travelling there, 1 have been transfonned - and 1chose to seek out îhat transformation. Since my second trip to India, in 1990, my "home base" in Asia has been Dharamsala, because 1developed strong and lasting fnendships there, and that place felt like it held the threads and strands of learning that could lead me to who I wanted to be. 1went there initially to leam about Tibet and Tibetans, but through my involvement there and my reIationships with Tibetans and other foreign mvelen 1 found that I was in many ways leaming more about myself than about them. I loved living in Dharamsala and felt welcome in the community, but 1was keenly aware that my perceptions of life would always be different from those of the Tibetans there. 1was not raised with a strong sense of spirituality, though 1 always felt free to explore various ideas. I was not raised within a strongly defined religious community, and 1 was not raised in a place where 1was a visible minority. My family did immigrate to Canada, but al1 of the migrations in the parts of my families' history that 1 know of, have ken very much by choice. Political c'statelessness" and forced exile are not within my realm of experience. 1 have, while travelling, been in situations where 1was an "ethnic minonty", but it was rny choice to place myself in those situations, and 1 was always free te get on the next airplane home to Canada. Even situations that felt like poverty to me could always be remedied, if 1 so chose, with a collect phone cd1 home to mom. As much as 1 may have tried to place myself as a community member within a Tibetan settlement in India, the qualities of loneliness, sense of adventure, homesickness, sense of wonder at new leaming, and other afflictions of "global wanderers" wouId always be a different colour for me in cornparison to my Tibetan friends. A key difference was that 1 always had choice - 1could choose to stay there, or to leave, and 1 could choose my degree of cornmitment to the political cause of Tibet. 1 had no historical link to that land. My Tibetan friends and acquaintances had degrees of choice, but money, a Canadian passport, and a safe and free country to go back to, afforded me the luxury of a lower threshold of toletance for the challenges of life in India than is required by Tibetan refugees. Due to relative financial wealth and security, and political freedom, I walk in the world in ways that are quite different from Tibetan refugees in India. My previous experience and involvement in the Tibetan community had the potential to be both help and a hindrance to the research process. I could understand many of the cultural and historical references made by the interviewees, but 1 may aiso - have imposed my own assumptions based on my pnor understandings. In engaging in this study, I have tried to maintain an awareness of the difference in perceptions and interpretations that I may have in cornparison to the interviewees, and as much as possible 1 attempted to retain the meanings and intents that the interviewees tried to convey.

Politicai Reasons For Limits to Communication Gluck, S. B., & Patai, D. (199 1) includes a paper by Salazar and Hale in which they described two prominent wornen activists living in "Third World" countries expenencing political upheaval, who deliberately excluded or included information in their interviews with western researchers, utilizing the opportunity to forward their intended political goals. The researchers were hoping for more holistic and "honest" ethnographies, but it was evident that the women were withholding and presenting information in light of the potential political implications relating to the publication of the interviews. The interviewees in this study were not high profile activists, and were not practiced at the art of being interviewees, but they are part of a community whose political situation is under constant scmtiny and analysis, and whose survival is generally understood to be tenuous. There is every reason to expect that, consciously or unconsciously, they were filtering their narratives for the benefit of the intended audience. Through the interview process the interviewees were engaging in an act of representing themselves and their people. They were representing themselves to me, a Canadian graduate student, with the knowledge that 1would in tum be interpreting their words and their lives, and then representing my perceptions of them to a wider academic audience through my thesis. The political power of representation is weli understood in Tibetan society, and a few of the interviewees made direct reference to that effect during their interviews. They felt that the foreign aid and political support that Tibetans have received has pnmarily been the result of the positive image of the Dalai Lama, and the way that he has represented the Tibetan cause to the world. They felt that their best hope for improving their political situation was to inform and educate the rest of the world in this regard. Al1 of the interviews tumed to the politicai at some point. From my expenence in Tibetan society I know that there exists in day-to-day conversation frequent reference to the politics of Chinese occupied Tibet, and to the politics of the Tibetan Government-in- Exile and the Tibetan exile community. These discussions often turn into heated discussions and debates about the pros and cons of aspects of their system in exile, but the discussions of the "cons" are generaily understood in Tibetan society to be "in- house". Like controversies within close-knit families. it is expected that they be discussed and dealt with within the family, and not openly displayed for the world to see. For many Tibetans, this ethic of concealing the community's "dirty laundry" is particularly salient in these difficult political times, when representation to others is perceived to be the determining factor in receiving or not receiving financial and political support from foreign sources. Several Tibetans have told me that while they view open discussion of a Govemment's and a country's intemal problems as an important aspect of tnie democratic societies, in their current political position they do not have that luxury. They have known the Chinese Government to use exaggerated and out of context reports of intemal confiict within the exile community as propaganda to "prove" to Tibetans inside Tibet that the exile community is fractured beyond repair. The responses of the interviewees in this study must be viewed in light of their concerns for self-preservation. They understood that their comments and insights would be presented to the outside world, so they may have over-emphasized the positive aspects of their community life and under-emphasized the negative. That having been said, during the interviews 1felt that the interviewees were very open with me and passionately descnbed their perceptions of many aspects of their lives. While the interviews did not include discussions of the most politically contentious interna1 controversies within Tibetan society, several of the interviewees told me that they were happy to have had the opportunity to voice rheir suggestions and ideas about possible changes for the schools and the comrnunity. The interviews were open and playful, with lots of laughter, as well as more serious moments. CHAPTER 4 Documentary Background to the Tibetan Diaspora This chapter provides background information on the Tibetan diaspora in order to estabiish historical contexts and frarnes of reference from which the interviewees responded to questions. It includes a brief explanation of the circumstances that forced Tibetans to flee their country in 1959 and a description of the conditions under which the diaspora originated. It relies heavily on the works of Nowak (1 984) and Pdakshappa (1978), anthropologists who studied Tibetan refbgee communities in India. None of the interviewees in this study were dive when the initial invasion of Tibet and the resulting exodus took place, but their parents lived the experience, and the youth's current life situation is a direct result of that political crisis. Unlike their parents who were bom in Tibet when Tibetans mled it, these young people were bom as stateless refugees in India, or as marginalized minorities in a Tibet that is under the rule of the Chinese Government. Also included is a description of the cultural mode1 of '"Tibetan- ness" that is presented in documentary authoritative discourse within the cornmunity, and a discussion of some of the challenges and adaptations that Tibetans are faced with in exile. This provides a context through which to view the goals of the education system, and the interviewees' definitions of themselves as individuals within the Tibetan diaspora community. The final sections of this chapter include a history of the development of the non- monastic education systern and a description of the current structure of that system. Prior to the diaspora, education in Tibetan society was almost exclusively monastic. The first school in exile was opened in 1960, and the system has been developing and evolving since then. Tibetan schooling inhabits a central position in this study of Tibetan identity because developing and nurturing Tibetan identity was at the outset (and continues to be) a primary objective of the system (Department of Education, 1995). The goals of the system as described by leaders in Tibetan education are discussed, dong with a description of the cumcuIum and modes of cumculum delivery that have been utilized to meet the intended outcornes. One of the intentions of this study is to explore how the goals of the education system, as described by authoritative figures in Tibetan education, are understood and responded to by the students. Sources of Information Information for this chapter was obtained from publications of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile (Bhattacharjea, 1994; Bureau of H.H. the Dalai Lama, 1969; Central Tibetan relief Cornmittee, 1992; Offke of Information and International Relations, 1989; Rinpoche, 1996), and from previous independent scholarship on Tibetan refugees (Nowak, 1984; Palakshappa, 1978; Subba, 1990). Paiakshappa (1978) and Subba (1990) studied adaptation in the Tibetan refugee communities in relation to employment patterns and the processes of devetoping the refugee settlements. This information is helpfu1 in documenting the historical framework and contexts of material aspects of the refugees' Iives, but does not explore intemal processes of individual or group identity construction. Nowak's (1984) investigation of identity in Tibetan youth in India was centred on the Tibetan communities' use of the syrnbols of the Dalai Lama and "rangzen" (freedorn) as subsuming metaphors of "Tibetan-ness" for exile youth. Her work is helpful as a starting point, but was based on her own observations of Tibetan youth and documents published by the Tibetan Government-in-Exile and individual Tibetans, rather than in-depth interviews with youth. As a result, layers of complexity of identity construction are missing from her study. This thesis attempts to push beyond the identifiers of 'Tibetan-ness" that are ovenly promoted in documentas, authoritative discourse, to other layers of identity that are experienced and dealt with by individuals in the diaspora. Documented information relating specifically to the history of Tibetan secuiar education is extremely scarce, so 1 relied heavily on interviews with three Tibetan education authorities. The interviews took place in Dharamsala, India, in July of 1997. Rinchen Khando Choegyd is the Minister of Education in the Tibetan Government-in- Exile (1993 - present). She has been active in the Tibetan exile political scene for many years, as have many rnembers of her extended family (her husband is the brother of the Dalai Lama) (Craig, 1997). She is a past president of the Tibetan Women's Association, and was previously the Minister of Heaith in the Tibetan parliament. Ngodup Tsenng is the Secretary of the Tibetan Department of Education (1996 - present) (a position comparable to Superintendent of Schools), and Sherab Gyatso was at the time of the interview, the director of the Educational Development and Research Centre (EDRC), which is run out of the Tibetan private school, Tibetan Children's Village. Thcse three people were involved in Tibetan education at the Ievel of program and policy development, overseeing the function of the system as a whole, and interfacing between the Indian Govemrnent and Tibetan Government-in-Exile on education policy.

Origins of the Diaspora In 1949, the communist Chinese army began its invasion of Tibet. The Tibetan army was quickly defeated. and an occupying Chinese army descended on the country. Conditions for Tibetans worsened, and in March of 1959 thousands of Tibetans were killed in an uprising against the Chinese occupation. The 24 year old Dalai Lama then fled to India and established the Tibetan "Govemment-in-Exile". Within months of his escape, 80,000 Tibetans followed him into exile, settling in India, Nepal, and Bhutan. The Dalai Lama was retained as the central religious, educational, and politico- administrative leader for the Tibetans in exile (Palakshappa, 1978). The Chinese occupation of Tibet has continued, and oppressive tactics are still used. Tibetans continue to escape at a rate of a few thousand a year. By 1994 approximately 130,000 Tibetans were in exile (Bhattacharjea, 1994). Within Tibet over one million Tibetans (one sixth of the population) have died as a result of the Chinese occupation (Central Tibetan Relief Cornmittee, 1992). Culture, religion, and Tibetan traditions were (and are) king severely stifled by the Chinese Govemment. As stated by the 14th Dalai Lama in 1969, 'The Chinese began to oppress the Tibetan people and tum Tibet into a Chinese colony with total disregard for the religious, cultural and national sentiments of the people" (Nowak, 1984, p. 2 1). Thousands more Tibetans died due to exposure and starvation in the attempt to escape over the Himalaya In the first few years of exile Tibetans were placed in refugee camps set up by the Indian Govemment, and many were put to work on road crews in the Indian Hirnaiayas. Many deaths occurred at that time because the already weak and mahourished Tibetans were for the first time exposed to diseases associated with tropical climates, and the overcrowding and lack of hygiene in the refugee camps. Tibetans had to adapt to their new situation physically, economically, and socio-culturally (Subba, 1990). The Government of India granted considerable autonomy to the Dalai Lama around the administration of his people, as evidenced by the fact that he was given permission and support in setting up the Government-in-Exile to administer to the needs of the exile popuIation. The Tibetans had a special desire to protect their cultural heritage, and the Indian Governrnent provided support in helping them to maintain their cultural and national identity, as well as providing them with food and clothing (Subba, 1990, p. 45). Even before it was possible to establish refugee settlements, schools were built to care for the children, and to provide basic education for adults. The Dalai Lama originally requested that the Tibetans be settled together in the more farniliar climate and landscape of the HimaIayan regions of Northem India, but the Govemrnent of India was reluctant to allow this, clairning that large tracts of land were not available in the North (Craig, 1997). Knstead, the Tibetans were aIlotted or allowed to purchase several parcels of iand, the largest of which were in the jungles of South India (Craig, 1997). Some settlements emerged rather spontaneously, without the participation of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, where the Tibetans were able to set up businesses and take care of themselves (Subba, l99O). By the early 1970s when the largest settlements were established, the Tibetans were allowed to move freely within India. but apart from visiting odier Tibetan settlements, most chose to remain in their home settlements or in towns with clusters of other Tibetans (Palakshappa, 1978). Tibetans are now scattered in 53 settlements throughout India, Nepal, and Bhutan, but maintain an allegiance to their Govemment-in-Exile. When the diaspora first came into being, Tibetan leaders felt that isolation from the rnajority population in India was necessary in order for them to actively promote and preserve their own traditions and culture and prepare for their eventual return to Tibet. The Tibetm Govemment-in-Exile believed that the greater economic prospenty that may have been possible with assimilation was of minimal importance in comparison to the benefits of the cultural preservation and political solidarity they felt they could achieve through isolation (Palakshappa, t 978). India, the country where al1 of the interviewees live, is a geographically, culturally, and linguistically diverse country. Several different religions are practiced, 18 languages are officially recognized by the constitution, and over 1600 minor languages and dialects were Iisted in the 199 1 census (Finlay et al., 1996). Tibetan settlements are scattered throughout the country in regions with vastly different cultures, landscapes and climates. In the extrerne North, Ladhak is a mountainous region where Buddhism is the primary religion and Ladhaki Ianguage spoken. Tropical jungles were cleared to create fannland for the settlements in South India, where locals practice the Hindu religion and speak Kannada. In the Northeast, Bengali language is spoken and the regional religions are Hindu and Muslim. The Dharamsala area is mosùy Hindi speaking and Hindu and Sikh religions are prevalent. Nepal and Bhutan also have their own unique languages and cultures. Despite the vast geographical, linguistic, and cultural diversity of the Indian subcontinent, the interviewees and other Tibetan sources often referred to the area as though it were a monolith. The Tibetan interviewees in this study corne from various regions, but their home settlements and social worlds remain detached from the local communities. Many of the choices that have been made by the community have been dnven by the hope that they wi1l some day be returning to a free Tibet to rebuild their society when the Chinese leave. Institutions of demoçratic self-government and the cornmitment to return to Tibet have united the exile communities, and the Dalai Lama has symbolized and kept alive for the exiles the hope of retuming to a democratic Tibet (Bhattacharjea, 1994). He has encouraged them to educate themselves and their children to be of service to their country when they return, and to develop institutions of parliamentary self- government for themselves and as a mode1 for their homeland. "The challenge before the exile community is to survive and progress without laying down roots that weaken the determination to return home" (Bhattacharjea, 1994, p. 8). It is the history and conditions of the diaspora that provide the conrext for viewing the education system that was developed in exile.

Culturat Model: The Ideaiized View of Tibet and Tibetan-ness and its Relationship to Schooling In my informal conversations with Tibetans, I've found that contrasting images of Tibet are often presented. The negative extreme is the image of Tibet under Chinese rule, where Tibetans suffer severe persecution, and are marginalized in society. Tibetans are punished for practicing their religion and other aspects of their culture. The pervading fear that Tibetan culture is being destroyed inside Tibet is given credibility by reports from international human rights organizations. The International Commission of Junsts detennined that the Chinese Govemment is guilty of cultural genocide perpetrated against the Tibetans (Office of Information and International Relations, 1989, p.91). The Chinese Govemment continues to occupy Tibet, and has continued the repressive tactics. The drarnatic nature of the situation is kept alive in current discourse by newly arrived Tibetan refugees who have very recent experiences of severe repression, and by international media reports. The contrasting image is that of Tibet before ihe Chinese invasion. It is often characterized as a peaceful land of religious devotion, full of gregarious gentle folk, with a clear sense of their culturai identity. The Dalai Lama is viewed as the personification of al1 that is considered to be of value in human nature, and the perfect example of 'Tibetan- ness". His example of perfect compassion is the ideal to strive for. Most Tibetans admit that the image of the perfect Tibetan society is an exaggerated idealization, but even in its imperfect state, at lest they can Say that before the invasion Tibetans were in charge of their own land, making their own choices for their future. Under Chinese rule, al1 choices and freedoms were removed. Of al1 the symbols of 'Tibetan-ness", the Dalai Lama is the most significant and well protected. In his words (1962), regarding the feelings of Tibetans towards him, ''They were convinced that if my body penshed at the hands of the Chinese, the life of Tibet would also corne to an end" (Nowak, 1984, p. 9 1). They believed that Tibet and al1 that is defined as Tibetan could not survive long without hirn. The image of the Dalai Lama that is deliberately presented in the schools is that of supremely precious leader of the Tibetan race (Nowak, 1984, p. 90). He is presented as the embodirnent of al1 of the positive human qualities that shoiild be aspired to. He represents the essence of Buddhist pnnciples, and Tibetan Buddhism is almost universally seen as the essential foundation of Tibetan identity. "Buddhism has enlightened Tibet and the Tibetan people from the very beginning of our civilization" (Nowak, 1984, p. 90) In Tibetan society, the supreme authority in person, in a historical sense, and as a symbolic representation of a religious and cultural ideal, cornes in the forxn of the Dalai Lama. He represents THE word in ethical, philosophical and socio-political discourse. Other authoritative agents such as religious figures, political leaders, parents, and teachers, regularly bring reference to the Dalai Lama into their own discourse. The power and authority that the Dalai Lama wields is not enforceable in any recognized court of law. As head of an exile government he has no real material control over anybody, Tibetan or otherwise. Every Tibetan is free to choose to walk away frorn him and disregard him as a leader and authority. But, as a highly respected religious and histoncai figure, the authority that he holds has the potential to be far more transformative within his community than the legal authority wielded by other world political leaders. In Tibetan tradition the Dalai Lama is beiieved to be the reincarnation of 'Thenresig", the Buddha of compassion (Craig, 1997). The current Daiai Lama is the 14" such incarnation. As a highly realized being, he is believed to have the ability to choose to be enlightened and enter "nirvana", which would remove him from human realm of suffering. Instead, he continues, rebirth after rebirth, to return to the human realm in order to provide help and guidance to other sentient beings in their journey and struggle towards enlightenrnent (Department of Information and International Relations, 1995). It is believed that out of his profound sense of compassion for al1 other beings he has made the supreme sacrifice, choosing to give up the bliss of nirvana to return to a life of suffering in human form. At the age of the two, the current Dalai Lama was identified through a traditional religious procedure for locating incarnate Lamas (Craig, 1997). Since that time he has been trained and has been expected to practice king the human manifestation of perfect compassion. Now in his 60s, he is revered by Tibetans for his unfailing wisdorn, generosity, and skillful irnplementation of the ideals expounded in Buddhist doctrine. The Dalai Lama does not hold enforceable legal power, but by virtue of the generally understood nature of his symbolic and historical significance as the embodiment of compassion, and his proven track record in leading the Tibetan people with wisdom and foresight, the idea of cnticizing the Dalai Lama is essentially an "unthinkable" act in Tibetan society. He regularly invites critical discussion and requests input and suggestions from the Tibetan public, but the invitation to criticize him is the only directive from hirn that many Tibetans openly refuse to comply with. The profound sense of trust and gratitude that most Tibetans have in the Daiai Lama make his discourse extremely influential throughout the community. His discourse is accepted willingly, and many Tibetans consciously work to assimilate it and ultimately intemdize it. Reverence for the Dalai Lama and the sense of duty around preserving the Tibetan identity, is clearly illustrated in the preface to Samdhong Rinpoche's book: "Under the compassionate and peerless guidance of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the author dong with the Tibetans in exile has in his own small way kept himself engaged in the task of preservation of the Tibetan tradition and culture" (Rinpoche, 1996, p. 5). Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche is an influential figure in his own right. His authority stems from religious, academic, and political factors. The title "Rinpoche" (precious one) indicates that he has been recognized as the reincarnation of a highly realized Lama. He is an elected representative in the Tibetan Government-in-Exite and holds the position of Chairman of the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies (a position comparable to Nationai President), as wetl as being a monk scholar. He has been the director of the highly acclaimed Centrai Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies in Sarnath, India. Rinpoche expresses the idealized vision of the traditions of Tibet in his assertion that "the fundamental characteristic of Tibet as a nation has been peace, compassion, non-violence and spirituality" (Rinpoche, 1996, p. 8). The passion surrounding the stmggle for cultural survivaI is reflected in his statement: "Tibet sans 'Tibetaness' has no meaning for any living being" (Rinpoche, 1996, p. 9). Tibetan youth are repeatedly exposed to this vision and philosophy of "Tibetan-ness" throughout their school years, and within the society as a whole.

Challenges and Adaptations in Ede In the Tibetan case, the exiles came into their new world in set of circumstances that rendered them virtually powerless. International legal bodies and governments recognized their plight, but refbsed to take concrete political action on their behalf. India wekomed them as refugees, but granted them very limited political power, and they had restricted rights in comparison to Indian citizens (Paiakshappa, 1978). Most Tibetans were poor, and as individuals and as a collective had to devise ways to utilize the few resources at hand. In their state of physical, material, and political weakness, a strong sense of national unity and cohesiveness was deemed by the Dalai Lama to be the most powerhl weapon at their disposal. The unifîed front they established enabled them to more effectively work the international political machines, and they were able to raise and distribute the much needed financiai and material aid to benefit the comrnunity as efficiently as possible. The promotion and maintenance of their sense of national and cultural identity became an issue of both physical and political survival. In attempts to adapt to their exile situation, efforts have been made to live as well as possible in exile, while at the sarne time rnaintaining focus on eventual retum to Tibet.

We have come (into exile) with a purpose. That is to free the Tibetans in Tibet from Chinese occupation. But some things in exile must be developed as though we're permanent here. We wonTtinvest a lot of money in big structures that we expect to have for a long time, but the quality of education, food and health care must be developed as though we'll be here forever (R. K. Choegyal, personal communication, July, 1997).

The institutions developed in exile are often described as a practice run, before the permanent institutions are reestablished in a Tibet free of Chinese rule. Tibetans are often reminded by their political and religious leaders that they must not become too attached to the matenai things that thcy have in exile, because at some point in the future they must be able to leave it to return to Tibet.

Diversity of the Population A significant hurdle to the establishment of a cohesive community in exile, particularly in the early years of exile, is that prior to their experience in exile Tibetans were not a closely unified group. Divisive problems experienced by Tibetans included "regional factiondism exacerbated by dialect differences and the proximity, while still in Tibet, to opposing geopolitical centers of influence, Lhasa or China" (Nowak, 1984, p. 65). In exile, Tibetans from all regions, sects, and language groups were suddenly thmst into the same geographical location, and the sarne politically precarious situation as refugees. For thousands of years, vast physical distances and difficult terrain had separated the various subcultures in Tibetan society. There had been some travel between the regions in the past, but interaction between the groups had been relatively limited until they were thmst together by the ciramatic events of 1959. Sectarianisrn becarne more significant in exile where al1 groups were in closer contact, and differences stood out more sharply. In view of this, concemed Tibetans from al1 sects, headed by the Dalai Lama, are actively engaged in a public relations campaign to stress hannony and unity arnong the sects and regional groups of Tibet (Nowak, 1984). The Tibetan Government-in-Exile believed that in order for Tibetans to survive as a people a far pater sense of unity had to be created. Previously, one of the only universal concepts in Tibetan society was their reverence for the Dalai Lama, and for most (though not dl), their belief in Buddhism. In exile, the Dalai Lama becarne the key, uniQing influence, and he continues in this position. From the outset on their arriva1 in exile he worked hard to encourage Tibetans to put away their regional differences and rivalries, and to respect the philosophical differences between the Buddhist sects as part of the wealth of Tibetan cultural heritage. He tried to create a sense of unity in exile thzt had not existed in pre-invasion Tibet. It is in the context of this history, diversity, and challenges in a new nation that the data on education narrated by interviewees must be situated.

Dispersal to Further Destinations In the 1960s and 1970s Switzerland and Canada agreed to accept a Iimited number of Tibetan refugees from the camps in India, Nepai, and Bhutan (Switzerland accepted about 1500, and Canada accepted 228). The majonty of other Tibetan exiles who left the Indian subcontinent before 1992 did so through family or other private sponsorship. In the early 1990s the United States Government offered 1000 immigration visas to Tibetan exiles in India, Nepal, and Bhutan. The Tibetan Government-in-Exile allotted those visas to applicants through a lottery process. The 1000 Tibetans were transferred to the United States over a period of severai years in "cluster groups". and settled in cities across the country. In the ensuing years they have been able to sponsor other relatives. so the Tibetan population in North Amenca has grown from about 150 in 1990, to 7000 in 1998 (Planning Council of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, e-mail communicsition, Febmary, 200 1). Many Tibetan communities in North America and other regions outside the Indian subcontinent are involved in attempts at rnaintaining cultural continuity, with special concem for the children. Tibetan "Sunday Schwls" where language and religion are taught have ken established for children in several cities including Montreal, New York, and San Francisco, and the first in what is intended

The Deveiopment of the Tibetan Education System in Exile Overview of the Tibetan Education System The current fom of the Tibetan secular education system was born out the diaspora situation. It was not developed around a single, unified school system because members of the community have faced a variety of experiences. The diversity of the education system attempts to address the various needs. experiences. and social settings of the community. At the outset residential facilities were established for children who were orphaned and needed total year-round care and for children from impovenshed families who were too destitute to provide for their children. Later, and on an on-going bais to this day, many families inside Tibet who for a variety of reasons could not escape themselves, srnuggled their children out of Tibet to attend the Tibetan schools in exile. They left their children in the care of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile and those children have been raïsed as "de-facto" orphans in the residential schools. As permanent settlements began to be established throughout India, Nepal, and Bhutan, day schools were built on the settlements for children who lived wish their families. Most of the settlements are in rural farming areas, though a few are in urban areas. Over the years some Tibetans have been able to achieve relative financial success and secunty in exile and can afford to pay tuition fees at schools of their choice, but rnost Tibetan families continue to exist close to subsistence level and rely on the Tibetan Govemment-in-Exile and foreign donors to provide for their children's education. A complex array of issues had to be contended with in developing the various school and curriculum models. In al1 of the schools the goals of providing Tibetan language and cultural education had to be bdanced with the need to provide students the opportunity ultimately ts meet the requirements necessary to attend Indian colleges or other post secondary institutions or find employment. The central goals of education have ken addressed differendy in different settings in response to the diverse circumstances in exile, Ieading to a variety of different school models. These different school models, as welI as different experiences of students in exile, have implications for.the nature of the educational experiences of Tibetan youth. Illustrations of these differences become apparent in the narratives of the interviewees in this research. mstory Formal secular schooling was almost non-existent in Tibet prior to 1959. Most formal instruction occurred in the monastic institutions, and informal instruction in reading and writing occurred in homes. There was no organized forma1 system of education, and only a few state run schools in the major towns. Typically, the wealthy and higher-class mernbers of society would hire private tutors to run small schools (Bell, 1928). The majority of Tibetans were nomadic herdsmen or farmers in rural areas with no access to formal education. At best, they may have learned to read at a local rnonastery or at home. When Tibetans first arrived in exile in 1959, education was one of the highest pnorities of the govemment. "Education was regarded as a necessity rather than a luxury by Tibetan leaders reacting to the loss of their country and exile" (Nowak, 1984, p. 55). At that tirne, Prime Minister Nehru of India suggested that Tibetan children enter pre- existing Indian schools. The Dalai Lama refùsed this offer. insisting that Tibetans be educated in a way "suitable to Tibetans", and be provided with modem education (R. K. Choegyal, personal communication, July, 1997). He insisted that despite the fact that putting Tibetan children into previously established Indian schools would be much easier both financially and in ternis of effort on the part of the Tibetans, they must develop their own schools, according to their own perceived needs and wishes (R. K. Choegyai, personal communication, July, f 997). The hop was that this would allow the Tibetans to establish institutions aimed at cultural preservation and preparation for their eventual remto Tibet. The Tibetans themselves recognized a need to modernize their education system with the introduction of scientific subjects and humanities (Nowak, 1984). This contrasted with the traditional approach to education in Tibet.

At the pnmary stage the traditional system concentrated on teaching pupils to read and write the Tibetan language. At the next stage the scnptures were learned by hem as they formed the main subject taught to monks and lay pupils in the Tibetan education system. At a more advanced stage, limited only to monk scholars, pupils took part in didectic discussions with their teachers, and examinations at this level were also based on this pattern. Thus, the education system completely ignored scientific subjects, concentrating on the snidy of philosophy, and though such a system might have suited the needs of the people as it was then - isolated and unaware of the rest of the world - we feel it needs a thorough overhauling to suit the present situation. (Bureau of H.H the Dalai Lama, 1969, p. 227).

The Tibetan policy makers at the time were concemed not only with preserving the aspects of Tibetan culture that were considered to be essential, but also with building a community which would be self sufficient in the modem world. The possibility of living in exile for an extended period of time had tu be considered, meaning that Tibetan youth had to be trained such that they could find employment in exile. Of equal, if not more importance was the desire to prepare the Tibetans for their eventual return to a free Tibet (Nowak, 1984). The belief was, and is, that the future free Tibet should have enough Tibetans with modem training that they will be able to participate in the world comrnunity on an equal level with other countries. An article in a 1968 publication of "Tibetan Review" States:

The general principle followed in frarning the educational system for these schools was that while due emphasis should be made in the teaching of Tibetan language, religion, and culture, the students should be given a thorough modem education so that the foundations could be laid for the training of future engineers, doctors, nurses, lawyers and other professions and technicians. Even in the teaching of traditional subjects such as Tibetan language and Iiterature, efforts were made to incorporate modem methods. (Nowak, 1984, p. 64)

The Tibetan schools in exile represented a radical break with past expectations conceming education. The focus on secular education increased dramatically and the course content was modernized. For the Tibetan comrnunity, this was the first time in their history that such educationai opportunities were offered to so many, regardless of social class. In 1959 the Dalai Lama called a meeting that resulted in the preparation of a senes of textbooks on Tibetan language. culture, history and religion for the schools. These were the first texts of this type in Tibetan history. The participants in the meeting were both religious and secular Tibetan power holders, including cabinet ministers, monk scholars from each of the four Buddhist sects, the Tibetan principal from the first (and only at that time) Tibetan school, and two Tibetan lay scholars. The graded series of textbooks was seen to have great potential to instruct children about religion and traditionai culture and to aid in a systematic attempt to shape a more cohesive group identity arnong young Tibetans in exile (Nowak, 1984, p. 65). The first school for Tibetan refugee children was established by the Dalai Lama in Mussoorie, a hi11 town in Northem India, less than one year after the 1959 uprising (Nowak, 1984, p. 55). A Tibetan couple who were considered to be relatively well educated compared to other Tibetans ran it. The husband had received his high school education in India, and his wife had studied in India up to class 5. At that time very few Tibetans had any formai education, particularly in modem style, and few could speak any language other than Tibetan. They had to rely on outside help in order to survive in India. Despite meager resources. the Tibetan schools grew rapidly, and by 1961 there were 800 students enrolled in three Tibetan schools in India (Nowak. 1984, p. 55).

In May of 196 1, in forma1 discussions between the Dalai Lama and Indian Prime - Minister Nehru, a comprehensive educationd program was mapped out. The Indian Ministry of Education set up an autonomous body ultirnately under the jurisdiction of the Govemment of India The goveming body included the union minister of education as ex-officio chairman, three representatives of the Indian Govemment, and three representatives of the Dalai Lama Over the years, this governing body has evolved somewhat and undergone a few name changes, but has continued its involvement and its influence in Tibetan education. The Indian Ministry of Education also made Indian educational expertise available to the Tibetans in the form of administrators and teachers for the schools. At that time there were no Tibetans who were trained in school administration or teaching in non-monastic settïngs, so the intention was that those positions would be held by Indians until Tibetans completed training programs and were able to take over those roles. Tibetans were employed as Tibetan ianguage teachers, house-parents, and as support staff. By 1977 more than 8000 students had ken, or were king educated in this system (Nowak, 1984, p. 56). The acceptance of modem innovation in education has been felt beyond the lay community. Even the exile community's monasteries, the most traditional of Tibetan institutions, are involved in setting up schools which included secular subjects to the extent that their resources will allow (e.g. a school program is in place at Sera Monastery in south Xndia, and in Dolrna Ling Nunnery near Dharamsala). This enables the monks and nuns to have both a secular and a monastic education. Prior to 1959, it was not deemed necessary for monks and nuns to acquire a secular education as they were expected to devote their time purely to religious studies. Many monastic leaders now feel that as refugees in a poor country they do not have luxury of choosing a life of such isolation from secular society. They need to be able to function in the world, and modem education is believed to be a tooI that will enable them to do that.

Goals of Tibetan Schooling The Tibetan Govemment-in-Exile agreed on three key goals in creating a new Tibetan society in exile, and the schools were to be the vehicles in delivering those goals to the people (R.K. Choegyal, persona1 communication, July, 1997). The schools were intended to develop Tibetan children who are "good people" according to Buddhist moral principles, who maintain and chensh their Tibetan identity, and who are able to survive economically in the modem world. These three goals are descnbed in the following sections. This is followed by a description of the types of schools that were developed and curriculum (as documented in official sources) that was designed to achieve the stated goals. The goals are addressed differently in the different types of schools. Wood People" The symbol of the Dalai Lama serves as the humanitarian ideal to work towards, and is carefùlly and ubiquitously presented to Tibetan children (Nowak, 1984). Irnbedded within the definition of what it takes to be a "good person" is the cultivation of three pnmary Tibetan values and attitudes: "compassion, respectfd behavior, and pauiotism" (Nowak, 1984, p. 105). The symbol of the Dalai Lama subsumes ail these metaphors and paradigms. As a summarizing symbol, he inspires cornmitment to the Tibetan ideological system as a whole. Tibetan leaders reflect this sentiment in statements of purpose in the Tibetan education system. The Tibetan Minister of Education stated that;

The most important thing is to make the peaon a go& penon; polite and tnithhil. Education can make the person think better, but they must be a good human being first. Someone can have the highest degree and make a lot of money, but if they are not a good human being, it's ail just nothing. (R. K. Choegyal, personal communication, July, 1997)

According to the Secretary (Director) of the Department of Education, "The first goal is to be a good human being. In education, the goal is to produce children as good Tibetans with a modem education. Personal qualities are imbibed through Buddhism and Buddhist values." (N. Tsering, persona1 communication, July, 1997). This is reiterated by the Chairman of People Deputies of the Tibetan exile parliament in his statement of goals for the future free Tibet,

In terms of education, the main objective of the education policy of future Tibet shall be to develop the minds of young Tibetans in a manner that they regain their originality and unfold their basic potential in goodness and awakening of intelligence. (Rinpoche, 1996, p. 25)

Samdhong Rinpoche strongly expresses his views, which mirror the Tibetan Government-in-Exile's policy regarùing the ultimate importance of education in the Tibetan community: The traditional Tibetan educational system, orïginated from the land of the Buddha, always aimed at guiding individuals for attaining elevation and perfection. The purpose of human Iife is to attain supreme freedom and in that process to lead a blissful and holistic life for which dispelling of ignorance and awakening of wisdom are indispensable. Hence, education is directly aimed at dispelling ignorance and generating wisdom combined with compassion. This essential traditional value of education shall not be allowed to be lost in trivialities of forms and modalities of education system. (Ringoche, 1996, p. 25)

While no individual expects to achieve absolute perfection, they are expected to live up to these ideals to the best of their ability. The message that is brought to the students in the schools is essentidly the same message that is brought to the community as a whole; ''The Tibetan community tries to provide a consistent message. The pnmary goal is to be a good person. This is the message given to schoolchildren, and the rest of the community. Expectations are the same for al1 people, not just the children" (R. K. Choegyal, personal communication, JuIy, 1997).

Tibetan Idenfiry The second goai of education is to preserve and maintain their sense of Tibetan identity, and it is to this goal that this research is addressed. This concern is expressed in the Daiai Lama's letter of appreciation to Canadian Prime Minister Trudeau when Canada agreed to accept 228 Tibetan refugees in 197 1:

I have no doubt that they will eventually settle down and eam weII, but it is not going to be easy for them to preserve their culture. I am not much concerned about the traditional side of their cultural heritage, which may no longer have any utility or place in Our present world. It is their cultural heritage, mainly based on Buddhist philosophy, having to do with basic hurnan needs and aspirations that 1am concerned about. As long as man lives it would be in his interest to preserve this type cultural heritage. I think 1do realize that it is entirely the responsibility of the Tibetans in Canada to preserve their own culture; however, 1 would request Your Excellency's and your Govemment's support and encouragement in the years to corne. (Department of Manpower and Immigration, 1976, p.2)

An aspect of this Tibetan identity, which is certainly a modem innovation based on the current political situation, involves actively working towards freeing Tibet from the Chinese occupation. As stated by the director of the EDRC,"The primary goal of education is to make a good human king. To teach the Tibetan children to grow up and struggle for (Tibetan) independence, to be a helpful person" (S. Gyatso, personal communication, July, 1997). Integral to king a "tnie Tibetan" in these modem times is the longing for a free Tibet to go home to, and active participation in activities that work towards that goal of freedom.

Economic Survival The final goal of the education system, economic success, is considered to be least in importance on the level of ultimate understanding of the world, but is important in terms of physicd survivai. Mile the first two goais require the individuai to have an understanding of Buddhist principles and basic human nature, the goai of economic success is to be achieved through hard-work and study. Strong goal directedness exists today with respect to the economic and social welfare of the Tibetm community. A general education is deemed indispensable, and the new, diversified cumculum this implies has ken adopted pragrnatically and energeticaily as the obvious means to that end (Nowak, 1984).

Types of Schools Since 1959, four different types of Tibetan schools were developed. The first schools, which continue to thrive, are private schools established by the Dalai Lama and funded through international aid and private sponsorship. These schools include the Tibetan Children's Village (TCV), which has branches throughout India and Nepal, and the Tibetan Homes Foundation (THF), based in Mussoorie, India Another category of schools independent of the Indian Govemment are those funded and operated by the Tibetan Department of Education (DoE Schools). Schools that are partially funded by the Indian Govemrnent are called Central Tibetan Schools Association (CTS, or CTSA) schools. At1 students attend CTS schools free of charge. The private schools (TCV, THF, and DoE) enjoy fa.greater autonomy than the CTS schools because they do not have to go through the Indian Govemment to gain approvai for changes and adaptations and have more flexibility with respect to hiring practices, but they rely on foreign aid, sponsorship, and tuition fees for funding. In 1997, there were 30 CTS schools, 34 DoE schools, and 22 TCV and THF schools throughout India, Nepal and Bhutan. mile the nurnber of DoE schools is large, most of those schools provide pnrnary level schooling only (class 1 through S), so students must switch to other schools for further education. Table 1. below, delineates the 1995 enrollment in the different types of schools (Department of Education, 1995).

Table 1: Enrolment by Type of School - 1995

School Categorv India NepaI Bhutan Total CTS 12,662 O O 12,662 DoE 2,074 2,588 176 4,838 TCV 7,91 1 O O 7,9 1 1 THF 1,498 O O 1,498 Other inden schools 676 O O 676 Total 24.82 1 2,588 176 27,585

In 1992 it was reported that 84% of Tibetan children in exile between the ages of six and seventeen were attending Tibetan schools (Central Tibetan Relief Committee, 1992. p. 12). The remaining 16% had either left school, or were attending lndian public schools or private schools not directly linked to the Tibetan administration. The interviewees in this study were graduates of Tibetan Children's Village (TCV)and Central Tibetan Schools (CTS). Appendix B provides a list of interviewees, type of school attended, and employment statu at the time of the interview.

Staflïng For the first several years the lack of qualified Tibetans meant that the schools had to rely on non-Tibetans to staff and administer the institutions. Most of the staff were Indian, with a few foreign volunteers. The first seven schools built by the Tibetan Schools Society (now named "Central Tibetan Schools" - CTS) were residential institutions because many parents were scattered in various parts of India working on road construction, or were too destitute to provide adequately for their children's maintenance. Tibetan guardians or "house parents" supervised the dormitories. Day schools were set up in the Tibetan settlement camps established for large groups of Tibetans. Despite the fact that there were many non-Tibetan staff, the children in day schools and residential schools were in close contact with Tibetan adults who provided their primary care, both in a literal sense and in terms of ethnic identity (Nowak, 1984, p. 57). Initially, the lack of Tibetans trained in modem teaching styles and educational philosophies was a great concem. In March 1964 a Teachers Training Center was started for the people who would be the teachers of Tibetan language in the schools. This prograrn lasted one year, but has since been replaced with other teacher training prograrns. The Tibetan administration has run a variety of teacher training prograrns over the years, and in the 1990s there was an increased effort in this direction in order to improve the quality of education in the Tibetan schools. Initially, TCV's teacher training prograrn was geared towards its own schools, providing in-service training for teachers who had already ken working. The goal now is to develop the program for training teachers for ail Tibetan schools (N. Tsering, personal communication, Juiy, 1997). CTS, and the other Tibetan schools recognize the teacher-training program, but the graduates are not certified to teach in hdian schooIs unless they attend a teacher-training program at an Indian college. Now, more and more young Tibetans are completing programs of higher study at hdian institutions, and many are fimly committed to helping the Tibetan community by returning to teach in the Tibetan school system (Nowak, 1984). The percentage of Tibetan teachers in the schools has increased dramatically over the years. Currently, in the TCV,TEE, and DoE schools, over 90% of the teachers are Tibetans. The CTS schools have to conform to Indian regulations around staffing, including reserving a percentage of positions for "scheduled tribes"' (N. Tsering, penonal communication, July, 1997), so in those schools about 50% of the teachers are Tibetan.

The Curriculum Within the Tibetan education system, following the Indian syllabus satisfies the objective of obtaining a modem education, giving students the potential to continue their education at either a Tibetan or Indian pst-secondary institution. The objective of cultural preservation is tackled through immersion in Tibetan settlements, extra-curricular activities, and by deliberately enshrining Tibetan language and history in the curriculum. Besides the three languages, Engtish, Hindi, and Tibetan, other subjects include math, science, social studies, physicai education, art and music. Secondary schools (class 9- 12) are affiliated with the Central Board of Secondary Education and work towards preparing students for the Al1 India Higher Secondary Examination. Students with higher scores in the class 10 exams follow a pre-college program in class 11 and 12, and others can enter vocational training prograrns or leave school for work. Tibetan language, culture and religion are taught, and music and dance are taught in Tibetan. In the residentid schools, house parents teach about traditions and culture through direct instruction, and from the lifestyle that they model. Various Tibetan festivals are obsewed, and there are spiritual teachers responsible for teaching "moral values education" (R.K.ChoegyaI, personal communication, July, 1997)- The language classes serve not only to provide language instruction, but dso to present aspects of Tibetan culture. "Tibetan is not just a language (class) .. . it includes a strong emphasis on culture as well" (Nowak, 1984, p. 67). The language classes serve as a particular means of transmitting traditional culture. while the original goal of providing the students with "a thorough modem education" continues to rnotivate generai education policy (Nowak, 1984, p. 67). The objective of education in the Tibetan schools is oriented towards adjustment to life within the Tibetan settlements rather than achieving integration of Tibetans into life and culture of the local areas that they might choose to settle in (Palakshappa, 1978). For exarnpIe, in the schools in Mundgod settlement in Karnataka State, South India, Hindi, English and Tibetan language are taught. The oSicial language of the state and the most common language spoken locally is Kannada, but this language is not taught in the schools and most Tibetans cannot speak it. Thus, the possibility of closer integration into the local scene is not being pursued through the current education system, and there are no plans or interest in doing so in the future (Palakshappa, 1978; S. Gyatso, personal communication, July, 1997). Tibeîan Chuen's Villoge (TCV) As an independent school, TCV has ken free to include Tibet specific cumculum throughout its program. Very few non-Tibetans work at the schools, and as a result the people in the student's lives are almost exclusively Tibetan. Instruction in Tibetan lanpage, culture and religion permeate the academic and extra-cumcular prognms, and the students' social worlds are almost completely Tibetan. The TCV boarders live a fairly regimented life. Until class 10 they Iive in houses with 30 to 40 other students, supervised by two house-parents. The senior students live in donnitones. Much of their time is scheduled for them (e.g. prayers, study time, recreationai time), and meals are from the school kitchen at regular times. Twice a month they cm leave the school for a weekend holiday, and they have a two month winter vacation when they cm return to their home senlemenu to visit their families. Orphans and students whose families are in Tibet stay at the school year-round.

Central Tibetan Schools (CTS) The CTS schools do not have as much flexibility as the private schools within the regular school program because they have to adhere more closely to Indian Government regulations. The higher percentage of Indian teachers means that fewer teachers can speak Tibetan, or know and mode1 Tibetan CU~N~~Ipractices. Cultural education is provided through the extra-curricular program and through immersion within the Tibetan community. Many CTS students are day scholars who live with their farnilies. At CTS schools religious instruction must take place outside the regular school cumculum, as Govemment schools in India are not allowed to teach any particular religion as part of their official academic program (Nowak, 1984). The rector of each residential school organizes a weekly, compulsory evening class for the older students. The rector or one of the monk teachers gives explanatory talks on Buddhism, Tibetan culture, and Tibetan history, particula-rlymodem Tibet-China relations. On every religious holiday the senior monk teacher gives a sermon explaining its meankg and iü traditionai celebration. The students attend 112 hour payer sessions each day, and there are occasions when the whole school community, students, Tibetan teachers, and dormitory house-parents. al1 take part in special prayer and incense buming ceremonies at the summit of a prayer hill locared near the school (Nowak. 1984).

Extra-Curricular Activities In addition to the cumcular and academic aspects of school Iife, extra-cumcular prograrns and activities have played an essential role in the schools. The student council gives the students their first experience with elected representation (Nowak, 1984). Dance and drama clubs enable interested students to learn traditional songs, instrumental folk music, and dances from Tibetan experts in these areas (beyond what they already lem in class). Sports are popular, and school newspaper, woodcraft, or sewing classes can be chosen. There are also attempts to bnng the experience of a whole Tibetan community into the schools. For example, at each of the TCV schools there is also a home for the elderly to care for aged people who do not have families to look after them. The elderly are active participants in school life. They are invited to teach the children traditional songs and dances, and regularly interact with the students (S. Gyatso, personal communication, July, t 997).

Curriculum Reform in the 1980s According to Sherab Gyatso, by the mid 1980s there was growing concern that while the Tibetan schools had been successful in providing basic education, housing and health care to the refugee children, some of the original objectives of cultural prese-vation were not being addressed properl y (persona1 communication, July 1997). The schools were al1 still following the Indian cumculum with a few modifications such as the inclusion of Tibetan Ianguage classes and classes in Tibetan arts and religion. The teaching style and educational strategies followed the Indian mociel. To address the issue of bringing more 'Tibetan-ness" into the Tibetan schools, the Educational Development and Research Center (EDRC)was established by Tibetan Children's Village in 1985. Prior to that time the schools were dependent on the Indian curriculum and classroom materials, and al1 courses were taught in English (except Tibetan and Hindi language classes). "We felt that we had been neglecting Our own heritage, and we felt that someîhing had to be done" (S. Gyatso, personal communication, July 1997). The EDRC was responsible for creating a new curr.iculum for the primary grades (class one to class five), complete with new textbooks for al1 subjects, written in Tibetan language. This allowed them to introduce subjects which had never before ken presented to the students in Tibetan language, and presented more opportunities to expose the students to Tibetan language and culture (S. Gyatso, personal communication, JuIy 1997) In-service training was provided to assist teachers in dealing with this drarnatic change. Teacher resources were king created in Tibetan for the first time, and instmctionaI aids and learning aids were king developed for classroom use (S. Gyatso, personal communication, July 1997). These innovations represent a departure not only from Tibetan traditions, but also from the Indian style schooling, which is "very much based on rigid classroom discipline, rote learning and memorization" (S. Gyatso, personal communication, July 1997). The interviewees in the present study were already in school when these new prograrns were implemented, so the new programs may have more substantiaily impacted Tibetans younger than the individuals who participated in these interviews. The curriculum beyond the primary level has not ken changed because the students are still expected to write the Indian Government exams at the end of class 10, and again at the end of class 12. While the Tibetan educators do not necessarily agree with Indian structure, nor with the concept of national govemment examinations, they feel that they must conform to the system in order to survive in India (S. Gyatso, penond communication, July 1997). In order to attend any Indian post secondary institution, the Government exams must be passed, so the Tibetan schools must prepare their students for the exams.

Post-Secondary Education Options While continuing formal education after high school at institutes of higher learning represents the preferred prestigious ideal, it is not the only option within the Tibetan system. There are modem vocational training courses, training programs in computing, teaching, nursing, secretarial and accounting training, and speciai courses for Tibetan Ianguage teachers. Tibetan mn institutions provide instruction in traditional modes of Tibetan knowledge (e-g. Thangka painting, metakraft, wood carving, tailoring, schools of Buddhist philosophy and dialectics, Tibetan Medical and Astrologicd Institute, and the Tibetan Institute of Perfonning Arts).

Complexity, Challenges, and Pitfails The various layers and attributes of the Tibetan education system were developed in response to the diverse and complex circumstances and needs of the community. Sherab Gyatso pointed out challenges inherent within this system and in Tibetan society in relation to the benefits of isolation and community involvement, and the dangers of assimilation.

The boarding students in the residential schools have very Little interaction with the larger community, except on school holiday if they go home to their families on one of the settlements - students from Tibet, and orphans would stay at the schooi during their holidays. Even in the residentiai schools there are many day scholars, so they have more interaction with the community when they go home. The day scholars in the settlements - e.g. south and Ladhak - are very much a part of the local communities and understand more about community life. They are helping with their parents' fmsand other aspects of daily life. In larger towns - e.g. Dharamsala - assimilation into Indian culture is becoming a very strong force. The forces such as the Hindi movies - Bollywood style - are eating up our younger generation. In Dharamsala the day scholars are at a disadvantage. At the school there are many programs for the residentiai students e.g. music and dance, sports, debates and other extracumcular activities, many with a cultural focus. The day scholars don't have access to these programs, and are much further down the road to assimilation. Now there is not such a big problem in the smaller communities, but it is just a matter of time before the other communities suffer the same fate. (S. Gyatso, personal communication, July, 1997)

Another problem for later generations of Tibetans is the fact that their parents were also raised in exile.

Previously, the children would go home to their parents and hear stones about Tibet. Their parents constantly reinforced Tibetan values, and the importance of preserving our Tibetan-ness. The students were passionate about Tibet. Now we have a generation of parents who were raised in exile. They have never seen Tibet, and are thinking more about business than imparting Tibetan culture to their children. (S. Gyatso, personal communication, July, 1997)

The data that follows in chapter 5 should be viewed with reference to the backdrop of the histoncal origins of the diaspora, and the challenges and rapid changes the diaspora continues to face. Change has been presented b y Tibetan leaders as necessary and important, as well as being dangerous and frightening. Community members are continuously engaged in efforts to negotiate those changes effectively without losing the core beliefs and values that define the community. CHAPTER 5 Data Analysis

Introduction In planning the scope of my thesis prior to meeting the interviewees, 1designed an interview protocoi (Appendix A) focused specifically on exploring the interviewees' views of their experiences with Tibetan schooling. As the interviews unfolded, the discussions expanded to include much broader contexts of the interviewees' worid views and self images. The thesis then evolved from focusing solely on schooling to processes of identity formation within the context of their entire lives as Tibetan youth in India. While transcribing the interviews and in subsequent readings, 1identified themes and organized the data into those themes and categories that emerged from the cornments relating to the interviewees' experiences in various social settings and contexts. Four overdl themes emerged as highly significant to the interviewees' identity construction. These themes are: the refugee experience; the "essence" of Tibetan identity; Tibetan schooling; and life after Tibetan school. This chapter begins with background information on the interviewees from each type of school and a discussion of gender differences that were apparent. Then, the four themes, further subdivided into sub-themes, are elaborated in detail.

The Interviewees The interviewees are a11 Tibetan refugees living in India, but beyond that core commonaliry, their Iife experiences and backgrounds are diverse. The three who were born in Tibet and five others bom in exile attended Tibetan Children's Village schools. The remaining five attended Central Tibetan Schools in Tibetan Settlements (see Appendix B).

Tibetan Children's Village Schooled Three of the male interviewees (Lobsang, Norbu, and Jigrne) were born in Tibet and were smuggled out of Tibet at the age of seven or eight. Their families sent them to Dharamsala in order to attend boarding school at Tibetan Children's Vil!zge (TCV).The TCV policy is that al1 children who were born in Tibet are granted scholarships (funded by foreign sponsors), so even the most impovenshed child bom in Tibet cm attend. Farnilies smuggle their children out of Tibet because of the political repression, and because educationd opportunities are limited inside Tibet, particulariy for people from rural areas. Even if a school exists in their region, and if they can afford to attend, the education provided is distinctly Chinese. Parents accept the risks of escape in the hopes that their children will acquire more Tibetan knowledge than they would inside Tibet, and that their children may have brighter prospects for the future if they are educated in exile. The escape is illegd under Chinese law, as would be a clandestine return to Tibet, so in choosing to send their children to school in India, parents have to deal with the reality that they may never be able to see their children again. Jigme's mother escaped with him, but Lobsang and Norbu's families were not able to join them. Lobsang and Norbu were essentially orphans in India, since they had no access to their families. The school becarne their year-round home. Dawa, Nyima, Tenzin (males), and Wangmo (female) were bom in exile and attended Tibetan Chi1drenYsVillage (TCV) School as boarders. Yangchen (female) also attended TCV school, but only for class 1 1 and 12, and as a day scholar rather than a bouder. The families of these students were in Northwest India, Northeastem India, and in Tibetan settlements in South India, and would have had to pay for their tuition or find sponsors to fund it. The school fees are in the range of the equivalent of few hundred U.S. dollars per year. A typical salary for a Tibetan is approximately $1500 US per year. Despite this relatively high tuition cost, parents try to get their children admission into TCV because many feel that the standard of education there is superior to that at CTS, described below. In particular, TCV offers more "Tibet specific" cumculum, and has a far higher percentage of Tibetans on staff.

Central Tibetan Schools Four of the female interviewees (Dolma, Pema, Kelsang, and Dickyi) attended Central Tibetan Schools (CTS) day schools on their home settlements in South India, which were rural, primarily agricultural communities. They lived wich their parents or other relatives throughout their schcol years. Unlike the students who were boarders, the &y scholars were more involved with the larger Tibetan comrnunity beyond the school environment year-round. Tashi attended a CTS school, but he was a boarder in a school at least two days journey from his home settlement. CTS students do not have to pay tuition fees.

Gender Differences In reviewing the data 1 noticed few differences between individual interviewees' responses that could be described as "gender differences", but 1did notice a distinction while 1was in the processes of looking for interviewees. Al1 of the males whom 1 approached agreed to participate, and agreed quickly. Most told me that they had never ken intewiewed before, but they were not unduly womed or nervous. Several indicated that they found the process interesting, and they enjoyed the discussion. One male (Tashi) actually requested that he be included when he overheard parts of another interview with his friend (Kelsang). He had some experiences and insights that differed from hers, and he wanted his views represented as well. In contrast, most of the women initially expressed reluctance to king interviewed. and some women 1approached refused to participate altogether. They were supportive and enthusiastic about the project, and wanted to help me to locate other interviewees, but they downplayed the importance of their own stories. They said that they did not want to be interviewed because they felt that they didn't have anything wise or important to Say. They tned instead to steer me towards well known Tibetan leaders, or to other people who they respected and in some sense considered "heroes" (e-g. freedom fighters who had escaped from Tibet, and famous political activists in the exile community ). 1 assumed that to a large extent the women were acting on their understanding of "polite" Tibetan behavior. which includes "shyness", and "humbleness", so 1 persisted in my attempts to persuade them to participate. 1explained to them that in order to have a more valid and meaningful study 1 needed wornen's voices to balance and compare with men's, and 1 was not at al1 interested in choosing from the list of "seasoned professionals" who are interviewed regularly by Western joumalists and researchers. 1 was interested in hearing the voices and experiences of regular people who are simply trying to live their lives. 1told them that in my opinion, there was a great deal to be learned by recording their experiences. The more extreme stories of "heroes" are already well known, and do not necessarily reflect the everyday lives and experiences of rnost Tibetans. This line of reasoning convinced the women to participate. None of them questioned the value or importance of the research project - in fact they were extremely supportive, helpful, and encouraging - but they did question the importance of their own voices. Once they overcame their initiai reticence and agreed to participate, al1 of the women spoke openly and enthusiastically, and had powerfd insights to share. The men I interviewed were equal to the women in their lack of experience with this type of research and with being interview subjects, but they more readily made the shift into the role of research interviewee. They did not question the value of their stones jat least not openly), and they expressed themselves enthusiastically.

General Themes To provide the context in which the interviewees position thernselves in the world ' and in their communities, their personal and family histories as well as descriptions of how they see themselves in the world, specifically through the lens of their political status as "stateless refugees" are described in the first theme. AI1 the interviewees strongly proclaimed themselves to be "true Tibetan", so the second therne presents a summary of the factors they considered as constituting the "essence" of Tibetan-ness. In the third theme, descriptions of the interviewees' experiences in Tibetan schools are presented, as well their perceptions of the importance of the school experience to the construction of their identities. The fourth and final theme focuses on the interviewees' post-secondq educational and occupational experiences in the broader Indian society; a society from which they were largely sheltered pnor to secondary school completion.

Theme #1: The Refugee Experience The expenence of the refugee was presented in the context of their "origins", and in terms of roles and responsibilities that individuals face while living life as refugees. The following sections elaborate on those concepts. Origïm In reflecting on their lives and articulating self-definitions, each interviewee related to personal and national historical origins. Personal and farnily histories were dramatically presented, and were identified as anchors to which individuais felt their identities were tethered. Two types of personal national histones were narrated: those of people bom in Tibet, and those of people bom in exile. It appears that a variety of other life experiences, perspectives, and intemalized positionings within their families and the larger community were shaped by these initial differences. Key in the narratives were expenences relating to leaving Tibet, family disruption, retiiining ties, poverty and work, and widening perspectives while in exile.

Leuving Tibet Lobsang, Norbu, and Jigrne had spent the first 7 or 8 years of their lives in Tibet before they left for hdia to attend Tibetan exile schools. Though young when they left Tibet, nevertheless they had vivid memories of their experiences in their country of origin. In particular, they remembered that in Tibet they could not lem about Tibetan cultural traditions. At that time they were too young to know or understand that this was due to Chinese Govemment restrictions, but as they refiect back to that time, they articulate the political implications of their parents' silence.

Lobsang was smuggled out of Tibet at the age of 8. He recalled: When 1was there (in Tibet), everything is restricted - parents won? Say about culture - that things - so 1don? have anything knowledge about Dahi Lama - just seems they have some pichire and they hide it and keep it some place. Some religious objects they have - they hide it somewhere very carefully, and when I ask, "Mummy, what is this? Daddy what is this?" they will just Say, "Just don? ask this. ft's not good for you. It's hm." .. . So they won't even let me touch. When 1came here, and now think back about things 1 have seen and which they made me scared of - and they are al1 religious things.

Lobsang's family decided that it would be best for him to go to India to be enrolled in a Tibetan school. At the time he didn't reatly understand what was going on, but he was excited by the prospect of the adventure of travelling. He had no idea until later that there was great danger involved in the escape from Tibet:

My mother and another uncle are there (at home) - so they discussed and finally they consulted me whether 1would like to go - so 1 said sure. 1 am so much excited to go see foreign country. That's how I came. But the way actually they smuggled me - they put me in a tmck with other things and they said, "Until we Say corne out - don? make even a noise". So, actually I'rn ignorant about ail this policy. 1don? know why they are doing it. Later 1came to know that it's the border.

Norbu's mernories of coming to India focus on the pain of separation from his family. He was also too young at the time to understand the reason that his father chose to leave him in India:

When I was 8 my father bring me - actually for pilgrimage - for ~alachakra' initiation. And then - when we were at the Kalachakra initiation, His Holiness announced al1 the Tibetans that came from Tibet for the initiation - leave their children here for the school. So my father decided to bring me here. And 1 was not willing to.. .. From Bodh Gaya, the staffs - those staffs on holiday from the Office of His Holiness, they al1 collected students - Tibetan students of my age like 8,9, 10 - like this - and they put them on a bus - full of the students of my age. And al1 the parents are outside the bus - crying - see off - the first time in my life 1was separated from my family - my father. So, we were put in the bus - I even tned to run away from the bus, through the window - once. And then they stopped - put me again in the bus. And so my father was crying - and 1was screaming inside - al1 these things happened.

Jigme recalled the repression in Tibet, but the escape experience was not as traumatic for him. His widowed mother escaped with him, so he did not have to endure separation from his family in addition to dislocation from his homeland.

Family Disniption Many of the interviewees described the hardships that their parents endured in Tibet, in the escape, or in trying to survive in exile. Some were raised by aunts or uncles because one or both of their parents died due to illnesses contracted after their escape from Tibet. A few toId me that they were never told how their fathers had died, but the reasons seemed to be related to involvement in the political stmggle for Tibetan freedom. Many who were born in exile had faced poverty, but always had at Ieast basic food, shelter, medicai care, and opportunities for education, provided for them by the Tibetan Government-in-Exile (uitimately supported by foreign donors and aid organizations). They felt a sense of gratitude and indebtedness to the people and the system that had provided them safety and educationd opportunities. They knew of poverty and hardship in Tibet, and had witnessed the desperation of irnpoverished Indians, and so they understood that their relative cornfort and educational opportunities were gifts to be chenshed.

Retaining Ties Lobsang and Norbu were almost completely cut off from their families after their arriva1 in India. Since leaving Tibet Lobsang has received only three letters from his family. Correspondence is dificuit because persona1 letters are usuaily smuggled across the border with other escapees. People from remote villages have few opportunities to find someone who will take letters and messages for them. After Norbu finished class 12 he snuck back into Tibet to visit his farnily whom he had not seen since he was 8 years old. The visit was traumatic, and brought into focus what he saw as distorted childhood perceptions of his village, and a gap that had developed between him and his family.

My uncle is in a different village - one or two days by waik. So - when 1 reached my uncles' village and he helped to bring me to my village. When 1 - my village - before 1expect big houses and the monasteries are huge. When I reached there, the mountains are not that tall. Al1 are srnall. Houses are srnali. So - al1 changed. So, when 1entered in the gate of my home - and then my father was combing his haïr - and he came close to me but the sun was in his eyes. He came slowly to my side and then suddenly he recognized me. So, when he saw me, he was crying - tears were in his eyes - he looked for my younger brother. My younger brother at that time was in TCV school, so he expected both of us. So 1 was crying - not tdking. Crying almost one hour. Then al1 of sudden - at that time - my family - they were caring for animals - sheep and yaks - so they corne home from their work and my sister - elder sister - she's crying, 'Why didn't you bring your younger brother?" She was scolding and crying. At that time - very sad situation. How could 1explain that 1 could not bring him - he is class 8 or 9 so he has no chance to go until his education is finished AI1 hese things 1explanation and they don? bother my excuse. Crying al1 day.

Despite al1 his efforts, he could not convince them of the reason that he did not bnng his younger brother with him to Tibet. His family are nomads with no experience of formal schooling, and al1 of Norbu's reasons were based on his understanding of the formai suucture of the school system.

Poverty and work Tibetans who are bom in exile have no direct experience with the actual land of Tibet, but they are toId stones of their parents' hardships in Tibet and in exile. The interviewees and their farnilies experienced varying degrees of poverty in exile. Few of the interviewees had parents who were literate, and none of the parents had experience with any program even remotely resembling a modem education system. Most of the parents were farrners or nomads in Tibet, and in exile worked as labourers, farrners, or operated smdl businesses. Like many Tibetans in India, Wangrno's parents survive by working as sweater sellers, setting up a roadside stall for a few months of the year. They have tried farming on their settlement in South India, but gave it up.

My parents they are doing seasonal labour - I mean sweater selling for three months in a year. That is winter season. They go to Lhudiana to buy sweaters and after - and from then they go to Bombay and sel1 sweaters. .. . (The) Indian Government has allotted us some land, but the land is very limited and the soi1 is not fertile. And we have no irrigation system so we have to depend on monsoon. So it's quite difficult. So most of the time you get loss from the land. So people usually doesn't grow.

A few of the parents who were more literate worked for the Tibetan Government- in-Exile. Most interviewees described their farnilies as barely rnaking ends meet, but they still managed to send their children to school in the belief that their children's best hope for a better life is through education. Widening Perspectives In Jigme's point of view. growing up in exile gave him a broader perspective on Tibet and provided oppominities that he would not have had if he had stayed in Tibet:

In this case I think that I'm very lucky. I've got so much chance to get - not education only. but in sports and many other things. 1made a lot of friends from dlover the Tibet. If 1had stayed in Tibet, 1will know only the people inside my village - but here 1came to know al1 the Tibetan students from al1 over the Tibet. And we can share Our beliefs and their experiences in Tibet-

Lobsang's perspective was similar to Jigme's:

If 1were in Tibet - probably now 1must have got rnarried - some children - maybe just doing the traditional work that my parents are doing. That is we are just nomads. Looking after cattle. So that's al1 my life, and that's al1 1 see about the world. Then I'd only see a few towns. I'd not get knowledge about the worid - and probably I'd never see a foreigner in my fife until 1die. Just contented and even without knowing much about the Tibetans.

He felt that if he'd stayed in Tibet he would have had no chance of becoming a more "global citizen", and his world would have been so limited he wouldn't even have known what he was missing. Lobsang was able to compare his current situation favorably with what might have happened had he stayed in Tibet, but he also appreciated the fact that he was born in Tibet rather than in exile.

when I think about many of the youths who have grown up in India - they haven't really seen Tibet. Didn't have much of the difficulties. Now they are sometimes forgetting about Tibet - and they think more about earning the life - more money. Enjoy tife. That kind of thing. When 1 think about the people who are born in Tibet and who have seen what is happening to Tibet - and - who have parents and relatives in Tibet. How much you Say, "I'm away from them and I'rn not thinking much about it" - but sometimes in the Iife - somewhere - you always think about it. And when you think - your mind is turning to some other thing - you always think back. And then again cornes back and Say "1 shouldn't forget about Tibet". One day 1 should think 1 should go back. See my country - see what 1saw when 1 was young - mountains, rivers - everything is so clear in the mind. Still when 1 talk - I'rn very rnuch getting in mind the image of the sceneries - everything. He felt that having experienced life in Tibet, and having his parents as living links to that country, enabled him to maintain his sense of nationaiism more easily than those who'd never seen Tibet first hand.

Life as Refugees The marker of "refugee" was strongly and clearly articulated in the discourse of the interviewees. They identified themselves as refugees and felt that this charactenzation kept them separate from others in important and positive ways, and instilled in them certain responsibilities and duties specific to refugees. Five sub-themes are identified as highly significant to their self-definitions as refugees. The first is the sense of duty to actively engage in activities to free Tibet from Chinese rule. The second related sub-theme concems the rationale for preserving their sense of national identity, since national identity was seen as a requirement in their freedom stmggle, and the freedom stmggle was a constant reminder of the necessity of national identity. The third sub-theme, the relationship of the refugees to the larger Indian society, was presented as an important factor in their identification and persistence as refugees. The label "refugee" itself emerged as the fourth sub-theme, as a constant reminder of their "difference" from others, and of each individuals' responsibility to the larger Tibetan community. The final theme in this section relates to Tibetans' representation of themselves to the outside world. Not only must they see themselves as "refugees", but aIso it is equally important that others see them as such.

Duty to Free Tibet Several interviewees brought the modem factor of seeking Tibetan freedom into their self-definitions as Tibetans. Wanemo, a female TCV graduate who was born in India, pointed out that the superficial aspects of the culture such as clothing (chuba) couldn't be a foundational factor in describing Tibetan-ness, because anyone can Wear the clothes. Tme Tibetan-ness cornes from a deeper motivation and sense of king, including a political motivation to free Tibet: .. . just Wear chuba is not becorne a Tibetan. Being a Tibetan means you should think for Tibet. I mean we should do to get Our freedom back. Weshould think for those who are in Tibet who are suffering under Chinese. So we should obey His Holiness the Dalai Lama. And we should preserve our culture, rdigion - that's the main thing we can be proud of.

Those aspects of Tibetan tradition, like clothing, that could be easily appropriated by others outside the community were relegated to a lower stônis in the hierarchy of "cultural essence". The profound attachment and passion for the land and people of Tibet dong with a never waning cornmitment to the cause of freedom were seen to be things that only a Tibetan could truly feel deeply. The reliance on direction from authoritative figures is evidenced in Wangmo's assertion that obedience to the Daiai Lama is a fundamental aspect of "Tibetan-ness". There is no ambiguity or intetlectual "deniai" of the powerful influence of authoritative figures. If someone is perceived to be less deeply committed to the Dalai Lama they are seen as less "Tibetan". Al1 of the interviewees expressed that they felt a sense of duty to work towards freeing Tibet, and assured me that freedom would come, hopefdly soon. Dawa explained that this confidence is instilled in al1 Tibetans from the time of their early youth, and is reinforced throughout their lives until it is as naturd and instinctual as breathing:

Freedom - 1 have full confidence we will get someday. Some way or some how. From very - from kindergarten student - from that stage it's in Our ears. Like - we go for a walk - and sometimes they shout slogans. It's like "om mani padme humw3- it's natural on Tibetan tongue. Like - a baby - from animai and human being - al1 this animals you see - we give exception for human being because mother she will feed - but for animals, actually they don't feed, but they can find where the milk. It's like, for Tibetans - mani, and rangzen4 - for freedom - it's like born on tongue. They get from very childhood lesson. In school even when we have Monday demonstration - you cmspeak on any topic - but most of time it's come naturally - it's something like how the Chinese have disturbed Our land- .. . population - resources.

Rerninders of the fight for freedom are present in every Tibetan community that 1 have visited, and the interviewees descnbed the freedom stniggle in terms that made it seem as regular as a morning cup of tea. It is present in almost every act of living. Markers such as signposts, bumper sticken, tee-shirts, tattoos, and "Free Tibet" shaven into teenagers haircuts serve as daily reminders of the freedom struggle. You can have lunch at the "Rangzen Café", or sing dong with the modem folk Song "Long show(Rise Up), or the Tibetan rock Song, "Rangzen". Whole communities participate regularly in marches and dernonstrations against Chinese rule, and there have ken several dramatic hunger strikes implorîng the United Nations to take action on behalf of Tibetans. The 'Tibetan Youth Congress" is one of the most active and outspoken Tibetan NGOs (Non- Govemmental Organization) in terms of railying communities to speak and act towards freeing Tibet. This type of activism is generally understood to be the duty of the youth. If they relax in their efforts, it is feared that the freedom struggle wiil die. Tibetans in exile compare their situation with that of people inside Tibet and feel that, due to the severe restrictions and human rights abuses occumng inside Tibet, and population transfer of Chinese settlers into Tibet, it is the exiles' duty to shoulder the responsibility of preserving their culture and working for freedom:

Yangchen: after the Chinese invasion - the Chinese they tried to - they aiways try to wipe out our identity. They have been trying to make Tibetans a minority in their own country. So, the Tibetans inside Tibet, they are suffering a lot under the Chinese, so they can't do much. They have to always stay under the confines of the Chinese, and - but they are very brave and courageous, and they do what is against the Chinese, even if they have to face death .. .. Since the people inside Tibet they can't do very much those things - trying their best - the people outside Tibet, 1think, they can do a lot preserve our culture and tradition.

For Dickyi, a graduate of a CTS settlement day school, this responsibiiity dominates al1 other roles in her life:

1 think - our country - being captured by the Chinese - it's our exiIes9foremost duty to get back Our country. Means we have to work for Our - for the independence of our country - and for that matter - since al1 Our language, culture - are ail on the verge of extinction it is really important to preserve one's own identity. Only then we can fight for our independence. If we are lost Our identity then it's no use whether we have got independence or not.

The sense of duty to free Tibet and preserve the culture is instilled in Tibetans practicaily from birth. It is continuous1y reinforced. It is "born on tongue" through constant reinforcement and efforts to ensure that the youth are actively engaged and focused on the freedorn stmggle.

Rationale for Presenation of Tibetan National Identity The sense of a Tibetan identity - unique and distinct from al1 0thcultures in the world - was viewed as an essential component of the freedom struggle in ternis of political leverage, and in terms of the reason for persevenng in the struggle:

Nyima: If you don't have identity, how can you Say that you are a Tibetan? You are classed different from the Chinese. And culture and tradition and religion and the language are the four things that distinguishes you from a Chinese. 1can Say that 1 am a Tibctan. Because I have a unique culture, unique language. Whereas the Chinese have a completely different thing.

Many interviewees expressed the same sentiment. Language, religion, and culture were used as markers to prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that Tibetans have the right to be considered as fundamentally different people from the Chinese and Indians.

Wangmo: That we cm say that Tibet and China are separated - is our culture, religion - that's the main thing. Then we can say that Tibet is not a part of China. So 1think that's most important.

Lobsang compared Tibet's situation with the history of North American First Nations:

Because unless a nation keeps its identity - you can't Say we are a separate nation. And always 1 think about American Lndians - and 1 compare Tibetans - unless if - unless we keep Our identity and oui people - even if we get independence - if we don't have a real identity it7suseless. Amenca is great - but now - when you think about it - you back to the history and say - Amenca is actually the country of the red Indians - nght? And slowly the westerners came and then get war, independence - everything is there - now we Say "Amenca is most powerful nation in the world ..." But when you see the people inside - how can you cal1 Americans? So 1 almost feeI unIess you keep your identity - even if your country becomes a great country - it doesn't have any meaning. That's what 1 feel. The assertion of an "essentid" Tibetan-ness works on the level of international politics by justifying political daims against the Chinese. The interviewees expressed that they must be able to distinguish themselves as unique in order to be able to justify their daim for freedom.

Relationsh@ to Indicrn Society The interviewees were well aware of the ticking clock, and the danger of assimilation of the exiles into the larger society in India They were concemed about the possibility that the effects of time could result in a watering down of their determination to free Tibet. This rationale was used by many of the interviewees to explain their lack of interest in trying to work and live in the larger Indian society rather than staying in relatively isolated Tibetan clusters. They understood the fiuid nature of identity, and the potential that theirs couId be changed if they were immersed in Indian society. Yangchen was concemed about the potential of losing the Buddhist practices of compassion and non-violence, which she saw elderly Tibetans modeling every day:

If we stay for 5 - 10 years with the Indian community, there's very much chance that we'll also get used to their ways of doing and thinking. One thing is that the way of thinking is quite different. For us Tibetans, whatever we do, first we think that whether it will be of help or hmto any other beings - to any other person. And if it's something of hmto others, we have to suppress it. We can't - we just make it that we shouIdn7tdo this. Otherwise other people will be harmed. But with the Indian people 1don't think this feeling exists. So whatever they do, whatever they Say - very straight forward - they don? think whatever they do, whatever they say will hann others or not. Then, one thing is that they don't have the feeling of helping others - to be of help to others. This 1 have experienced.

A distinct advantage in the attempts to avoid assimilation is that according to many of the interviewees, Indian society is not seen as particuIarly attractive. The interviewees perceived huge cultural differences between themselves and Indians. They took a great deal of pride in their Tibetan culture and were critical of many aspects of Indian culture. Several stressed the exarnple of the Tibetan practice of "non-violence", and felt that Indians did not share this practice. According to Buddhist teachings, no king should be harmed - not even an insect. Several interviewees described Ieaxning fiorn the example of elderly Tibetans who move insects off the roadway to protect them from king trampled. They felt that this practice did not exist in Indian society, and were concerned that if they were immersed in Indian society they would be in danger of losing that ethic. Some of the women pointed out specific examples of cultural differences between Indian and Tibetan women. The Tibetan women perceived themselves as very liberated and free in cornparison with traditional Indian women. Pema pointed out specific differences in cultural practice regarding women that she as a Tibetan woman could never accept if she were living more closely with Indian society:

Different - the living style. ... After marriage - the female used to stay in housewife - we are totally free - we will go outside. These Indian women they are changing though. And they have a dowry system too - we don? have that. And after getting maniage the female should not tdk with the other people - something different is there. Even a child - tocally different. Means we cannot rnix with the Indians. Suppose one - two case are there, but the majority they cannot mix - because they are totally different.

Particularly for the women, the idea of closer integration with Indian society was inconceivable. Beyond simply not being attracted to life in Indian society, the women were almost repulsed by the idea. Most had friendly Indian acquaintances, but had not formed deep, long lasting relationships with Indians, even in their years at college living within Indian society. Their relationship with Indians did not compare with their relationships with other Tibetans.

Identity as 4CStatelessRefigees" The lahl "refugee" was characterized by several interviewees as a motivational factor and a strong influence for promoting cohesiveness in the Tibetan community in that it distinguishes them from other groups of people. As refugees, their sense of determination must be stronger than others, and they don't have luxury of being able to relax their ethical code. As Yangchen put it:

Since we are refugees, so, we have to work harder than the rest of the people - the Indians and al1 - since they have freedom and they can do whatever they like and a11 sort of things, but for us we have to work harder in everything - in studies, in Our daily Iive, in office works, in everything we have to be hard working so that we can get a better education, so that we will be able to struggle more to get our freedom.

The sense of never relaxing the spirit of freedorn came through with every interviewee. Lobsang, who was smuggied out of Tibet as a young child to attend TCV, expressed his profound appreciation for the fact that he was raised in a Tibetan school and had faced hardship in life fiat hand. At college he and his classrnates noticed that the Tibetan students had a heightened sense of social consciousness in comparison to other students, and he attributed that to their having experienced difficulties in life. When he compared his experience with "what might have been", he felt very lucky to have had the

Tibetan exile school experience: '

If I stayed in Tibet the life would be completely different. Just - small town. And again if 1came here and join an Indian school the mentality and the things 1have now developed won? be that much. Because 1'11 be just growing up in a society which is free. Different because that's what 1see in college. And even my (Indian) friends would get jealous - 'Tibetans are something different. You can't do like other foreigners" - because they think we are also foreigners - "and you cadt look like other foreigners - they have long hair and they enjoy - just go partying - but you always think about something moral". .. . So they say "Ah - you are something really different - what is it?". Then we Say "Ok - it's al1 because we don? have country and we are just refugees and we need your help." And then they say "Oh!" And sometimes they think differently.

Even the tenuous political position that Tibetans have in India has fueled Lobsang's motivation and has helped maintain in his mind the distinction between Tibetans and Indians, and other people who Iive in freedom:

We're always think of getting freedom - doing something for your community. Because that is the life you have seen - without freedom, your life is something different. This is (my friends') room - we are sitting here nicely - but we don't have freedom. Because suppose the Indian Government says - ok - 'Tomorrow you must go - don? stay any more". You don? have anything to fight. If we are Indian we cm Say "Why are you asking us to go? This is my birthright." So - they have that mentality developed because they have freedom. And we have developed it just because we have been staying together separately having the same problems, same sort of thing. SG in that way if 1 joined Indian society 1 would not have developed so much of - working for society. I may not have corne back to the school - 1 must have gone somewhere - where the grass is greener. Money. That's how the Indian students do. They will just think of going to States, Australia - And we always think of going back to school - doing something for the Tibetan community.

In a sense, the fact of king rehgees was held up as an issue of pride. Many felt that as refugees they had to have a higher degree of consciousness in their daily actions and in their life goals. They were not in a position in which they could be motivated only by economic factors or a search for an easier life. Their actions as individuals and as a collective had to be directed towards attaining freedom, and maintaining the desire to fight for freedom. An easier life or expectations of a stable future in exile might weaken their focus and determination.

Representation How Tibetans in exile present themselves to the world, and how others see them. emerged as issues of political concem. Most of the interviewees said that in order for Tibet to be recognized as unique and independent Tibetans must present themselves as having clear, easily identifiable markers such as language and religion. In this way they could be distinguished from other nationalities and support their claims as a distinct nation. Yangchen described her view on the importance of cultural preservation and representation:

I think every country is recognized by its culture, and traditions and al1 - so Tibet - with its unique culture and tradition, and very long history - Our history is very long.. .. So, by preserving your culture and traditions, you wiIl be known by your culture and traditions. So, whatever you do, whatever you speak, whatever you undertake ... Your identity is known by your culture and tradition ... So it is most important to preserve.

Some practical adjustments to cultural representations had to be made for survival in India. For example, traditional sheepskin chubas (cloaks) were not practical in the tropical jungles of the South Indian settlements, and certain elements of the traditionai Tibetan diet had to be modified in India But those elements were described by interviewees as superficial, and did not have to be included in the list of "essential" Tibetan identifiers. Many of the interviewees felt that speaking their language and practicing their religion were the most obvious means of identifying themselves as Tibetans. Through those means, they could prove to others the strength of the conviction that lies in their hearts:

Nyima: Most essential part for king a Tibetan is that you should have a feeling that you are a Tibetan. You should know - Ok - you are a Canadian, I am a Tibetan. 1know that 1 am a Tibetan - 1can Say that. How can 1say that? ... you are speaking English, 1am speaking Tibetan. Language is different. You are Christian, 1am Buddhist - religion is different.

The refugees success in acquiring support, both financial and political, from outsiders was attributed to how they presented themselves to the outside world. Tashi observed:

.. . we are most successful retùgee community - al1 over the world. That may be sort of attributed to the honesty of the administration. .. . And chat can be attnbuted to the Tibetan Buddhism, which always teaches us to be honest compassionate, loving, caring.

He exhibited a sense of pride in the success of Tibetans in cornparison to other refugees. He believed that outside support depended on trust, and if outsiders were to look at Tibetans and perceived impropriety, they would not provide the much needed support. On a political level, Nyima felt that Tibetans had to make their situation known to the world:

Best thing the Tibetans can invest in is making the generai public aware. International public - awareness of the international community. If we can make the Tibetan situation known to every people. Because every people will support the Tibetan cause. Because there are no human king - 1 cmguarantee there is not a single human being who doesn't love freedorn. Right now the money is taking more priority compared to the plight of the Tibetan people, but ultimately the truth ... The spirit of freedom can never be subjugated. Many of the interviewees expressed similar sentiments, expecting that through carefully presenting the cause of Tibet to the outside world, appealing to the basic human desire for freedom, they would gain sympathy and political support. Dickyi reflected similar sentiments regarding the role of education in improving the image of Tibet and Tibetans and in npresenting themselves in ideological terms which discount violence as a path to independence:

1 think if the people are educated enough then naturally our country will not be considered as backward, 1think education is the backbone of a nation. And being a refugee I think education becomes even more important - to fight for your country's freedom. We can't go into violence. Through education we've been working for our independence.

Education provided the people with the skills and means to know how to represent themselves as forward, rather than "backward". It would be the tool not just to gain the respect of outsiders, but also to enter international politics. This theme will be explored more fully in the section on the analysis of education (theme #3).

Theme #2: The "Essence" of Tibetan Identity Despite their diverse backgrounds, interests, and perspectives on many issues, without exception the interviewees passionately described themselves as "Tibetan", with a fervent sense of nationalism. In their descriptions of how they strive to embody "Tibetan-ness". the following three factors emerged most prominently; Buddhist religion; Tibetan language; and Tibetan culture. These factors, presented by the interviewees as the essential, defining characteristics of 'Tibetan-ness". are elaborated in this section.

Buddhist Reiïgion Al1 the interviewees described Tibetan culture as being founded on Buddhist pnnciples. Lobsang, a TCV student onginally from Tibet, described his perception of what constituted the cultural base: The religion. Because when you really study the Tibetan redigion - Buddhism - a lot of things are there. It's like - king kind to others, not haring others. Al1 these things are - when you just think abut it - just nomal lhings it seems to be - but al1 these things are with the religion. So in that way you Say that we have lots of monks and nuns and these things - and more than these things - and more than the religion of Tibet, it's part of our culture. Unlike sorne other places - everything is related with religion. Even the songs and dances have some history or something there which is connected with religion. So in that way 1 think Tibetan Buddhism is the core of the culture.

Al1 the other interviewees echoed this sentiment. Every activity that was perceived to be 'Tibetan" could sornehow be linked to a foundation of Buddhist principles.

Language Knowledge of the language was a matter of identification as a Tibetan, and of selfesteem for Yangchen. She was bom in India, and attended an Indian school up to class 10. She studied at TCV for class I I and 12 only. Since she entered Tibetan school quite late she was concemed that her writing skills lagged behind other Tibetans, and she was working hard to try to catch up:

.. . these days, whenever someone asks me to read (in Tibetan language), 1 can read slowly, but when they ask me to write - to wnte something in Tibetan, 1 feel like, something embarrassed son of. 1 can't Say, "1 don? know Tibetan" and ail. It's very ernbarrassing situation when somebody asks me to do something in Tibetan, or to write something in Tibetan.

Tenzin emphasized the importance of larrguage and his belief that the Tibetan schools are an essential vehicle in imparting language learning.

1know Tibetans who are brought up in Canadian schools also - and they'il Say they are Tibetan but they can't speak Tibetan. So what's that? If they can't speak their language - language is very important - it's one of the main - it's the means of communication through which we can share our feelings and share some ideas - but they have problerns with language.

The Tibetan language is one of the most obvious features by which Tibetans cari identify themselves as Tibetan. Other people who see them may mistake them for Japanese, or may not know of the devotion to their country that lies in their heart, but by speaking, reading, and writing Tibetan they can present their uniqueness to the world. It is aiso the means by which ideas, thoughts, and feelings cm be shared amongst Tibetans, with al1 the nuances and imbedded meanings intact. Many of the people 1 spoke to had concerns that if their Tibetan language were to diminish, specifically Tibetan knowledge, meanings, and understandings would be lost.

Culture Tenzin, a TCV graduate who was born in exile, ernphasized that there are differences between Tibetan and other cultures:

So, your way of thinking and my way of thinking - though we are same human king - way of thinking will be different. In that way 1 think the Tibetan schools helped in preserving the identity.

Al1 of the interviewees descnbed their Tibetan culture as being unique and profoundly rich. Their traditional music and dance were valued, and traditional codes of conduct were described as essentiai. The interviewees made it clear that they relied on Tibetan adults including parents, house-parents, and teachers to teach Tibetan culture and to mode1 proper Tibetan modes of behaviour including non-violence and respect.

Theme #3: Tibetan Schooling Schools inhabit a central position in Tibetan diaspora society. The schools are generally portrayed as vital to the exiles' efforts to maintain their culture and cohesion. The interviewees in this study al1 highly valued their school experience, and had no regrets about their parents' decision to send them to Tibetan exile schools. Many also saw room for improvement within the school system and within Tibetan diaspora society as a whole. The sub-themes that ernerged within the discussion of schooling are: the importance of education; teaching Tibetan identity; the school community; suggestions for school improvement; and, "shyness" and "respect" contested. In some.areas there were differences between the experiences and perspectives of students who had attended Tibetan Children's Village Schwls (TCV) and Central Tibetan Schools (CTS). Consequently, the sub-themes; teaching Tibetan identity; the school community; suggestions for school improvement; and, "shyness" and "respect" contested, are further broken down by type of school.

Importance of Education Al1 of the interviewees placed a high value on education, and most stated that it was their parents' influence that convinced them of the importance of schooling. Al1 of the quotations chosen for this section are from TCV students, but CTS students expressed similar sentiments. Through seeing and expenencing the difficulties her parents continue to endure in India, Wangmo, a TCV boarder, placed her faith in education.

1 think education is very important. It's the main, main thing. Because without education people just ignore - they just look down upon. And wherever we go we have to depend upon others for help. For a little example - our parents: When Our parents are in India they find so many diff~culties- because they don't know how to deal with the people. They can speak Hindi but not properly. They don? know when the time - and ticket and everything is written in English, so they can't do the reservations. Simple things. They faced lots of problems when they go out.

In Indian society it is common to see poor families keep their children out of school to work, but in the case of al1 the interviewees their parents pushed hard to keep their children in school. Wangmo realized that her parents' insistence that she stay in school and continue on to college represented a considerable sacrifice on their part.

Every time, whenever I go home for holiday, and going back - leaving home for school - they always tell me that "You must study, you must study", and "study, study" - same word, same word they will keep on repeating. They Say since they are uneducated they face lots of problem and they see what kind of problem we will be facing if we neglect education. So they stress lots of importance on education - so they are sending - they try to send their children to school in spite of their difficulties. In spite of their wanting our help at home.

Yangchen's parents also have a small business that does not earn enough to support al1 their children, but they have managed to keep al1 their children in school: My father and my mom - whatever they faced, whatever hardships they had, they really made a point that their children must have a better life, and so they must get a better education, unlike themselves.

Al1 of the interviewees felt that their parents placed a very high value on education, but since their parents had not been to school themselves they were not able to understand what their children were doing in school, or how to give specific support and advice regarding education.

ligme: They have no idea - she (my mother) was not educated. She told me that she had studied 2 class in Tibet. But she doesn't know anything about these things - about education and these things. If 1tell them I'm first position they will Say it's very good - if 1tell fhem I'm just pas they will Say it's good. Like that. They are concerned only about pass and fail, not anything else.

Education was seen as a priority by parents, but beyond simply telling their children to stay in school they had Iittle ability to help their children negotiate their school experiences. Their parents established them in the educational settings that were provided by the Tibetan Govemment-in-Exile, but were unable to provide direction beyond that. Lobsang expressed his profound appreciation for the foresight of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government-in-Exile in establishing the Tibetan schools.

So in that case - the aim that we had when we were starting the school - way back in 1959-60 - whatever that time - is very a great thing that Dalai Lama has thought about - and the others. Because - and only if we have done that - maybe now we may not have been like what 1 am now. Maybe we'd be just absorbed into the Indian community - and doesn't have much of a cohesiveness in the Tibetan community.

Most of the interviewees made cornparisons between themselves and other Tibetan youth they knew who had not attended Tibetan schools. They felt that those who did not attend Tibetan schools were lacking in their understanding of the culture and langage of Tibet. Tenzin, a TCV graduate, emphasized his belief that the Tibetan schools are an essential vehicle in imparting cultural knowledge: Tibetan culture as such is very rich - so they won? be understanding anything. So what they do now? They corne from west to us - they come to study Tibetan language and culture out here. That's quite strange. Now, students who wen brought up in Tibetan schools, they don't face this problem. And once, if they happen to go to the west, they become resource person.

Tenzin and others drew a direct line between Tibetan schooling and cultural knowledge. They felt that the intense and active engagement in the cultural teachings that they experienced at school was by far the most effective route to leaming. Despite the fact that many Tibetans outside the communities in India try to leam aspects of their culture, the generally held belief is that they will never match the students from Tibetan schools. Many of the interviewees felt privileged, almost with a tone of superiority, over Tibetans who attended non-Tibetan schools. Tenzin cornpared Tibetan youth schooled in Canada with Tibetans schooled in Tibetan schools in India claiming that Tibetans from Canada lack cultural knowledge. This illustrates the relatively low importance of economic factors in terms of status. Tibetan-Canadians have far more cornfortable [ives in a material sense, including the fact that many manage to afford the cost of the trip to India The cost of the flight is the equivalent of one to two years salary for many Tibetans in India Despite their relative financial wealth, the Tibetan-Canadians are pitied for their lack of Tibetan cultural knowledge.

Teaching Tibetan Identity At Tibetan run schools, efforts to instiIl in the students a sense of identity and a reason for working at maintaining and propagating this sense of identity corne in the form of explicit and implicit instruction. The passion for preserving the culture and instilling a solid sense of identity was for several interviewees directly linked to the perception that Tibet's culture is in peril. This sense of urgency highlighted the strategic nature of the community's efforts to teach Tibetan-ness to the youth. As Yangchen, a TCV day

SC holar, explained: one thing which 1experienced in the Tibetan school is we must preserve Our culture and tradition because, since the Chinese invasion, it has come to the extent that everything is going to extinct, so it is Our duty - on everyone's duty to preserve and safeguard Our culture and religion and dl.

Dickyi, a CïSstudent, echoed Yangchen's sentiment: "our country is lost. 1 think it's very important to preserve one's identity when we are in exile. We have to fight for Our independence". Al1 of the interviewees chensh their strong sense of Tibetan identity, and credit the schools and the Tibetan community with helping them to intemdize their sense of nationalism. The TCV students were influenced by teachers, cumculum, and house- parents, and the (JTS day scholars attributed most of their cul~rdleaming to their parents and the experience of immersion within Tibetan communities.

Tibetan Children's ViUage TCV was able to include Tibet-specific instruction in al1 aspects of school life. Yangchen described some of the activities that TCV students engaged in that promoted Tibetan cultural and political awareness:

In the school itself, whenever some activities were done - some cultural show, some or elocutions, debate, ifs mostly on the Tibetan issue. Like, the cultures, the dances. songs are mostly in Tibetan from the different regions of Tibet. Even if it's debate, it will be like, for example. "Do we need complete independence or some other .. . autonomous" - like that. Or nationalism. "How does nationalism help in the stmggle for freedom" - so these things come up. And in the quiz, the questions come on Tibetan history, Tibetan literature and dl.

Wangmo described how religious and cultural activities were woven into school life at TCV:

For religion we had prayer time in the moming and daytime. And we had one particular teacher called ~ho-~en~- that he used to teach us about religions. The introduction of those important Tibetan festivals related with religions. And we have - in TCV we have a special day called "Tibet my country" that we do projects on Tibet. We have competitions between class and we can do any project but it should be related with Tibet. - We have inter-house dance and singing competitions, and we have one dance teacher on TCV school to teach us Tibetan dance.

In this way the stage was set for the students as a group to be engaged in an active process of cultural identity formation. They were physically and socidly imrnersed in a completely Tibetan setting, and they were engaged in intellectual discourse on Tibetan issues through their school activities. Jigme appreciated how personal quaiities that he values in himsetf were developed through participation in the cultural activities and long-term immersion and active engagement in Tibetan society. He attributes those qualities to Buddhist philosophy, which he sees as the foundation of Tibetan culture.

At school there are lots of activities - cultural competitions, Song and dance competitions. Naturally we have to participate in such things - so we get knowledge about these things. .. . as a person - the nature of a person - it helps a lot. .. . Cool nature and these things. Like - if someone attacks me .. . I can't hit back - in school you can't do like this - in Buddhism it's not like this. Learning Tibetan (language) - Buddhism is very related with Tibetan. You are taught from class one to 12 Tibetan language, but Buddhism is always with the Tibetan, so naturally we are influenced with Buddhism. 1 think .. . (for) maintaining Tibetan Buddhist nature - it's good to study in Tibetan schools. .. . You should kind to the others, you should help to others - don't kill the insects - like this. Even if we stand on an insect we get scared - it was built up in Our mind - €rom when we were Young, always talked like this. Then even when we are grown up still we feel the sarne. You can't do something bad - it controls us - you can't to do bad - like beating other people like - control mind.

Many of the students felt that immersion in Tibetan society was the most powerful force in their development as individuals. They had very limited exposure to other ways of doing things. The children noticed the behaviors of the adults, and ultimately learned to follow the example set. Dawa described his expenence at TCV school:

99% (of people at the school) are Tibetan. One or 2 Indian teachers or kids - one or two from thousand. So, definitely we think like a big family. And everybody's kids. It kept us separate - the way the Tibetans think - the elders 1mean - shyness and everything. That still lives in the Tibetan kids. .. . It's natural. Because majonty of the teachers are Tibetan and they help everybody. And from very - from cook to head (school director) everybody's Tibetan. (If) there is some older retired person, even the director - they do respect to him. That makes the school- the childrens - even they are not intentionally looking for that, they notice some effect. .. . House parents usually teach .. . the character of the children. They are teaching how to speak in Tibetan - how to respect.

Dawa described how the behavior modeled by adults became a powerhl determinant in the students' development. For exampie, watching eminent political figures such as the school director treating the elderly with deference had a suong effect in influencing the behaviors of the youth. Tenzin credited the Dalai Lama with foresight in developing the Tibetan schools, and creating a forum in which he could lem and maintain his cultura! identity.

There's one thing I think is - keeping my own identity as a Tibetan. His Hotiness - when he started al1 those schwls he had this intention .... So - 1 believe it has served its purpose. Once you are in this school you have only Tibetans around you. And then whatever you see is Tibetan in nature. Things you eat are also something more of Tibetan. What you Wear is something more Tibetan. So you grow up Iike a Tibetan. You become a tme Tibetan. Then you go out - you can tell the people that you are a Tibetan. I am a Tibetan, and 1 cm show that I'm distinct from those (others).

A suong sense of Tibetan identity was important to Tenzin, as was his ability and determination to "prove" this Tibetan-ness to others, a point afso established in die earlier section on representation. Yangchen felt that above all, the sense of cohesiveness that was developed in her school (TCV)is essential to Tibetan survival:

The best experience of being in Tibetan school is that - to stand united, to be united. Whatever country you come from - if there is no unity, there will be no - the country will divide. So, unity, and to maintain our identity.. ..

Yangchen's situation was somewhat unique in that she attended a TCV school only for class 11 and 12. She had previously lived in a region with many Tibetans but it was not an organized settlement. She attended an Indian school where there was no Tibet-specific cumculum. She felt that the two years she spent at the Tibetan school living in an almost completely Tibetan community transformed het:

1think it (going to Tibetan school) has changed a lot myself - my thinking and my awareness. Everything - 1think it has helped a lot to me. Otherwise, like - if 1 was still in Indian schools I wouldn't be able to know much about Tibetan history, and the cause and dl. And - for example - with the language. 1would be totally ignorant.

Yangchen exuded enthusiasm around her experiences at TCV school.

And after coming to Tibetan school, when 1came 1just felt like something - a stranger, some sort of stranger. Like, I didn't know much about the culture, 1 didn't know even a Tibetan song, like that, and 1felt very bad about this. But in these two years of my schooling in the Tibetan school 1 feel that the main thing for the Tibetan students is to study hard, and to struggle hard to get Our country back from the Chinese. This I've come to know in coming to a Tibetan school. And in the Tibetan school we are taught not only to be a good student, but also to be a good human king .. ..

Wmgrno gave specific examples of what she felt she'd gained from the Tibetan school expience:

1 know 1 am a Tibetan. I know that Tibet is a separate country, Tibet has its own culture, religion, and everything. And if I had gone tû the Indian school - I think I would not know that - what Tibet means.

Wangmo was clear that her sense of cultural identity was vital in terms of her ability to play a role in the political struggle.

Central Tibetan Schools At CTS direct instruction on Tibetan issues took place primarily in classes where the teacher happened to be Tibetan, and in CO-cumcularactivities. Dickyi attended a CTS settlement school in South India where not as much emphasis was placed on cultural instruction in cornparison to TCV.Still, her happiest memones of her school days were related to the cuItural activities that reminded her of her heritage: My happy times were when we were presenting our cultural programs like Tibetan dance. 1enjoyed that.. .. 1 like the traditional dress of us - and when 1 Wear those traditional dress and present Our dance 1feel like 1am in Tibet.

In the heartland of tropical jungle regions of South India, Dickyi was able to find moments when she felt she was experiencing tme Tibetan-ness, as might a nomad woman in an alpine meadow on the Tibetan plateau. Kelsang felt that the most significant advantage for her in attending a CTS settlernent day schml was that she had the opportunity to live with and Ieam fiom her parents while she was growing up.

They tell us about Our culture, tradition, Our history and Our status at present. So, this is more important - that we young kids have got advice from Our parents to work for the Tibetan cause. They had the chance to share their experience with us. Which 1think we wouldn't have got if we were in sorne boarding schools and dl. Maybe the teachers will tell you, but it's not like parents when they tell you.

Pema also appreciated the opportunity to live with her parents and lem codes of Tibetan conduct from observing their example:

They are uneducaced - they cannot teach - but we can refer to what Our parents are doing. The way they work, the way they talk to the people - It's t!!e main important things that - to be Tibetans it's what the older people are doing - we have to know. Because at present we are young - when we go outside we can face foreigner, Indian people - their behavior and Tibetan way they are totdly different you know. When we are child if we are to be with the farnily we can know better - being a Tibetan - what our parents are doing.

Dickyi contrasted her experiences with what "might have been" had she been sent to an Indian school:

Being in Tibetan school - 1 think that the best experience I had is to feel mysetf that 1 am a Tibetan. Tibetan - real. 1mean - like pure Tibetan. Because if I go to Indian school 1 may get some Indian influences in that 1 won? feel completely that 1 am Tibetan because - naturally I'll be having a lot of Indian friends and doing things - that thing happens. She recognized the tenuous nature of identity and did not want to risk immersion in another culture, which may have diverteci her fwus on her Tibetan-ness. She was quite certain that if she allowed herself to be immersed in another society she would naturally have developed a different personal identity. Many of the students who were bom in India felt as Tashi did, that a key legacy of his experience in attending a Tibetan school was, "It just always kept the feeling inside me that 1 am a Tibetan". The students who were born in Tibet did not mention this aspect explicitly. They had strong senses of "Tibetan-ness", but this was not attributed as emphatically to the schools. The solidity of their Tibetan identity may have corne from their direct personal mernories of their lives in Tibet, and of their farnily members still living there.

The School Community Personal relationships and the social environment at the schools were presented as important factors for most of the interviewees. The TCV boarders in particular regarded the school as their "home" rather than just the place where they received an education. This section includes the interviewees' descriptions of the social worlds that they experienced in school.

Tibetan Children's Village Support and encouragement from teachers was perceived by many of the interviewees, particularly from TCV,to be an essential eiement in their school life. The example set by hard working teachers was a significant influence for Yangchen:

In the school also we have been always told that we must study, and the way the teachers study - with their hard work and dedication - it makes us to study more. If the teacher is not very good, and they too does not teach very well, the students too feel lazy, and they won't study at all.

The authoritative words of teachers were given more credence when accompanied by modeling of their work ethic. Authoritative discourse was also seen as more powerful and persuasive when it was backed up by action. Dawa moved from a CTS school on a poor settlement in south India to TCV after class 2. At the outset he had a very difficult time achieving the academic standard set at TCV, but a supportive teacher in class 4 helped him to push past his diffkulties. Her openness and willingness to let him explore his artwork ultimately helped him to improve his academic work as well.

When 1was in South 1 used to get 2nd position in class, but when 1 came here 1 was last. 1 remained in 2nd grade for one more year in TCV and I couldn't catch up the lesson where they were giving. .. . In class 4 we have a very free teacher - she's a very good teacher. She was also very interested in art. I was not good in education actually .. . in academics. So she said "You paint". She just give me chance. And I tried. And at that time 1 improved a lot.

Again, when he was a senior student, he credits the encouragement of his house-father and tutoring from a classrnate with helping him to pass his board exams. Many of the TCV students descnbed relationships between students and Tibetan teachers as being fundamental to their school success, and to their development as individuals and as Tibetan community members:

Nyima: The most important [thing] that 1 noticed in the schooling at TCV school is that there is a bond between the students and the teachers. The bond is so strong - it's due to love and compassion. Teachers really care about the students. Love the students. Their love seems to emanate when they corne to classes and even at the playing ground - everywhere - you cm feel their love. You cm feel their care. So - and another thing - leaming about our own culture - Our own language, because it's unique.

The fact that school leaders were perceived to deeply care for and love the students was mentioned by many people as their most profound influence. Lobsang viewed the situation frorn his position as a "de-facto" orphan from Tibet. He treasures the sense of community at TCV and the opportunities that his school experience allowed him in cornparison to what he might have had in Tibet or in an Indian school. He has a profound sense of gratitude for al1 that he gained, particularly when he compared his situation with poor villages and orphanages he saw in India as a result of his college program: The most thing that I think that school has given me is the opportunity to live in a community where we al1 have equal things. Like - no discriminations - like you are from some other place, you don't have parents - that kind of discrimination is not there. They have home where 30 or 40 children they stay together. We live as a family - we caii each other brothers and sisters. And I think that's the main thing the school has taught me. For my - preparing for my future life. Because from 8 years old 1have been with the school - not with my parents. When 1think back - now f reflect - 1don't miss much thing, because al1 what has ken done in life - 1 have acquired it without my parents.

Wangmo was born and raised in India. Until finishing cIass 10 she attended a branch of TCV school where most students were also India born. For class 1 1 and 12 she transferred to another TCV branch which was home to many students like Lobsang who had corne from Tibet. For Wangrno, the experience of living in close community with those students from Tibet provided her with motivation to work harder and to appreciate the opportunities she had:

Education 1 think is better in upper TCV school because most of the students are from Tibet - so they had a lot of problem in Tibet - so they know what - so they know al1 the difficulties because they had lots of problem. So they are more hard working and they have greater keen interest in their studies.

From her observations, Wangrno felt that those students who had more direct experience with hardship more deeply internalized the work ethic that authority figures were attempting to inculcate in the children. She also believed that her active engagement with those people helped her to more deeply intemalize the values and discourses.

Central Tibetan Schools Some CTS students expressed a specific concern about Indian teachers. They felt that in generd, the Indian teachers could not be expected to care about them as much as Tiktan teachers would, so naturally Tibetan teachers would be better for them. Students from TCV spoke of close relationships with teachers, but most of the CTS students didn't have the sarne experience, and they attnbuted the lack of closeness to the fact that most of their teachers were Indian: Kelsang: There were only one or two Tibetan teachers - they were teachers of Tibetan language. So most of them were Indians. If Tibetan are there 1think it would have ken better. Because - we are so shy to ask. That's why we don't have much closeness with our teachers.

Most of the interviewees downplayed the role that their Indian teachers had on their lives. The general message in the community was that while some of the Indian teachers were very good, it could be assumed that most would naturally not have the Tibetan's interest at heart,

Suggestions For School Improvement Tibetczn Chiulren's Village Many students felt that while they valued the experience of immersion in Tibetan society, their lack of experience outside the Tibetan community became a hindrance when they left school to go to college or work. They felt that more exposure to the outside world may have been helphil:

Jigme: They (school officials) are saying like - have to make a good Tibetan - like, educated Tibetan. That is the main goal 1 think - to educate the Tibetans. But - they are achieving that goal, but in today's world it is very limited. They can't prepare you for other things in the world. .. . School - Tibetan school - they just give you education, and other Tibetan teaches you religion and culture, but they don't actually prepare for the outside world 1 think. And me - it's just like that - when 1 went outside after leaving school and going to college, it was quite a problem actually.

TCV had one guidance counselor. It was his job to seek college placements for those graduating students who were eligible. The students who were interested in general arts programs or professional programs such as medicine or engineering were reasonably happy with the service and support they received, but those students who had interests that were off "mainstream" were very frustrated, and felt that they did not get the understanding or support that they needed. They did not get into the college programs that they had hoped for, and in retrospect, they wish that they had been able to seek college admission on their own rather than having to rely on the school guidance counselor whom they felt was inexperienced in deaiing with issues such as theirs, or was perhaps over-worked and had difficulty dealing with unique cases. They felt that although they had received loving care and support €rom their teachers and house- parents, the "heads" (administrative team) were out of touch with the students7wishes and needs, and were not always providing appropriate support to the students.

CentraC Tibetan Schools The CTS schools had no guidance counselors at all, and since most of the parents are uneducated they could not provide educational guidance to their children. Some of the teachers tried to help, but their experience was limited. The students had to make their college and career choices on their own, and they had to handle al1 of the college entrance procedures independently. Many students were very resourceful and ultimately managed, but still felt that the path could have been smoother if they had received more advice and support.

"Shyness" and "Respect" Contested Al1 of the interviewees passionately defined themselves as "tme Tibetans", but several also had cornplaints and concems around aspects of Tibetan cultural practice that they felt were hindering them in their efforts to progress in certain areas of their lives, in particular, "shyness" and "respect". They Rad been taught since childhood that "politeness" is a distinguishing feature of "Tiktan-ness" that they could take pnde in. "Shyness" and "respect" were considered to be integral to the Tibetan form of "politeness". Almost every interviewee at some point in the interview informed me that, 'Tibetans are shy by nature". This culture of shyness and respect is seen as an aspect of polite behavior in Tibetan society, but Oecame a significant roadblodc for the students when they entered Indian colleges or tned to communicate their ideas to others outside their culture, or even outside their circle of close friends. Central Tibehn SchoaLF Many of the CTS students felt hindered in school because they were too shy to ask their Indian teachers for help with their work. Some of the interviewees described this shyness as an inherent aspect of 'Tibetan-ness", while others felt that they could identify causes, and had suggestions for change. Tashi identified one factor that he witnesses in his CTS school:

Being introvert is caused by - the Tibetans are very shy by nature. That's one thing - most basic reason. Another thing is in the classroom if you try to speak in English at the school level then they (the Indian teachers) will trample you. .. . We're barely speaking English. You ask your teacher something and they don't understand you. They will sort of makes jokes on you. First thing - Tibetan people are shy, second is people are teasing.

Tibetrrrn ChiUren's Vilhge The CTS students may have felt more cornfortable with their Tibetan teachers and classmates than with their Indian teachers, but TCV students had similar cornplaints about other Tibetans, tracing their shyness to fear of ridicule. Nyima described a Tibetan habit which he felt had long term negative consequences for the whole cornmunity:

One thing is lacking at Our schooi is the feeling of encouraging somebody else.. ..Up here - or for that matter in any Tibetan community - there is lack of encouragement. In the class - everybody's afraid of jeering, not cheering. You won? hear any cheering, you wiIl heu only the jeering. Ok - you stand up at the front of the classroom and then your friends start jeexing you - making fun of you. And Tibetans are very good at rnaking fun.. .-1 rnean, they take pleasure in mockery. Having fun at the expense of somebody else. Very good at it. So - it's a very big disadvantage. For anybody - because, you know, when 1joined coilege - al1 the Indians - my classmates - they can get up on the stage. They can do anything in front of anybody. They don't have any hesitations -but we do have .. . every Tibetan student wiI1 have.. .. They will be afraid of standing alone in front of a group. It's a disadvantage.

Several of the interviewees avoided involvement in CO-curricularactivities at school because of fear of ridicule and rejection. They complained that from a very Young age only the most talented children were chosen to participate in activities such as dramas, singing and dancing, or debates, so the students who were weaker in those areas were not given a chance to participate and try to develop their own abilities.

Lobsang: One thing is when we were little kids - that time whatever extra- cumcular activities we have - play, singing, dancing, whatever - it's just perfection that they are iooking to. Just select group - suppose they have a drarna - (they tell the) whole class come - and they Say, "whoever wants to get into the play - come". And you go and (they) Say, "you are not so fit for that - you just go".

The students who were disappointed by king excluded from activities in class 2 or 3 never managed to drum up the courage to participate after that. They regretted having missed out on school activities and the chance to develop themselves in new directions, but at the time they felt that those options were not open to them. They particularly felt that the Iack of social courage was a hindrance in college, where they saw Indian classrnates who seemed to have no hesitation around presenting their ideas and speaking in public. None of the interviewees regretted having attended Tibetan schools, but they did feel that that cultural practice in particular should be changed.

Tenzin: It does help a lot to go to (Tibetan) schools. The only thing is - schools have made us true Tibetan, but now we face problern when we go out. We can't just stand in front of audience, we can't speak out with class. In this way we feel ... but these things we can develop.

Somewhat related to "shyness", some interviewees felt that the cultural practice of "respect" became a hindrance to communication. Yangchen described a problern that she perceived in the classroom:

Even if you go to a Tibetan school, and if you sit as a student, you will see that only the teacher is talking, talking, talking - and the students just heu and no response and dl. So after sorne time the teacher wiIl be very much upset.. .They want to have discussions and dl, but .. . In the schools - the students they do respect a lot - 1 think because of too much respect the students they can't oppose like - they can't express their feelings sort of. 1 think because of this, such things come out. And 1think if the students they have Iess respect I think they'll be able to more - 1 think there'll be more interactions between the teacher and the student. Nyima felt that the problem might be related to a misinterpretation of the concept of "respect":

We Tibetans out here - al1 the students - we confuse this fear and good rnanners. Mamers - etiquette - we confuse dlthese things.. .. When you meet a teacher you have to pay respect. You have to respect. But instead of respecting you are afraid. Teachers corne from there - you shirk. You can't go in front of them. If you - it's good that you respect him but it's bad that you are afraid of him. You shoulcin't fear your teacher, or for that matter anybody. But we confuse respect with fear.

Like the culture of "shyness", "respect" is a valued social code, but some of the students, particularly when comparing themselves with Indian college classmates, felt Iirnited by what may have been misguided application of those culturaI practices.

Theme #4: Life After Tibetan SchooPng After school graduation the interviewees faced new challenges and expectations. As young adults within the exile community most had to try to stnke a balance between their own hopes and dreams, their parents' expectations, and the opportunities and limitations they faced as stateless refugees in India. This section presents the interviewees' experiences at college, their career choices, and visions for the future.

CoUege Life For rnost of the interviewees. college was their first experience living outside of Tibetan communities. The interviewees attended various colleges in India, and had a wide variety of reactions to the experience. Challenges included the transition from the protected and controlled environments of the Tibetan schools and settlements to the relative freedom of college, having to communicate verbdly in English, and deaiing with cultural differencc? with Indian classmates and professors. Ail of the interviewees frorn both types of schools said that they felt reasonably well prepared for the academic expectations of college. In general, the TCV students expressed more diffrculty than CTS students with social aspects of the transition to college life. Al1 but one of the CTS students had been day scholars, whereas al1 but one of the TCV students were boarders. The CTS students were generally more accustomed to dealing with Indian teachers, and were not as shocked by the responsibilities of dealing with daily routines of taking care of themselves independent! y.

Tenzin, a TCV boarder, had the following expenence on entering college: In the beginning it was a big problem. The problem was not regarding the settling into a new society - the probiem was just coping with the new environment. h school everything was well provided - spoon fed. One bell rings, you get food, one bell rings, you can just go to bed. Something like that. Very regirnented. Once you go out, you are free. No one is there to look after you. Mattress - everything you have to buy. You have to go search for rooms. ... rented rooms. So - it was good experience also because - cooking ourselves, and making budgets. Sometimes aIso we get broke - then borrowing money from others. Quite embarrassing &o.

College provided a new set of challenges and adventures for the young adults who were suddenly faced with far greater individual independence than they had ever before experienced. Verbal communication was a problem for many of the students at first, though they were eventually able to adjust. In the Tibetan schools they did their academic work in English, so the students were proficient in reading and writing, but they had little experience with conversation. CTS students were more accustomed to hearing English because most of their teachers had ken Indian, but the TCV teachers usually explained their Iessons in Tibetan, and al1 social communication was in Tibetan.

Tenzin: Another thing is we have poor background in English. Because right from the kindergarten most of the teachers - they were qualified, but they have their own programs, so they tend to speak more in Tibetan. So we're always speaking Tibetan. We grow up speaking Tibetan - we become pure Tibetan - and that becomes a problem aftemards. Because as soon as we step out we won't be speaking that language. .. . We think a lot in Our brain but it won? come out from our lips. So - this way - 1feel we go through a big transition. Main thing is the confidence. We lack confidence.

Deaiing with living in Indian society was a significant difficulty for some students, and no problem at al1 for others. Yangchen attended college in Delhi, a large and crowded city. She was very uncornfortable dealing with indian society there - in her perception many Indians were rude and abrupt. While in Delhi she lived in the Tibetan hostel, so although there were no other Tibetans in her college, ail of her living cornpanions were Tibetan students who were attending other colleges. She spent most of her time in Delhi at the hostel or with her friends from the hostel, and felt badly treated when she stepped outside that environment.

The first thing is the Indians - they sort of - they're just surprised at seeing a foreigner sort of - with small eyes and black hairs, and very short height. They just with very strange looking eyes they just gaze at you and stare, and they pass al1 sorts of comments and dl.. .. We have to travel by bus to go to college adjoin the institutions. And then in the bus we really faced problerns. The public are really very nasty - it's like they never see whether you are a smalf girl or lady. They just behave very - rudely - their behavior is very bad. .. . 1 shouldn't Say they're bad, but they just stare at us as if we corne from other planets.

Yangchen intentionally kept herself isolated from the larger community in her college.

1used to stay mostly quiet in the classroom when there's no teacher. 1 tried to keep silent - not to talk very much - tw much with the Indian girls and Indian students. They feel that if you talk to a foreigner - even they don? know you they just corne to you and they Say, "Oh, we'll be friends ok? From today we'll be friends!", like this, and 1say "Ok, ya, ya.", and the next day they just forget you and - Even if you pass by the person they just ignore you - this sorts of thing happened mostly - very often. So, 1 made a point that 1don't mix so much with the girls.

Nyima, a TCV graduate, was not just the only Tibetan in his college, but he was the only Tibetan the city in which he was studying. Loneliness was a far more signifiant issue for him than for people who had at least a few other Tibetans in the same town. He did not have negative experiences with Indians - it was just an issue of loneliness.

1 used to stay in the college hostel, but al1 my roommates are Indians. And al1 those guys in the hostel are Indians, naturally. And in the first year there's hesitation and uneasiness ... On their part it's no problern because they have lots of friends other than me. But on my part it was quite difficult to adjust - to make the adjustment. But then - there has been cases - because earlier there has been students in my college - Tibetan students who had joined the college - but they had left because they are so lonely - 1mean, cut off - from everything - so they left. .. . 1don't saw that as an excuse for leaving your education. It's a very good opportunity we Tibetans are getting.

Nyima had eamed a scholarship to support him through his college studies, and he did not want to lose that opportunity. He stayed in college. and gradually things improved for him. He made friends with his college classrnates, and after the first year loneliness was not such a problem. Tashi had been a CTS student, accustomed to Indian teachers, and he could speak Hindi. The coilege he attended was in a medium sized city where about 200 Tibetans were attending various colleges. He noticed a distinct difference between the reaction of CTS students and TCV students.

It (the transition to college) was perfect with me. Most of my teachers used to be Indian - except Tibetan (language) teachers. So that thing was sort of normal to me - I've always seen Indian teachers in my classroom. So when 1went to college - same thing. During our ccllege there used to be quite a large number of TCV students, and whenever they move - whether in market, or to college - they try to go in own group. Ours is a different case.-We used to have Indian friends everywhere - in market shopkeepers are your friend - for your own benefit you see.

Adjusting to college life seemed to depend on severai factors, but in general, students in smaller cities seemed to adjust more comfortably, and men were more likely than women to describe themselves as having made close Lndian friends in college. The women perceived Indian society to be far more restrictive for them than Tibetan society, so building close relationships with Indians was not a particularly attractive prospect for them. The relative personal freedom that was experienced in college gave the interviewees the opportunity to redefine themselves if they so chose. The interviewees who were concemed about the limitations resulting from their "shyness" and "respect" did, as young adults in college, actively work towards shifting that aspect of their personality, and some felt they succeeded after much hard work at courage building. When they looked at their traditional Tibetan culture, they saw this particular aspect as one that no longer had utility in modern social contexts, and in their current socio- political redity. College was the first time in their lives that they were outside their Tibetan cornmunities, and were not constantly inundated with messages of "Tibetan-ness", so they felt that they had more freedom for innovation. Some of the interviewees were concerned with the danger of losing their national identities if they were away from Tibetan society too long. Others were excited about the opportunity to explore new ideas and experiences, and were confident in the stability of their "core" of Tibetan-ness.

Career Choices Of the 13 people 1 interviewed, 12 were at that time either working in jobs that could be defined as service to the community (e-g. Tibetan Govemment-in-Exile office workers, and school employees), or were hoping to get that type of job. The concept of "community service" was highly valued by al1 of hem, and that service could come in a variety of fonns. Some had ambitions that clashed with their families' hopes for them, others complied with their families wishes. Barriers to opportunity began to be felt by some of the interviewees after finishing college and looking for work. This section is divided into sub-categories based on the type of job attained: Central Tibetan Administration (Tibetan Govemment-in-Exile) and Tibetan Institutions; Tibetan school ernployees; unemployed; and modem artist.

Central Tibetan Adminisîration and Taetan Institutions Most of the interviewees were strongly advised by their parents to find work within the Ti betan Govemment-in-Exile, though often their parents did not understand the educational requirements or the qualifications that their children had. Dickyi's parents told her; " 'being a Tibetan you have to work in Tibetan community' - they just say you have to work for your Government. There's no question of you have to study up this much or that much, since they are uneducated it's difficult for them to say". Tashi explained the reason for his choice to seek employment in the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA), and what the concept of service means to him: 1 thought the CTA is the best option 1have. ... pay is very small, compared to others, but it is sufficient.. .. Plus, it gives you a chance to use your time in a wise manner, and to contribute something to the cornmunity. Whether you contribute or not - you always ûy your level best to do that. That's more important. Even for sweeper in the Department - if he cornes early in the moming and he starts cleaning the fioor - he's doing something too. Of course it sort of creates an impression for outsiders you see - when visitors cornes to our office they'll think that everything is kept there very safe - it's a small, small thing, but it's done very nicely. So keeping things clean is duty of that person. So when he keeps the things clean he's going to be very supported.

His sense of self-esteem and worth in the community is directly related to contribution to the community, and he describes this sense of duty to be of service as king very much a nom within Tibetan society. Serving the Govemment-in-Exile is portrayed as a patnotic duty. Kelsang's family advised her as follows: "They hope that I should serve Our Govemment. Serve our country. They usually advise me to do such things - to think of Our country". Tashi didn't feel unduly pressured to work for the Govemment-in-Exile, but the concept of service and duty was impressed upon him: "They never kind of forced me. They always left me independent. Or rather, they encouraged me to join CTA (Centrai Tibetan Administration), or not particulariy - but to become a useful sort of citizen". Dolma initidly thought she would stay home and heIp hei family after finishing school, but her parents reminded her that she had a debt to repay:

Firsdy - 1 don't have any idea to come to Dharamsala and serve the Tibetan Govemment. I want to just help my parents and stay in home. And my parents Say to me, "Better go to Dharamsala and serve Tibetan Government. Actually, you studied up to (class) 12 by the grace of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and better you go and serve to Tibetan Government". They guide me.

Pema also had not initially intended to work for the Governrnent-in-Exile - she'd hoped to become a teacher - but her iamily is poor and could no! afford the college fees. She had managed to find a sponsor who helped her to finance her B.A., but that was not possible for the high fees required for a B. Ed.: It's very expensive. And my parents - for B. Ed. purpose they cannot face. They are facing financial problem. They are saying, "Go do this one - go to Dharamsala and serve the community" like this.

Dickyi also works in a Tibetan Govemment-in-Exile office, and describes her choice in tems of patriotic duty during this difficult time in the history of Tibet:

Being a Tibetan, my first and foremost responsibility at this time - at this situation - is to work for your freedom and independence of our country.

For many interviewees the current political situation was recognized as a vital influence in their career choices. Under these circumstances they could not think about king motivated by financid concems or their own self-interests. Many of the interviewees reflected Wangmo's sense of desire to repay a debt to their community after finishing their education:

First - 1drearned 1 want to do graduation, and then 1 want to work in Tibetan society - because I'm very grateful to the Tibetan society in generd, and particularly His Holiness the Dalai Lama and my parents - they give me such an opportunity to study - being in exile in India. So 1want to - it's like 1owe debt, and 1 want to repay the debt, and 1 want to serve my Tibetan community. That's my dream in my previous school period.

They had not seriously considered the possibility of seeking employrnent outside the Tibetan community, partly because of the sense that as long as there is need in the Tibetan community, they shouId be of service in any way they can. When Norbu visited his farnily in Tibet his father advised him to go back to India to serve the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, though he must have known that in that case he may never see his son again. His concem was for the safety of his son and the whoIe family. Other Tibetan students who've gone back to stay with their families in Tibet after studying in India have suffered harassrnent from the Chinese officials, and many have been imprisoned, accused of being "splittists" trying to break Tibet from the Chinese "motherland". Norbu described the family discussion at that time: My father - when I was visit at that time my father said, "Go to India and senie the Govemment. Don't stay here". My brother said, "Stay here - you will get good job in Lhasa" - 1 know English. My father and my uncle they Say, "No, no - don't stay here. If you stay here you'll make trouble for the family - for your life". Al1 these things he requested me. 1 stayed there for one month, then back to India

When I met Norbu he was not working for the Tibetan Govemment-in-Exile as his father had requested, but he was a member of the support staff at an institution of higher education within the Tibetan system.

Tibetan School Empluyees Tenzin saw his job as teacher of political science to be a service not just to his students and the school, but to the entire politicai cause of Tibet:

Our background in politics is somewhat poor - so we feel Iike - due to that - we haven't been able to achieve much in political scenario. .. . what I feel is we could have gone further - could have rerhed some other level. But still we are hanging around. Even if we're offered support and dl, we can't do much. 1 think mainly it's because Our elder generation - they were lacking in political knowledge. Specifically in internationai politics. So giving education to those students - young Tibetans - may have some value.

Since coming to India at age 8, the only family Lobsang had really known has been the community at school. He felt deep gratitude for al1 that he'd received, and came back to the school to seek employment after college.

1 came up - to school - reported that I'm now finished my masters and if school has got any job to give me 1'11 be ready to serve school. Because - main thing - how my life - what 1 am now - is al1 because of the school. Because since I corne from Tibet I've never seen my parents. Just 3 times I've had letters through correspondence. So al1 rny life school has looked after me. .. . So school is the real home for me now. So I came back to my home, and say I'm looking to work in the home.

Lobsang's desire to be of service extends beyond the Tibetan community, though his current employment oppominity is within a Tibetan school, and that was the first place he tumed to look for work. His interest in helping people begai at a very young age but it was not until he was in college that he learned of a mode of service that he felt would perfectly match his goais and his character:

Basically, when 1 was very young 1 always think about when 1get older and start work, 1should work for other people who need he1p. Especially the works of the United Nations and aid groups. That kind of organizations inspired me so much. .. . 1always wanted to do something for people - because that's how 1have brought up myseIf. Got help from my fnends, help from school - so 1always think, dl my Me I've been getting help. When 1 get on my feet 1should give back al1 what 1get. The choice was just the highest score - so that's the choice 1made. And 1got highest in maths .. . and then 1just went and said ok - economics. And luckily 1got - 1just got into the college. So, I'm interested in economics, but 1 have other interests that is my main aim is the helping. So as 1studied economics slowly 1- by talking to my friends - because now 1get more idea from different people.. .. And then I found out about social work. Because usually we make a lot of mistakes between terrns - social work, social service, social welfare - we always think these things are the sarne. But when you go into the service it's different. So when 1say I'm a social worker rnany of my friends would Say like - "Oh you go and clean the garbage". That's what they think. So even when - before 1joined this course 1always had that kind of idea - social work means going and cleaning the garbage and al1 that sort of thing - that seems to be social work. ... Practical also.. .. And then 1 have good friends in college who are professors - lecturers. And discuss with hem and they also said "You corne back - you try to get into social work".

Lobsang had known in his hem what type of career path he wanted to follow, but few options in that direction were presented to him when he was in school. While at college he utilized the new resources at hand - international colleagues and friends, supportive professors - to create a new path for hirnself.

Unemployed .. . seeking At the time of our interview, Yangchen she had just finished college, and did not yet have paid employment. She decided to spend her spare time working as a volunteer for an organization which is dedicated to helping Tibetan torture suwivors, lobbying for improved human rights in Tibet, and working towards attaining Tibetan freedom. Her passion and dedication to the cause of Tibet were palpable. This she credited to her experience in TCV school. Yangchen was hoping to find paid employment in the Tibetan community. She explained that for her, the prospect of job satisfaction and a sense of contributing to the community was more enticing than the higher salaries that rnight be obtained in other communities:

Even if 1do a permanent job in the Tibetan community, the salaries are very low, unlike the other communities, and the - even the exile Govemment, the basic pay will be around Rs 160, which is ... it's very dificult to survive. But to work for our community - it has a different meaning, and we get lot of satisfaction.

As a new graduate facing the daunting prospect of entering the cornpetitive Tibetan job market, Yangchen acknowledged the possibility that she rnight not find a job, but she had an alternate plan in place, and exuded a sense of optimism:

In the Tibetan community itself it's very difficult to get jobs for every person - for every graduate and dl. So 1think for me, 1 think of doing further studies. Right now 1did bachelors degree, but I hope that 1 will be able to do my masters degree, and to be able to do as much as higher degrees as I cm- so that in future, when we get our freedom - independence - I'll be able to get a better job. Back in home - in Our free Tibet.

The "home" that Yangchen referred to was one she had never seen. She was bom and raised in exile, and had only heard stories about Tibet. Stiil, for her, home was Tibet, and she looked forward to the time when she would go there to live. Yangchen, and many other interviewees, expressed the sentiment that al1 their successes could ultimately be traced back to the work and vision of the Ddai Lama, and it was their responsibility to repay him by contributing service to the community, and to do whatever is required to preserve their identity.

Since most of the education is given by the Tibetan Govemment, and since by the blessing of the Dalai Lama we are able to do our studies, - otherwise - if His Holiness is not there I think no other countries, or no other sponsors - they won? support Tibetans at dl. I think because of his hard work and job for Tibet - we are able to do well in Our studies and be able to get a better education. So, it is like - since we got the right to study, it is our duty to pay back - like repay - like working in the Tibetan community gives job satisfaction since we are able to work for the cause of Our own people. If you work in the Tibetan community you are much more aware of Tibetan issue. Much more aware of preserving your identity and all. Another problem facing some Tibetan youth is one that Nyima was in the process of negotiating at the time of our interview. The dilemma was that many types of jobs simply do not exist within the Tibetan refugee community. Nyima was one of few Tibetans to obtain a degree in engineering. When he finished his degree, he had no hope of getting a job in his field within the Tibetan system.

In the Tibetan community a guy like me can't expect a job which will suit you. You have to make yourself suit to that environment, not that the environment will suit you. Because we don't have any factories, we don't have any industries, we don't have any technologiçd development that can hope to employ an engineer - so it's quite diffrcult.

Nyima's only hope of getting a job in his field would be to seek employment in an Indian owned company. But before even attempting to find work in such a company, he ran into another hurdle:

actually 1wanted to join an Indian fim - but my parents are completely against it. So that played a major role. Because parents concem - parents are concemed, and parents - their wishes have to be seen because they play a major role in my life - everybody's life.

His parents concems stem from their nationalism. devotion to the Dalai Lama, and fear that their son will be lost to the outside world if fie spends time living and working in the Indian community. Nyima described his father's reasons as follows:

Because he is so dedicated and devoted to His Holiness - have complete faith in him. And he said that this - Our establishment - the Tibetan Government-in-Exile - has been built by His Holiness, and the belief that Tibetans will work and strive and struggle for their own cause. Rather than depending on somebody eise. So, my dad, he thinks that if 1am to leave the Tibetan community then how can 1 continue to be with the struggle. He said, "Ok, no probIem - you don't get good salary - no problem. You don? get good housing - no problem. But please you don't leave Tibetan community. Please you contribute in something." 1said ok. It's not that 1 got any job, but I'rn looking out for a job. I'm thinking of staying here. Nyima likes the Tibetan community and doesn't necessarily want to leave, but he knows that it is extremely unlikety that he will be able to find work related to his field. To respect his parents wishes he will have to give up on his ciream of working as an engineer, but that is a sacrifice he says he's willing to make. "You got to sacrifice something to gain something. To gain your balanced Iife you have to give something. It's no problem". 1asked if he felt that it would be possible for him to both work in an Indian firm and find a way to contribute to the Tibetan cause. He replied: "1 think it's possible, but I'm not able to convince my parents so it's quite difficult. If only 1can convince my parents - only 1can join. It's quite difficult".

Modern Artist Dawa, a TCV graduate, was the only one of the interviewees who was actively trying to forge a life for himself outside of Tibetan institutions. He was trying to teach himself modem art, and hopefully make a life as an artist. He attended an Indian college for a few months, but the program did not match his interests or his goals, so he stopped attending class and devoted his time and energy to his painting. His relatives had tried to convince him to study a forrn of traditionai Tibetan Buddhist art called "thangka painting", but he refused:

From my childhood 1 had an interest in painting and that. So one of my uncles .. . i~edways want me to put in Thangka painting. 1 don't like Thangka painting. You have go always by mles and regulations - you can't change the way.

He did not wmt to have to work within confines of rigid traditional forms, but he was ruffling some feathers in his process of creating a novel approach to Tibetan art:

I try to do it by myself - 1always think 1should do something different from - in the painting. 1should say, 1 paint - way of Tibetan. The structure is Tibetan thangka, the plans and roots, both of these are Tibetan, but 1do them differently. And when 1 show it to older person - to monks and to older people, they wiH not accept it. In Dawa's mind he was not rejecting Tibetan tradition, rather he was developing it in new and exciting directions. He felt that the understanding of Tibetan culture that he gained at school benefited him in this process.

School is beneficial for me - I'm modern artist - oh no - not exactly artist - a student. And 1know, for modern artist, we are completely new in Tibetan society. For me, 1know little bit - major amount of Tibetan culture, and I can mix something with painting also - I can just put it in painting way. What is the Tibetan culture - it's totally new if I put it in modem art, it's new. And there's not that much modem artists in Tibetan (society), and you have to know cultural well - if you know well, then you cm do a lot in painting. Which is new force ... so this is advantage.

To some elders and more traditiondly minded Tibetans, Dawa might have been perceived as a renegade who was not respecting his culture. But Dawa's point of view is that he profoundly respects his culture, and sees within it room for growth and development. including creating new forms of expression for new generations of young Tibetans. He perceives himself not as a renegade, but as a champion of a new form and new potential for self-expression and representation. Since 1960, thousands of Tibetans have passed through the Tibetan exile schools, and the results have not always been what the parents hoped or expected. The exile experience, and forma1 secular education, opened up opportunities and modes of thinking for young Tibetans that their parents would never have been exposed to. The life experiences of the young were taking them in new directions that may have been fnghtening and confusing for their parents.

Hopes For the Future Yangchen took her school and cultural lessons to a universal level, which she felt would support throughout her Iife:

1think that one of the main things that I've been taught is to be a good human being. So, if you be a good human being, then everything will be corne out very easily. In our saying, we Say that, "If your heart is gwd, even the ways and paths will be good for you". Whatever you do, and whatever you're doing - we should have the wiiI to do - the determination to do something. You can't be always lazy and dl. .. . You have to do, and you must have the will and power to do.

Pema described her vision of how a free Tibet will be developed:

First we'll develop the community. Now we are refugee - we cannot do anything - we cannot do anything here. Suppose if we get our own freedom - own country - means we can develop the cutture and education and everything. There is no modem education in Tibet right now - they are not getting education. Suppose if we go back we can improve better facilities. At present we are facing problem - each and every step - suppose if the management -the management is also facing problem - the budget and something. Suppose if we get Our own country we cm develop something - we can raise. Everything we can do. We can never develop the arms - we never keep army in Tibet.

The interviewees expressed a variety of views on many topics, but this sense of optimism and hope for the future of Tibet was universal. They felt that their optimism was vital to keeping their energy fueled in terms of consciously working to preserve and promote their Tibetan identity. CWTER6 Interpretation and Recommendations In this study, post-structural theones of identity formation are illustrated and issues related to the Tibetan experience of forced diaspora are specified. Individual and national identities were rooted in historical contexts (Hall, 1996) and were forrned within the various "figured worlds" and social constxucts (Holland et al., 1998) inhabited by the interviewees. The interviewees referred to their pasts and their goals for the future in developing selfdefinitions. Despite their diverse backgrounds and life experiences the interviewees articulated some common values and beliefs. The use of interview data combined with a pst-structural theoretical orientation regarding fluidity and the multifaceted nature of identity helps to specify and articulate the variety of ways in which individuals in diverse circumstances may corne, nevertheless, to share important cornmon representations of themselves. The exile community as a whole has to contend with the realities of their diaspora situation. This includes working consciously and proactively to internalize cultural knowledge, to transmit it, and to maintain cohesion as an ethnic and cultural group. As a smdl minonty group within a densely populated and relatively poor country, Tibetans in India face economic challenges in addition to the challenges of avoiding assimilation into the majority cultures. Moreover, they are "stateless", without the rights and privileges that citizenship would offer. This helps to reinforce their desired sense of separateness and temporary statu in India, but also limits their freedoms to participate fully in Indian society and to travel to other countries. A further concem for the exiles is their public image and the way they are represented internationally. Representation has implications for their abilities to elicit financial and material support for the exile communities, and for their ability to gain support for their politjcal cause. Tibetan youth are faced with a vast array of influences, discourses, and expectaticns, often with competing and conflicting messages. Within their country, cultural genocide has been taking place since the 1950s. They are taught that they are the descendants of a great people and are the holders of a valuable legacy, which is an essential component not only of their own identities, but also of the heritage of the world. It is theû duty to honour their traditional heritage and to learn and carry on their traditionai knowledge and culture, while those inside Tibet are doing their best just to survive. Buddhist tradition infonns the methods and modes of the exiles' reactions to their experiences. Fiuidity, "difference", and concem over representation are al1 important issues in the Tibetan case. The rapid and drarnatic change in their living conditions and political circumstances require fluidity for the individual and for the collective. Clearly poriraying (representing) their uniqueness (difference) is a demand of a different type which they perceive as a requirement of their political circumstances.

Adaptive Responses in Exile Strategies that have been utilized by the Tibetan community in exile include relying on the school system to intemalize cultural knowledge and to teach political activism, intentionally isolating themselves (particularly youth) from the majority population, and utilizing the discourse of authoritative figures such as the Dalai Lama to build a cohesive community founded on goals and objectives that are generally agreed upon throughout the community. The support and encouragement that the Indian government has provided has been invaluable in that it has pemitted them to create and develop their own strucnires and institutions. Tibetan leaders have looked to other diaspora cornmunities for advice and examples of adaptive strategies that rnay be relevant and usefui in their case. A few weeks prior to my interview with Ngodup Tsering (Secretary of the Dept. of Education), he had visited several Reformed Jewish schools in New York State. He was encouraged by the fact that the schools appeared to be thriving, and was able to compare and contrat the Tibetan diaspora community with the Reformed Jewish community. He viewed Tibetans as king very adaptable to new environments.

We are easily adapting to new environments - maybe because we are in exile we are adapting. Buddhism has a cosmic viewpoint. All people are the sarne, so existing within other societies isn't such a problem. We see al1 people as fellow human beings. In comparison to the Jewish community in New York, Our sense of community is not so intense. Al1 people are seen as equal and there is no barrier between people. (N. Tsenng, personal communication, July, 1997) Tibetans do not see a contradiction between modem technology and their traditional values. The essentid aspects of their tradition are seen to be internal, involving a state of mind, a sense of ethics, and an intemal selkoncept of "Tibetan-ness". The extemal aspects of Iife, such as clothing, food, and work are considered to be of reiatively smali importance as compared to the internal aspects (R. K. Choegyal, personal communication, July, 1997). The degree of isolation from outside influences that the Tibetans strive for does not match that of the Amish, the Hutterites, or the Hasidim. Achieving complete isolation in exile did not seem possible or desirable to the Tibetans due to their own poverty, the poor conditions of their host country, and their ongoing political dilemma with the Chinese Government (Palakshappa, 2978). They have had to rely on financial assistance from outside their community, and as a result, to engage in interaction with donors and potential donors. On a political level, isolation dms not serve iheir intended ends. Learning the language and the modes of thinking of those outside the Tibetan comrnunity is essential. The youth were relatively sheltered from outsiders while in school, but as adults have had to make their own choices as to their level of engagement with influences outside their community and traditions.

Authoritative Discourse and Identities It seemed that the interviewees internaliztd the comrnunity's authoritative discourses regardin; the past and the hoped-for future of Tibet, intertwined it with their own experiences, and thus developed their own internally persuasive discourses. In the context of life in exile, authoritative discourse (Bakhtin, 198 1). accompanied by the interviewees' active engagement in the social worlds of their families and the school cornmunities, formed the basis of their descriptions of their identity construction processes. They described their families' hopes for them, but also made reference to their own observations and experiences of the hardships that their parents and other Tibetans endured. The construction of their personal identities took place within the contextual frarneworks of their pasts, defined by hardship and struggle. Interviewees clearly and easily articulated cultural practices, noms, uid values of parents, teachers, and Tibetan leaders, al1 of whom were in turn influenced by the Ddai Lama as a living penon, and as an important religious, historical, and symboiic figure. Authoritative figures led by overt instruction and by exarnple, and the interviewees assumed a position of openness, actively involved in the work of internalizing these authoritative discourses. In the "figured world" (Holland et al., 1998) of the Tibetan refugee youth, a strong sense of duty to the comrnunity, parents, and the Dalai Lama is a powerful motivating factor. The motivation begins with the authoritative voices of parents, and becomes intemalized through the students' own experiences and observations of the difficulties their parents endure. The students were encouraged to study, but they were also aware that their parents worked very hard and stniggled with poverty in order to keep them in school. Much of their parents' suffering appeared to be on their children's behalf. With that knowledge carne an extraordinary sense of responsibility on the part of the students to internalize a variety of authoritative discourses. These authoritative discourses (Bakhtin, 198 1) articulated by the Daiai Lama, their parents, and their Tibetan teachers and house-parents were perceived by the young people as vital in providing direction and encouragement and in teaching the "correct" modes of Tibetan ways of king. These figures were perceived to be acting out of genuine love and compassion and were easily trusteci. The Buddhist ideais of love and compassion were intrinsic to and supportive of the intemalization of authoritative discourses. The interviewees were strongly influenced by support, and by lack of support, equating their motivation to work hard and leam well to the level of caring they received from those in authority. They were far more willing to intemalize and assimilate authoritative dlscoune from people whom they perceived to be acting out of a genuine sense of love and caring than from' those, such as Indian teachers, not perceived in this way. Cognizant of the fluid and malleable nature of identity, prolonged association with other cultural communities was deliberately avoided. As young adults, most intentionally isoiated themselves as much as possible from Indian society by spending most of their time within Tibetan communities. They minimized the importance of authontative influences frorn outside their culture such as Indian teachers whom the interviewees felt were neutral or uncaring. There was an assumption that Tiktan adults would naturally be more caring, and Tibetan historical models were more important and relevant than others. Thus, potentially powerful influences from outside the community were minirnized. This mirrors the Huttente technique of minimizing the importance of outside influences. Influences and discourses originating within the community are held in higher esteem, and thus carry more potential for intemalization. The initial reluctance of the women to participate in the study, followed rapidly by enthusiastic engagement in the process, appeared to be evidence of their multifaceted identities (Hall, 1996), and the authontative power of traditional codes (Bakfrtin, 1981)- As proper, humble, young women, they could not allow themselves to be placed as spokespeople and experts in their own right, until the situation was pIaced in the context of supporting the broader community. They initially presented themselves to me as shy and demure, but once the decision to participate had been made, most spoke as fonhnght and assertive women. In the space of minutes, I was shown aimost opposing images of the women. There are several examples of women in Tibetan society who are revered for their political and social activism, so young Tibetan women are not without role models of women in the public eye. But the young women I met did not initialiy perceive themselves to be part of the same "figured world" as those powerful women. They were somewhat constrained by the authority of traditional codes of conduct, but the capability and willingness for innovation were not far below the surface. The male participants were also dealing with conflicting and evolving discourses. Nyima's case in particular illustrates a tension between discourses, ideals, and loyalties. He complied with his parents' wishes and agreed to refrain from seeking employment in an Indian Company, but there was disappointment in his tone. He has chosen, at least for now, to respect and respond to the authontative discourse of his parents, though he does not share their fears for his future. His parents' discourse is profoundly influenced by their understanding of the wishes of the Dalai Lama. Ironically, the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Administration have recently (in the 1990s) been advising new graduates to seek employment outside the Tibetan community. There are not enough jobs within the Tibetan institutions, and currently there are many college educated, unemployed, young Tibetans. Nyima's parents' explanation for their concerns reflected the concems of the Tibetan Administration in the earlier days of exile, when weil qualified Tibetans were in short supply.

Figured Worlds In the world of contemporary Tibetans, improvisation iakes place regularly. As a community. they were thrust in dramatic and abrupt fashion from one set of "figured worlds" (life in Tibet) into others (life in Xndia as refugees). The collective and the individuais within it, are reguIarly faced with new life situations that must be negotiated. The lives of the youth are radically different from those of their parents, and many of the experiences and expectations faced by the youth were not anticipated by the elders. The youth have exercised their creativity to improvise new modes of king and interpreting their world. The interviewees' discourse unveiled a variety of "figured worlds" (Holland et al., 1998) that they inhabited at various periods in their lives. The four themes that emerged from the interview data correlate to figured worlds that the interviewees have lived and worked within. Those "figured worlds" that stood out as king highly influential in identity constmction are: the world of refugees within the diaspora; the world of essential '"I'ibetan-ness" and nationaiism; the world of the Tibetan school student; and the figured world of college students and Tibetan young adults after school graduation.

Refugees in the Diaspora Perceptions of historical origins can be a powerful determinant in a person's process of "becoming". New discourses emerge with reference to previous understandings (Bakhtin, 198 1)- Identities are formed using the resources of, among other things, our histories (Hall, 1996). Historical and social contexts (Holland et al., 1998) inform and influence processes of identity formation and imaginings of "figured worlds". For the Tibetans, identity is a rnatter of belonging and not belonging: belonging to the diaspora community and equally not belonging to Xndian society. Idcntity, Power, Belonging The children who were brought to India from Tibet cary the weight of their parents' hopes and dreams for better futures for them and for Tibet. They know that rnost of the rationale for sending them out of Tibet was for them to lem the Tibetan culture, history and religion that they are restncted from leaming inside Tibet. The interviewees' recollections of their childhood in Tibet remind them of the responsibility they bear in taking the task of creating an interna1 sense of "Tibetan-ness" to heart. They know first hand the hardships under which their parents are stmggling, and know that their parents have held them out as candles of hope for a brighter future for themselves and for Tibet. A stereotype of Tibetan identity that is often presented to western audiences through media and Hollywood representations and "New Age" books and spiritual practices, is heavily weighted in favour of their identity as determined by Buddhist pnnciples and practice. The interviewees in this study described their Tibetan national identity as king based on Buddhism, but their discourse and personal identities were permeated with political references. Buddhist principles informed their reactions to their political dilemma. They identified themselves as highly nationalistic refugees, and life choices such as academic courses of study and career choices were made based on their perception of how they could best serve their country and their community. They justified the intensity of their sense of nationaiism in political terms, and expected that after Tibet is free they would be able to permit themselves to explore more varied individual identities. Now. in these difficult times, they felt that they must present a strong, unified front to each other, to China, and to the rest of the world. They clearly and forcefully expressed their understanding of the political power of identity (Hall, 1990). The selective process by which identities were claimed and represented was intentional and strategic (Hall, 1990). The interviewees were bom and raised within a society that considers itself to be under threat, and they were trained as activists from a very young age. They were born into a political cause, and the very real evidence of ongoing stnfe in Tibet kept their motivation alive. As refugees they expected themselves to have to work harder than others, and to hold themselves to a higher moral and ethical code. By ernphasizing their uniqueness and their differences from others, they remained emotionally detached from India. In this context cultural preservation was very much an act of power (Hall, 1990). If a primary objective of the Chinese Govemment has been to wipe out Tibetan identity, then each action or thought aimed at cultural preservation is a weapon of defiance against the invaders. As long as Tibetan identity exists in living bodies, the Chinese Government has not won. It is each individual's moral imperative to work to create and preserve his or her own sense of Tibetan identity, for the cause of Tibet. The interviewees were well aware of the potential political power that their sense of national identity and the alliances they --. formed could wield. A sense of unity among al1 Tibetans was expressed as a vital component of the exile experience, and was an imperative for political survival. The interviewees had a variety of experiences, and responded in different ways to those experiences, but shared a sense of optirnism that their political struggle will eventually end successfully, and that the comrnunity building process within Tibetan society is worth working at. Some of the interviewees had complaints about aspects of Tibetan society and Tibetan schools, but al1 the complaints were presented in the context of constructive criticism. Their belief in their community and their faith in the Dalai Lama's guidance led them to strive to be active participants in the task of serving the community and attempting to better it in tenns of materid and social conditions.

Identiîy, Power, Not Belonging The concept of identity as demarcating difference and exctuding others (Hall, 1990) was extremely important in this case. Repeatedly, Tibetan youth told me that they must be clear on who they are as Tibetans, and what 'Tibetan-ness" means. If they as Tibetans can't define themselves as distinct, and in particular as being distinctly different from the Chinese, then they wilI not have any right to argue their case for an independent Tibe:. They told me that even when they were still in the womb they heard their parents chanting, "Bo rangzen! Free Tibet". Now, as young adults, they have the responsibility to understand why a free Tibet is necessary, and why, beyond their genetic makeup, they have the right to demand that the rest of the world recognize them and help them in their efforts to free Tibet. The fact of king refugees. and of not belonging to India, were badges of honour which helped to maintain their determination to continue working for the cause of Tibet. They had an intellectual understanding of the fluid nature of identity (Hall, 1996) and fully expected that if they were made to feel more stable and secure in hdia they would be in danger of losing their sense of Tibetan nationalisrn and their will to fight for freedom. They also felt that greater immersion in Indian society would gradually whittle away at their sense of Tibetan self. The coming-to-consciousness (Bakhtin, 1983) they have had to develop as guests rather than owners of the land on which they live keeps them suspended and detached from their current life situation. They do not expect or desire a sense of permanence in India Tibetans often told me that despite the fact that in India they enjoy far greater freedoms to practice their religion and culture than they would in Chinese occupied Tibet, they generally do not feel a sense of attachment or belonging to India, and in order to maintain their conviction to free Tibet, they actively work towards preserving the distinction between themselves and their Indian neighbours. They were appreciative of the help and support that Indians had provided the Tibetans, but they typically referred to India as their "host" rather than their home. Even those Tibetans who were born in India are not given Indian citizenship, and this distinction helps to define their identity and their allegiance to Tibet. Tibetans in India are foreigners under the law, and have to renew their "residence certificate" rutnually, at the same office that foreign tounsts use to request visa extensions. Tibetans are regularly reminded by Indians and by each other that they are temporary guests, rather than part of India. In conversations with Indians and Tibetans in India, 1 have corne away with the impression that neither group has great interest in breaking through the social barriers between the communities. They live side by side, and while interaction remains generally friendly, relationships tend to be superficial. India is a poor country with a huge population, and the Tibetans don't expect Indians to be sympathetic to their pIight (R.K Choegyal, personal communication, July, 1997). In Indian society relatively rigid lines are drawn between social and religious cIasses (N. Tsenng, person communication, July, 1997). Tibetans do not expect to be able to break through those lines, nor do they typically express any desire to do so. Whether they would choose it or not if they perceived that they had true options, the lives of most Tibetans in India are reseicted to the Tibetan communities. Young Tibetans in India are confronted with the "very real threat of alienation: as individuals vis-&vis their group, and as a stateless ethnic collectivity facing the rest of the world" (Nowak, 1984, p. 15 1). This negative range of possibilities of king cut off and isolated from the Iarger society, is counterbalanced by the feeling of belonging, and the sense of purposehl Tibetan selfhood that is taught and constantly reinforced in the Tibetan comrnunity, including in the schools (Nowak, 1984).

When children are taught that their culture has such unique potential for worldwide beneficial influence, they are also king given the most powerful reason to remain Tibetan: self-esteem, meaningful identity, and even a sense of mission are ail intrinsic to the self-dp,finition so carefully fostered by the supportive Tibetan environment of these schools. (Nowak, 1984, p. 103)

The reality of diaspora has been difficult, especially for poor Tibetans who have great difficulty just paying for the train and bus tickets to visit other settlements, or attend religious teachings in other areas. The Dalai Lama has attempted to encourage Tibetans scattered around the world to maintain their optimism by telling them that king physically king together is not as important as being morally united, no matter where they happen to live (R. K. Choegyal, personal communication, July, 1997). Hall's (1997) characterization of people in diaspora as being "without the illusion of returning to the past" (p. 629) is complicated in this case. Tibetans do not expect or express desire to retum to the political structures of pre- 1959 Tibet. They have changed, and Tibet has changed irreversibiy. But they do expect to return to their homeland as governors of that land.

Essential Tibetan-ness and Nationalism In the process of preserving their cultural identity and acquinng new identities in exile, Tibetans make a distinction between essentials and alternatives in cultural beliefs and practices (Palakshappa, 1978). For them the essentials are those that are central or pivotal to the Tibetan way of life, such as religion, language, moral and ethical values, and aspects of family life. The alternatives are those that do not signifcantly alter their basic identity and which are essentid to living in the new socio-cultural environment, such as the means of livelihmd and the acquisition for the community of new political stmctures. The strategy in exile was to protect and nurture those aspects of their culture that were considered to be most essential, but dlow the more superficial aspects to be let go (R.K.Choegyal, personal communication, July, 1997). For example, it is not deemed necessary to Wear traditional Tibetan clothing, except on special occasions such as Tibetan New Year, the Dalai Lama's birthday, and occasions such as weddings. The clothing is not seen as practical outside Tibet, padcularly in the heat of India. The youth participating in this study saw cuitural identities as king firmly rooted in religious, linguistic, cultural, and political frameworks. Those factors provided the foundation on which other aspects of their sense of self could be constructed. Individual identities were generally treated as secondary in importance in relation to national/socio- political identi ty. The interviewees who were born in Tibet descxibed the intensity of their sense of "Tibetan-ness" less ernphatically than those born in India. Their persona1 experience and living connection to Tibet seemed to provide them an easier base on which to embody their national identities. Despite the fact that they had never seen Tibet, the Tibetans born in exile worked very consciously to instill in themselves a sense of bTibetan-ness". Their sense of solidity in their national identities seemed comparable to that of the people €rom Tibet, but their discourse on the issue was more overt. With guidance and encouragement from respected authorities, and with their own creative interpretations, they wove their persona1 and national historical frameworks together with the current social and political contexts in which they were engaged, and fashioned personal identities within which they could consider themselves to be "me Tibetans". Their versions of "essential" Tibetan-ness included modern innovations such as the quest for freedom, a reliance on modem modes of education, and a more tightly fused alliance with Tibetans from other regions than their parents would have expenenced. Their Tibetan-ness is not the same as their parents', but for them it is no less "tttle", and encompasses the core values that they consider essential and universal components of Tibetan-ness. They describe an "essential" Tibetan-ness, but freely acknowledge and take steps to deal with the fluidity and malleability of individual human identity. They place themselves within Tibetan environments with the specific intent of retaining their Tibetan identity. In expressing concern over what can happen when youth are exposed to outsiders, Pema acknowledged the fiuidity of identity (Hall, 1996), and the importance of active engagement in social contexts (Holland et al., 1998). She expected that if children were allowed to be more involved in the outside world they would be very likely to develop characteristics and practices that are less Tibetan. In the Tibetan exile case, the retelling and representation (Hall, 1996) of their identity is passionate and intense, and explicitly recognizes the belief that their survivai as a people depends on having a clear definition of the essence of 'Tibetan-ness", and knowing why it will benefit the world if they embody and maintain this essence. Post- structural theories (Hall, 1996, Holland et al., 1998) reject the notion of "essentialism", but in this context the Tibetan definition of an essential identity is a generally agreed upon philosophical ideal, internalized through instruction and intense active engagement. The creation of an essential '"Tibetan-ness" is seen as an act of political necessity - it is strategic and positional (Hall, 1996). The interviewces descnbed an "essential" Tiktan-ness based on Buddhist principles and historical relationships with the land and culture, but they also hilly acknowledge that this "essence" was leamed. They recognized their need to actively engage in 'Tibetan" leming. and cited examples of people they knew who were genetically Tibetan, but due to lack of opportunities for engagement had not leamed Tibetan cultural characteristics. The description of national identity as both "essential" and "taught" (therefore imagined) was presented confidently and unapologetically. The message was essentially that if identity must be constructed to meet important social and political goals, so be it. As observed by Venturino (1997), the interviewees were clear that in many ways, their constructed identities were a means to an end, rather an end in itself. Within the community in exile there is concern over the threat of assimilation into Indian or Western society. On this Ievel, the idea of an "essentiai" Tibetan identity works to convince the Tibetans themselves that their Tibetan-ness is their unique birthright. it is a precious gift that they should cherish, and it is their gift to the worid- The interviewees assumed that if they as a community were to relax in their overt efforts to teach, preserve, and perpetuate their culture, Tibetan identity would be lost forever. Individuds took on this task as their personal responsibility. Tibetans in exile are aware of the allegations that the Chinese are cornmitting genocide against the Tibetans in Tibet, and as a result of the threat, Tibetans of al1 ages feei a deep responsibility to keep their culture alive. The Indian bom generation is very rnuch aware of the power of language, specifically their Tibetan language, to define their identity as a distinct ethnic group (Nowak, 1984). Nationalism, special regard for the Dalai Lama, particular identification with Buddhisrn, concern for continuity and emphasis on the Tibetan language, converge in supporting a sense of cultural uniqueness so much a part of Tibetan young peoples ethnic self-definition (Nowak, 1984). Self-esteem was linked to a feeling of belonging and membenhip in the Tibetan community. This was directly related to having a feeling of king "true Tibetan", and actively working for Tibetan freedom. The message that parents and Tibetan leaders had been giving the youth about their duty to study well and to free Tibet had become deeply ingrained within their self images.

Tiûetan School Experience In their school years the Tibetan youth were placed in environments in which they were expected to intemalize Tibetan knowledge and values, and ultimately emerge from school as "me Tibetans". TCV school was presented as a microcosm of Tibetan society. In their school years, TCV students were taught to be Tibetan through instruction and immersion within a frarnework created and defined by authoritative figures. Tibetan cultural and political learning were included in every aspect of school life. The CTS schools also taught 'Tibetan-ness", but not as intensely within the classroom. CTS day students lived with their parents in remote Tibetan scttlements, isolated from Indian society. While attending Tibetan schools, al1 the interviewees were protected from outside influences. Their school years were characterized by intense active engagement in Tibetan worlds, with Little opportunity to involve themselves in life outside the Tibetan cornmuni ty. The Tibetan schools utilize a phi!osophical framework reflecting Holland et aI.3 (1998) concept that identity formation td~tsplace within active engagement. Program planners utilize every opportunity to place youth in situations in which they will engage in the act of king '"Tibetan", and through school projects and academic exercises they are meant to explore and develop their own understandings of Tibetan-ness. The concept of fluidity of identity and the necessity for active engagement in social settings vas well illustrated in Yangchen's case. She felt that attending the Tibetan school and having a close association with so many Tibetans had not just given her knowledge, but had changed her thinking. This was a change that she welcomed, and hungrily worked to internalize, rapidly transforming authoritative discourses into her own voice and her own internally persuasive discourse. By teaching the Lhasa (Central Tibetan) dialect as standard Tibetan for al1 refugees in exile, the schools are consciously setting out to produce a younger generation more homogeneous than previous generations. It is hoped that they will put their national identity ahead of possible Tibetan regional loyalties (No wak, 1984). Textboo ks stress the unity of Tibet and the Tibetan people and serve as a means of informing the students about those aspects of their traditional culture that could not be transplanted to India The schools are instrumental in promoting nationdistic attitudes. As noted by Nowak (1984) in her study on Tibetan youth, samples of students writing included evidence of intense nationalism, fervent acknowledgment of the Dalai Lama as a charismatic leader, the unique association of Buddhism with Tibetan identity, the focus on ancestral continuity, the emphasis on language, traditions, customs, and what might be called 'proper modes of interaction", and the sense of cultural uniqueness (p. 88). The students are taught to regard themselves as heirs to a distinct and noble tradition, which in turn leads them to perceive their "feelings, habits, and customs" as king "entirely different" from those of the Chinese and the Indians (Nowak,1984, p. 89). The schools were seen to be essential components of the cultural preservation process. The interviewees, without exception, were profoundly grateful to have had the

% opportunity to attend Tibetan schools. They credited the schools with instilling in them an unshakable sense of Tibetan identity and a sense of optimism for the future of the Tibetan people. In cornparison to their view of their parents' struggle to survive, the interviewees appeared empowered and confident. They possessed Tibetan cultural knowledge, as well as modem modes of knowledge and conduct that would support them in their attempts to survive in exile, and in Tibet after freedom. The various aspects of their identities were developed in tandem (Holland et al., 1998). The blend of traditional and modem knowledge was instilled in them through immersion in Tibetan communities whiIe simultaneously attending Tibetan schools.

Life After Tibetan School: Change and Continuity After high school graduation, the youth were faced with the necessity to more consciously utilize their capabilities for innovation. The process of charting their academic direction became an endeavor of personal creativity. Their parents remained strong authoritative forces in their lives, but for guidance in their joumey through the school system, most ultimately relied on other authoritative figurks (e.g. teachers), peers, and their own creativity. In choosing to pursue training as a social worker, Lobsang created a new form in which he felt he could be of service to the Tibetan community and the world. He continued to seek advice from supportive friends and teachers, but ultimately improvised his own career path. Dawa linked his creative inspiration to his historical and cultural roots, and was in the process of improvising a mode of artistic expression more relevant to him than the ngid traditional forms. His family had encouraged him to acquire a modem education, but were disturbed that it took him in an unconventional direction. Dawa had developed and chenshed a strong individual identity and could not accept what he perceived to be traditional confines. He had a strong sense of his 'Tibetan-ness" in conjunction with his identity as an individual, and saw room for flexibility and improvisation within those roles. College represented the first time in their lives that the interviewees tmly lived as minorities within the larger Indian society. Being a foreigner becarne an identification marker, and a source of pride. Some aspects of what it means to be Tibetan came into sharper focus when the interviewees juxtaposed thernselves with Indian classmates. Interviewees compared themselves with Indians and other foreignen, and identified themselves as "di fferent", w ith a heightened sense of nationalism and appreciation for their cultural roots and the fact of having experienced hardships. Living amongst othea also highlighted aspects of "Tibetan-ness" that were perceived as deficiencies or hindrances in the larger world (e.g. shyness). There is research literature on shyness of Native American students in schooI settings (Levinson et al., 1996) as a form of resistance, but this did not appear to be the case for the Tibetan students. The interviewees attributed their "shyness" in their Tibetan school years to several factors. In some cases it was described as a reaction to teasing and ridicule by Indian teachers and by Tibetan classmates. They aiso strongly attnbuted their shyness to "polite" Tibetan behaviour, inchding the assertion that it is an aspect of - "essential" Tibetan character ('Tibetans are shy by nature"). This behaviour seemed appropriate to them whiie in the Tibetan school setting, but in College they felt that it becarne an obstacle rather than a respected character trait. Through innovation and creativity many of the interviewees worked to adjust their self-definitions to become more assertive and forthright. Separation from the Tibetan community allowed them to see themselves through a different lens, and forced them to alter certain aspects of their identities. This also illustrates the fluidity even those aspects of identities considered to be "essential". For pragmatic reasons related to success outside the Tibetan communities, the youth felt that "shyness" should and could be shifted to fil1 a Iess "essential" role in their identities. The selective and additive process of identity formation and manipulation is one of Gibson and Ogbu's (199 1, 1997) positive indicators of school success in minority students. Gibson and Ogbu (1991, 1997) primarily studied minority youth who were immersed in mainstream schools. While the Tibetans were in their separate schools they were not able, or perhaps were not even motivated, to shift the "shyness" aspect of their identities, but shyness became a significant obstacle for them when they moved to Indian colleges and were suddenly switched to the "figured world" of minority students immersed in mainstream settings. It was at this stage of life, in a new social context. that they engaged in the innovative processes of identity manipulation with the goal of achieving more effective survival strategies. When college threw them into entirely new "figured worlds", some were disturbed and shocked, but dl utilized their capabilities for innovation and creativity to negotiate the new experiences. Some twk the opportunity of the college experience to actively work at redefining aspects of their personai identities, but not in ways that challenged the perceived essentials. The predominant theme for the interviewees in their adult iives was a sense of duty. This included a sense of duty to obey the Dalai Lama and their parents, duty to serve Tibetan society, and duty to embody and maintain their identities as Tibetans. They expected themselves to serve Tibetan society to the best of their ability, and to actively work to free Tibet. As young adults, they had to preserve their commitment to the cause of Tibet, because if they relaxed in their devotion, then there would be no hope for the generations of Tibetans who will follow them. Most of the interviewees chose careers that placed them in a position of being of service to the community. They expressed that parents and other authority figures instilled this sense of duty to serve. They felt that they owed a debt to the Tibetan Government-in-Exile and had a strong sense of duty to work for the cause of Tibet. Active work for the Tibetan community was an essential ingredient to their self-esteem. The few interviewees who expressed a desire to work outside of Tibetan institutions still maintained that no matter what work they do, they still expect themsehes to actively include the cause of Tibet in their lives, in one fonn or another. While every interviewee described himself or herself as fervently nationalistic, they did not al1 have the sme sense of how their national identity would CO-existwith their individual identities. They al1 received essentiaily the same messages in the form of authoritative discourse, but they responded to that discourse in a variety of ways (Holland et al., 1998). Some appeared to describe themselves as unquestioningly faithhl to the authoritative forces that guided them. The Dalai Lama, parents, and teachers were seen to be benevolent and truly caring, therefore it was the duty of the youth to trust and follow their guidance. Other interviewees challenged the relevance of some traditional modes of "Tibetan-ness" to life in these modem times. Specific Tibetan culturd practices such as "shyness" and "respect" were seen as out-moded, or at least they were believed to be often misunderstd and improperly applied. They also saw some authority figures as being out of touch with modem realities. Institutional factors and authoritative influences seemed designed to prevent non-conformity (e-g. students had difficulty getting help gaining admittance to non-traditional college programs), but some youth worked to maneuver around these barriers. They saw room for growth, movement, and development of Tibetan culture, and were confident that shifts in personal and national identities could take place without nsking their "core" of Tibetan-ness. The modes and methods of being that were contrived by the youth did not necessarily match their parents' expectations, and some parents were frightened and confused by the directions the youth appeared to be headed. The youth perceived themselves as being absoiutely tme to the cause of Tibet, though they knew that they were inventing new forms of action and representation. Most of the interviewees were placed in Tibetan environments from the time of their birth, and recognized that this immersion, and their intense, active involvement in school and comrnunity activities, were essential factors in their processes of identity construction. They were strongly influenced by their parents' wishes and concerns. Some had developed their own innovative ideas around career choices, but most did not stray far from their understanding of their parents and the communities' ideals. They were born into the "figured world" of Tibetan refugees, and by the time they reached adulthood they were, dong with the development of their interndly persuasive discourse, making individual, personal choices to remain there.

Coherence - Stated Goals of the Education System vs Outcornes It appears frorn the students' responses that many aspects of the education system are working as intended by school and community leaders. The students believe that they are "better peopleT*as a result of the system, and they value the personal qualities they developed as a result of immersion in Tibetan society. They value the cultural and political knowledge they gained through their schooling, and they believe that the separate school system is essential to the process of cultural transmission and continuity. There was some tension ktween the isoiation in school, the freedom of college life, and then the responsibilities of adulthood. The roles, realities, and obstacles the youth face as adults do not aiways match the expectations and hopes of parents and the larger community. The challenge in achieving a workable balance is to impart Tibetan values and knowledge without holding the reigns so tight that 'Tibetan-ness" becomes a hindrance to participation in the larger world, or to progress in sociwconornic or socio-political realms. Some students felt that they had learned this balance by teaching themselves or following examples others set in college. They saw the isolation of the Tibetan schools as important to a certain extent, but somewhat overdone. In particular, many students who boarded at TCV did not feel equipped to take care of themselves on leaving school. They faced the emotional dilemma of feeling both profoundly attached and appreciative of their Tibetan training, and also hindered by this sarne training. The interviewees indicated that they felt the goals of developing "good people", and "tme Tibetans" were being achieved with great success in the school system, but in some senses those first two goals becarne barriers to the third - that of economic survival, and survivd in the Iarger world outside the traditional form of the Tibetan community. Some felt that more openness and willingness to change was needed within the school system and throughout the community.

Implications For Tibetan Society The Tibetan community in exile continues to face the challenge of achieving balance in its attempts to honour their history, experience, and the sacrifices of the elders, whiie at the same time respecting the youth's abilities, experiences, and creativity in building a sense of hope and forging a future for Tibet and the Tibetan peopIe. The youth are maintaining a sense of "Tibetan-ness", but not necessarily in the ways that the authoritative figures had intended or anticipated. From what cm appear at first glance to be a society based on comrnon values and shedhistorical frames of reference, a variety of responses emerged from the youths' discourse. They have intzrpreted those values in a variety of ways and have chosen to implement them differently in their lives. Despite diverse responses, sorne important core values have been retained. Change and adaptation has been an ongoing occurrence, and there is every reason to expect that more change and necessity for adaptation and improvisation can be expected in the future. These outcornes provide a glimpse of some elements of the experience of identity in Tibetan refugee youth in India, but there are many areas that could be expanded upon in further studies. It may be that further complications and layers of the experience of "Tibetan-ness" are present in youth who are living in larger cities outside the Tibetan settlernents (e.g. in Delhi or Mumbai). There may also be differences in the experiences of youth who are not academicaily inclined, or who have found work in other areas such as the handicraft industry, agriculture, or businesses such as sweater selling. This thesis involved youth who were relatively well educated because English was a requirement for the interview. It was also geographically restricted to Dhararnsaia because of time constraints and difficult travel logistics. Dharamsala is the politicai centre of the Tibetan exile community, and a tourist centre. The Dalai Lama lives in Dharamsala, so residents of that town many have more frequent opportunities to see and hear him speak than Tibetans from other regions. A broader picture of identity construction processes rnay be obtained by furiher research involving a more diverse group of Tibetan youth-

Implications For Minority Schling The case of Tibetan refugees involves a number of unique factors absent from previous studies of minonty youth. Tibetans are refugees in a country that has serious economic and social problems of its own, so they do not expect their host country to make their concems a priority. An important aspect of the Tibetan mission in India is to prepare for their journey back to Tibet by keeping their culture alive and by producing skilled, trained workers to fit into the modem socio-economic and socio-political world. The perception and regular reminders that the Tibetan culture is under threat of extinction inside Tibet reinforce the intensity of pressure on exiles to preserve their culture. The community is trying to achieve a balance between physicd and cultural survival. They have not rejected rnodemity in the way that groups such as the Amish or the Hasidim have, but the Dalai Lama, parents, trachers, and community leaders caution the youth to remember that their pnorities should be based on Tibetan values, and the struggle to free Tibet. They are not forcibly cut off from the outside worId, but they are encouraged to value the Tibetan world more. Some of the findings presented by Gibson (1997) are relevant to the Tibetan situation. Refugees were found to be less driven by economics and job aspirations than other types of immigrants. They were less interested in adapting to the ways of the new country if they anticipated that they would be returning to their homeland. In this case, Tibetans see a limit to their possibilities in their new land, and do not expect this situation to change. They do not expect India to accept them other than as temporary guests, and keeping an emotional distance from the land in which they are living serves their own political purposes. The "tourist" attitude described by Ogbu and Simons (1998) is clearly evident in the interviewees' discourse. They emphatically described themselves as not Indian. Gibson and Ogbu's (199 1) characterization of minority youth can be furthered in this exploration of Tibetan refugees. A number of factors were found to be significant in the success of minority youth, including their reasons for leaving the homeland and the circumstances of their amival in their new country (Gibson Br Ogbu, 1991). Furthermore, minority youth were found to be most successful in school when they felt anchored in the identities of their communities and were supported in strategies of selective or additive acculturation (Gibson, 1997). Refugees took on the attitude of "tourist" in their new home (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). In this case, Tibetans entered into their new world with the full expectation thai ûieir stay there would be temporary. They had no desire to assimilate, and were not particularly attracted to Indian society. They leamed to survive in exile, but made efforts to avoid laying down material or emotional roots that might weaken their determination to return to Tibet. An advantage to them in this process was that the Indian Govemment respected their desire to define themselves as temporary guests, and assisted them in the process of setting up separate Tibetan schools and institutions that could help them to maintaio their distinct identity. Neither the Indian Govemment nor the Indian population criticized them for their choice. A few of the interviewees specifically expressed that their Indian college-mates treated them like foreigners, and they were content with this characterization. The "tourist" attitude of refugees described by Ogbu and Simons (1998) is not simply adopted here, but is actively and energetically promoted by al1 players. Gibson (1997) noted that school success of minority youth appeared to be Iinked to their feelings of king strongly rooted in the identities of their families and cornrnunities. This study does not specifically address school success in terms of academic achievement, but each of the interviewees considered their connection with their culture to 'be a highly significant positive factor for them in school. School success is not the primary motivator for Tibetans. Success in cultural survival is seen as more important than school or economic success. That having ken said, many interviewees specifically described cultural factors in their schools as essential in creating a sense of safety and belonging, and in motivating them to smdy and work hard. Their ultimate goal was not school or economic success, but achieving success in those areas was seen as an essentiai tool in attaining the real goal, political freedom for Tibet.

Recommendations An essential part of educational research is to extrapolate from the data anaiysis and interpretations, recommendations constructed to guide future policy and practice. In this case, since I am an outsider, it would not be appropriate to make recommendations to the Tibetan Government-in-Exile. 1 hope that my observations and interpretations wili be of assistance, but it is up to Tibetans themselves to decide how to proceeii from here. 1 see this work as taking the role of a mirror in which outcornes of the education systern and other policies and structures of the Tibetan exile community can be cornpared with the intents of authoritative figures. In a more general context also relevant to educators outside the Tibetan community, an important result of this research is a different angle from which to view authoritative discourse. Ofien, the authoritative and authmitarian are fused and enforced repressively with external force and displays of power. This inquiry helps to shift the focus. The adaptive responses in this case are shaped by the particular situational politicai conditions, but the transcendent factor is the focus on caring, love, and being a good person as a means to an end. Rather than authority wielded by force, the authoritative discourse here focuses on the minimum basic requirements of physicai and spiritual health, and on education. This research reveals sorne layers in the ways in which authoritative discourse is interndized. In this case there are political issues regarding representation and ideologicd frameworks based on Buddhist values. Authority is intricately connected to love and compassion. The authoritative voice understands the importance of individuds' sense of agency and purpose in making these discourses their own. This study dso has implications for how political resistance to other authoritative discourse can be sustained. Authority wielded by force rather than caring is resisted on an ideological level. Ventunno's (1997) assertion that post-structural theories on identity do not adequately address the Tibetan exile case are contested here. While Tibetans do claim an "essentidism", even this essentialism must be dialogically and interactively constructed in ways unique and specific to the individual. From the distanced vantage point of an outsider it cm seem thrit "essential" Tibetan values and beliefs are effortlessly internalized by the youth, but authorities and the youth themselves understand that dialogue, engagement, and agency are vital in the process of "becoming", as are caring and love. "Essentialism" in this case is brought about without totalitarianism. APPENDIX A

Intemew Protocol - Interview Protocol

In order to establish some background, each interview began with questions on biographical information such as the interviewee's birthplace (the region rather than the specific location), and a brief farnily history. The participants were asked to briefly describe the circurnstances of their families' arriva1 in India, and their parents' occupation.

The following questions constituted the core of the interviews:

1. When you reflect back on your experiences as a student in the Tibetan school, what stands out for you as the most important thing about your school experiences?

2. What would you descnbe as the best expenence of king in the Tibetan school?

3. What experiences of being in the Tibetan school were the most difficult for you?

4. As you were getting ready to complete your schooling, what did you plan that you would do after completing school?

S. Tell me about the work or schooling that you are now involved in.

6. Do you feeI that you were well prepared for your current work or schooling?

7. Do you feel that school prepared you for Iife as a Tibetan living in India? - in what ways do you feel that it has prepared you? - in what ways do you feel that it has not prepared you? APPENDUS B

Interviewees Interviewees (Ordered by birfhplace and type of school)

Table 2: Intemewees: School Atténded and Family Home Pseudonvm Gender Birthdace Familv Home

Jigme male Tibet Boards at TCV* Village in Tibet Lobsang male Tibet Boards at TCV Village in Tibet Norbu male Tibet Boards at TCV Village in Tibet

Dawa male Exile Boards at TCV Northwest India Nyima male Exile Boards at TCV Northwest India Tenzin male kile Boards at TCV Eastern lndia Wangmo female Exile Boards at TCV South India Yangchen female Exile TCV day student Northwest lndia

Dickyi fernale Exiie CTS" day school South lndia Dolma female Exile CTS day school South lndia Kelsang female Exile CTS day school South lndia Pema female Exile CTS day school South India Tashi male Exile Boards at CTS South lndia

Table 3: interviewees: PostlSecondary Education and Employment Pseudonvm Gender Birtholace Education Jigme male Tibet College CTA"' office worker Lobsang male Tibet College TCV employee Norbu male Tibet Vacational training Working in a Tibetan Institution Dawa male Exile Vocational training Self employed - modem artist Nyirna male Exile College unemployed Tenzin male Exile College TCV empioyee Wangmo female Exile College CTA office worke r Yangchen female Exile College

Dickyi female Exile Coilege CTA office worker Dolma female Exile none CTA office worker Kelsang fernale Exile College CTA office worker Pema fernale Exile College CTA office worker Tashi male Exile College CTA office worker

~t TCV is Tibetan Children's Village ** CTS is Central Tibetan Schools * CTA is the Central Tibetan Administration Notes:

' This is an affirmative action initiative of the Indian government intended to promote hiring of people previously known as "untouchables".

'The Kalachakm initiation is an important Buddhist teaching. The Dalai Lama delivered the teaching that Norbu attended-

'*om mani padïne hum" is the Buddhist mantra (prayer) of Chenresig (Avalokiteshvara), the Buddha of compassion, and the patron deity of Tibet. This mantra is the prayer most often recited in Tibetan society, and can be heard daily in Tibetan homes. outdoors in Tibetan public spaces, and on footpaths as people stroll and pray.

'"Rangzen" is the Tibetan word for "!ieedom**. A slogan always shouted at Tibetan fieedom marches and demonstntions is "Bo rangzen", meaning, "Free Tibet".

Schools in India use the term "quit" to refer to an activity similar to classroom "Jeopardy"

6 ''Cho" = religion, "gen" = teacher References

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