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Published Editions and Anthologies of the 19Th Century: Music of the Renaissance Or Renaissance Music?

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Published Editions and Anthologies of the 19Th Century: Music of the Renaissance Or Renaissance Music? Published Editions and Anthologies of the 19th Century: Music of the Renaissance or Renaissance Music? Leeman L. Perkins his essay represents an attempt to clarify – to whatever extent possible T– some of the ways in which the historical concept of a Renaissance was defined for music in the course of the 19th century. It takes as a point of de- parture a fundamental assumption and a matter of history. The assumption is that our understanding of the music of any given period is essentially dependent upon the repertory available for study. And the well-documented historical fact is that the 19th century was for Europe a period of growing historicism with respect to the music of its past. If one goes back as far as the late 15th century, music more than about 40 years old was not considered worth hearing – if the view of Johannes Tinctoris is in any way typical. By mid-16th century Heinrich Glarean had extended that interval to 70 years, but in the 16th and 17th centuries generally there is little evidence of interest in music that was not in more or less current repertory, dating back at most a generation or so. Even in the 18th century, which saw the beginnings of serious historical research into the music of earlier periods typified in the work of authors such as Hawkins, Burney, and Forkel, the approach could be described as antiquarian in nature. The compositions surviving from earlier times were viewed largely as curious (and usually as rather crude) relics. By contrast the 19th century is characterized more and more by an interest in the compositions of previous periods as they actually sounded, as artistic creations with their own stylistic norms and valid esthetic appeal. Some works, at least, were beginning to be studied not merely in the abstract as vestiges of more primitive stages in the evolutionary discovery of tonality and the “laws” of harmony, but rather as products of highly developed contrapuntal skills, as music capable of moving “modern” listeners as well. — La Renaissance et sa musique au XIX siècle, éd. Philippe Vendrix, CESR, Tours, 2004, pp. 92-128 — 04-Perkins 91 14/05/2004, 8:06 92 Leeman L. Perkins Certain repertories began in fact to be viewed as warranting recovery, not just for the sake of history but as music deserving to be brought back to life in performance and reintegrated into the cultural, social, and even the religious life of the time. This was true of the vocal polyphony – in particular the sacred polyphony – of the 15th and 16th centuries, especially of the late 16th century, and the effect of this new perspective may be seen in the inclusion of such works in the programs of choral concerts, festivals, and workshops as well as liturgical services, and, no less clearly, in the growing number of publications intended to make the music available not simply for study but also – and perhaps even primarily – for performance. A typical, if unusually stellar, example of this kind of interest in the po- lyphony of the 16th century is that demonstrated by Anton Friedrich Justus Thibaut (1772-1840).¹ Thibaut, who may have heard Forkel lecture on music during his student days at the University of Göttingen, began early on to collect sacred vocal music and folksongs. In 1805 he settled in Heidelberg, where he had been named professor of Roman law at the University, and where – more importantly, for our purposes – he became in 1811 the director of an amateur chorus, the Heidelberger Singverein, which usually gave about four concerts a year featuring vocal polyphony from the 16th through the 18th centuries. Beginning in 1814 the Singverein met weekly in his house, where occasional visitors included such luminaries as Goethe, Tieck, Mendelssohn, and Schumann. During those years Thibaut continued to collect sacred vocal music suit- able for use by his chorus, sending some of his young friends to foreign lands at considerable expense to acquire works of interest. By this steady process of accretion his collection became one of the largest of its kind and attracted the attention of both Zelter and Kiesewetter. Thibaut made no attempt to dissemi- nate in printed form the works that had come thus into his hands. However, he did publish (in 1824) a book, Über die Reinheit der Tonkunst, which must have been widely influential at the time to judge from the numerous printings through which it passed in the course of the 19th century; the 7th edition appeared as late as 1893 with explanatory notes and a biography of the author. In this work Thibaut defined “purity” (Reinheit) in a variety of ways, but applied the notion principally to the vocal polyphony of the 16th through the 18th centuries – from Palestrina to Handel – repertory for which he proposed the term “classical,” not in an historical sense but on the basis of critical and esthetic judgments. 1 Concerning Thibaut, see Richard D. Green, The New Grove Dictionary of Music (hereafter New Grove), 18, pp. 766-67; also Willi Kahl, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart (hereafter MGG), 13, col. 333-34. — La Renaissance et sa musique au XIX siècle, éd. Philippe Vendrix, CESR, Tours, 2004, pp. 92-128 — — La Renaissance et sa musique au XIX siècle, éd. Philippe Vendrix, CESR, Tours, 2004, pp. 92-128 — 04-Perkins 92 14/05/2004, 8:06 Published Editions and Anthologies of the 19th Century 93 Thibaut’s immediate contemporary – and in a sense his French counterpart – was Alexandre Choron.² In 1805 Choron began to publish, in relatively in- expensive editions, the music of Josquin, Goudimel, Palestrina, and Carissimi, then that of Italian and German composers, going forward until the time of J.S. Bach (see below, Collected Editions and Musical Monuments, hereafter cemm, p. 23). Despite the political instability in France in the following decades, he was able to continue fostering an interest in these earlier repertories through the establishment in 1818 of an Institution Royale de Musique Classique et Religieuse. During the 1820s, before the school foundered for want of sufficient funding, Choron’s students joined with those of other institutions in choral festivals held at the cathedral of Notre-Dame in Paris, at the church of St. Sulpice, and at a number of provincial cathedrals as well. Included on the program for these events, in addition to more usual fare – oratorios of the baroque period and more con- temporary repertoire – was the vocal polyphony of the 15th and 16th centuries. Choron’s editions were soon largely replaced by those of Commer, Rochlitz, Proske, and others, but for the time they were invaluable and much used. In addi- tion, his impact on students, teachers, organists, and choral singers was apparently widespread. Among them was Adrien de La Fage (1805-62), who was first his pupil, then his assistant. Although de La Fage did not carry on Choron’s activities as a publisher of the vocal polyphony of the 16th century, he is remembered for his studies of the music and theory of earlier periods. These have reached the present in part through the publication of his Cours complet de plain-chant (Paris, 1855-56), Extraits du catalogue critique et raisonné d’une petite bibliothèque musicale (Rennes, 1857), and Essais de dipthérographie musicale (Paris, 1864). The latter two are particularly useful because of references to manuscripts and documents that have since been lost.³ The growing historicism in 19th-century Europe and the rediscovery of the vocal polyphony of the 15th and 16th centuries went hand-in-hand with another powerful movement of the time, Caecilianism, the attempt to reform the musical practices associated with the celebration of the liturgy in the Catholic Church.⁴ The origins of the Cecilian Societies can presumably be traced – in some sense at least – to the commission of cardinals appointed at the Council of Trent (1564/65) to consider the use of polyphonic music in the ritual observances of the church. Caecilian Societies were subsequently formed, apparently as a more or less direct consequence, in a number of important Catholic centers such as Vienna, Passau, and Munich – significantly, all of them in northern Europe. 2 Concerning Choron, see Arthur Hutchings, New Grove, 4, pp. 340-41. 3 Cf. Gustave Chouquet/Arthur Hutchings, New Grove, 10, pp. 356-57. 4 Concerning the Caecilian movement, see Winfried Kirsch, “Caecilianismus,” MGG (new edition), 2, col. 317-26. — La Renaissance et sa musique au XIX siècle, éd. Philippe Vendrix, CESR, Tours, 2004, pp. 92-128 — — La Renaissance et sa musique au XIX siècle, éd. Philippe Vendrix, CESR, Tours, 2004, pp. 92-128 — 04-Perkins 93 14/05/2004, 8:06 94 Leeman L. Perkins In 1868 the movement came of age institutionally with the founding, during the Katholikontag in Bamberg, of the Allgemeinen Cäcilien-Verein. That organization and its fundamental purposes were recognized two years later by a bull from Pope Pius IX (“Multum ad commovendis animos”). From its main centers in Germany, including Trier, Cologne, and especially Regensburg, the Caecilian Society spread in the 1880s to other nations: Belgium, Holland, Bohemia, Italy, Ireland, the USA, and later to Poland, Hungary, and France as well. The primary focus of this effort was of course the plainchant itself, which was regarded as the only “true” church music. Chant was seen as setting the standard for any other music used in a liturgical setting because of its adaptation to and its close association with the sacred texts; its declamatory power was thought to help make the words intoned clearer and more easily comprehensible. Early efforts at reforming the chant, such as those undertaken by Choron and La Fage in France and Pietro Alfieri in Rome (see below), were eventually superseded by the massive scholarly effort undertaken by the Benedictine monks of Solesmes.
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