Industrial Vulnerability Alternative Strategies for the Industrial Valleys of Navarra

INDUSTRIAL VULNERABILITY ALTERNATIVE STRATEGIES FOR THE INDUSTRIAL VALLEYS OF NAVARRA

JESUS GARATE - EMU thesis 2013

1 2 INDUSTRIAL VULNERABILITY ALTERNATIVE STRATEGIES FOR THE INDUSTRIAL VALLEYS OF NAVARRA

JESUS GARATE - EMU thesis 2013 Mentors: - Vincent Nadin - Paola Vigano’ - Birgit Hausleitner

Readers - Wim Wambecq - Taneha Bacchin

3 Fig. 02: Lesaka

6 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my mentors Prof. Vincent Nadin and Paola Viganó for their support and guidance. I am also grateful to Birgit Hausleitner, third mentor, and Diana Garcia for their useful comments and kind advices. My special thanks are extended to the rest of the academic staff that I had the opportunity to meet during the master. I am particularly thankful to Bernardo Secchi for his encouraging words in Venezia. The result of the present thesis would not have been possible without the support of my EMU colleagues and friends: Carlos Rafael Salinas, Lucile Ado, Johanna Jacob, Perrine Frick and Olga Balaoura. I don´t forget all the people I had the pleasure to interview: Jose Luis, Enrique, Ramon, Teresa, Michel, Itziar, Miguel, Jose, Luis, Eloi, Koro, Iñaki and Javier, among others. I wish to thank my friends: Miren, Allende, Igor, Aitor and Ismael for the long conversations during these months.

To my parents and sister: Jesus, Encarnacion and Begoña.

7 Fig. X: Orbaizeta. Abandoned Weapons factory (1784-1888)

8 TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. INTRODUCTION 7. CASE STUDY: CORRIDOR 1, BIDASOA 2. RESEARCH QUESTION a. Description 3. METHODOLOGY b. Industrial landscape and issues a. Literature overview c. Environmental values b. Data compilation d. Diff erent lifestyles c. Site visits and appraisals e. Coworking d. Interviews with the key actors 8. VISION/FINDINGS 4. INDUSTRY AS CATALYSER a. Introduction/Findings a. Economic activities and spatial development of b. Uncertainty cities and regions c. Shrinkage b. Industrial stages d.Common Vision c. The role of state: endogenous vs. exogenous e. Vision Statement development 9. STRATEGIES d. Vulnerable and dynamic regions a. Introduction e. Spatial and social consequences of b. Common identities de-industrialization. c. Recycling 5. THE CASE: NAVARRA Self-suffi icency a. The trajectory of Industrialization b. Type of industry 10. REFLECTION c. Industrial location 11. ANNEX 1 d. Spatial consequences. Urban transformation 12. REFERENCES and rural depopulation e. Social development f. The actors g. The natural condition h. The role of infrastructure 6. THE CURRENT CONDITION a. What? When? b. Where? Who? c. Social eff ects d. Spatial consequences e. Vacant Production spaces f. Policies, plans, actions

Fig. 01 (cover): Abandoned Warehouse Fig. 03 (left): Cementos Portland Company. Olazagutia 9 ´Industrial creation collapses and reduces up to 54% less than 2012”

“The industrial commetee of Inquinasa blames the government for the 71 fi res due to the frozen masterplan of Etxabakoitz”

“Inasa closes the factory in Irurtzun and fthe 168 employees”

“Navarra´s industry falls to the historical lowest rates in number of employees and economic infl uence”

10 1. INTRODUCTION

Throughout history, the industry has played an important shrinkage and the recent bankruptcy declaration of the city role as catalyser of the development of a city or a region. in July 2013, the highest in the history of USA. While the initial factories in the nineteenth century were directly related to the local sources and consumption Both, industrialization and de-industrialization have had (leaving aside specifi c examples), the globalization, which a varied speed and impact depending on the region. particularly started after the Second World War, and the According to the Oxford dictionary, the de-industrialization development of new technology allowed the expansion of is the reduction of industrial activity or capacity in a region the territorial limits and markets. or economy. However, it is not an isolated phenomenon It also produced a modifi cation of the methods. It lead since it starts a reaction chain with social and spatial towards the mass production-consumption and demanded consequences. big industrial complexes and better infrastructure networks. Nowadays, the world main productive areas have been The main objective of the present research study is relocated in Asia. ‘Western’ countries have changed their to evaluate the socio-spatial consequences of the economic systems focusing on diff erent sectors such as previous industrialization process and the current de- services, tourism or construction. While industry used to industrialization in Navarra proposing new alternative provide 22% of the European GDP, it has fallen to the 15% strategies that might reduce the impact of the external in 2012. This is not only an issue on the dependence of the elements and enhance the existing local values. external providers but also on the local de-industrialization and the fast degradation of the productive areas especially The case of Navarra is not comparable to the Detroit due to the global economic crisis started in 2008. one. However, we can identify certain similarities on the These issues have already been identifi ed by the European development, currently leaded by a Volkswagen factory, commission and tackled with the “Europe 2020” strategic and, moreover, on the risks since it constitutes a “supply plan aiming for the reindustrialization. region” dependant on the international markets and external decisions. However, these processes depend not only on the public strategic policies but also on the internal complexity of Additionally, Navarra is an interesting case study within private companies whose decisions might be transnational. the “Europe of regions” context since it counts with a The role of multinationals and the global economy particular economic regime called “Fueros” that enables is nowadays crucial for the development of a region. the self-administration of its economy, infrastructure, According to Sassen (1994), the new urban economy is security and education. These benefi ts have attracted the result of the “intersection between global processes national and international investors in detriment of other and place”. Some cities/regions become part of these Spanish regions. Additionally, the self-development of the transnational networks while others are more related to infrastructure networks has prevented it from being at national or regional economic centres. the so-called ‘infrastructure shadow’ since it is not located along the main national-international routes. The other side of the ‘development coin’ is the dependence and risks that external elements imply. The growth of The present thesis is also an attempt for showing the Detroit, based on the car industry, seemed to have no relevance that industry have had on the development limits in the 1950s. On the contrary, the several crisis and of the region and that transformed a rural, unskilled and cheaper productive areas that have appeared during the dispersed society into one of the most qualifi ed and last decades, among other issues, have led it to a strong wealthy not only in Spain but also in Europe. It is currently 11 the number 32 out the 271 European regions in GDP per Although these companies were opened with local funds, capita (Moderna, 2010). they were eventually acquired by multinationals adding ‘external’ complexities. Due to their big workforce and The economic transformation started in the 1960s enhanced the fact that the strategic decisions are not local, new by a series of strategic industrial and infrastructure plans. By issues such as dependence or external vulnerability 1968, 300 industries with 30.000 jobs were opened making appeared. Although we are in a complex globalized scale, Navarra the region with the highest economic growth rate the multinational operations are also evident at smaller in Europe (De la Torre, 2005). geographic scales (Sassen, 1994).

In spatial and social terms, 18 industrial areas were built all In particular, I will analyse the northern valley corridors. over the region aiming for an even distribution of wealth Although these industry towns didn´t experienced a strong that would avoid the abandonment of the rural areas. As population growth they became the poles within the it will be described in the following chapters, they only diff erent ‘rural regions’. Their economy and society started achieved part of their goal since the polarization between to be articulated around them. While Pamplona has a more Pamplona, the capital, and the rural towns was not stopped. diversifi ed economy, their structures are more dependent For instance, the role of the capital has kept increasing and vulnerable to single elements. The local newspapers reaching the 54% of the regional population (INE, 2013). announce every day new closures or reductions in the production. The present research thesis is a project about While the type and size of the new industries in Pamplona how regional planning and design can assist in addressing were varied, the factories that were opened in the territory economic and social uncertainties. were usually big plants attracted by the cheap/bigger land and the access to raw materials. In fact, the wide range of natural source attracted big industries related to the wood, paper, chemical and metal sectors, among others.

Nowadays, the economy of Navarra is shrinking. The industrial rate on the GDP has been reduced from 32% to 28% since 2010 to 2103. All the traditional industrial sectors such as wood, furniture, metal and agroindustry have suff ered a strong decline. The metal industries in particular, mostly located in the northern valleys, have seen the most dramatic cases of factory closures. The exception is the car industry, led by the Volkswagen assembly plant in Pamplona which has been unaff ected.

Although the current global crisis was initiated in 2008, diffi culties have emerged from 2012, and particularly during the fi rst half of 2013. Unemployment has risen from the second lowest in Spain, 11.6% in 2010, to 19% in April 2013, the highest in history.

12 2. RESEARCH QUESTION

The research tackles the issue of de-industrialization The answering to these questions is framed by the issues not only as an economic problem but as the beginning tackled during the EMU courses and the necessity of of a social and spatial consequence chain. The guiding proposing alternative urbanism approaches. The present questions have two diff erent approaches. The fi rst one research project remarks the value of the existing elements focuses on the analysis of the local and regional conditions. but accepts the necessity of new strategies based on what The understanding of the historical evolution and the Vittorio Gregotti and Bernardo Secchi call ‘Modifi cation’. current working forces/trends is crucial for the adequate The idea of belonging (to a place, a culture, a tradition) is interpretation of the ‘reality’ and the defi nition of the issues, also stated. ‘It is opposed to the tabula rasa and describes risks and opportunities. a defensive strategy attempting to minimize errors, round obstacles, reduce arbitrary decision and the nonsense of The project reports on the dependence on external omni symbolism’ (Gregotti, 1984). elements that Navarra´s territory has developed during the last 50 years and the vulnerability of these communities Once again, the observation of the history is considered against external changes. crucial in order to ‘measure’ the ‘embodied energy’ that The second question aims for the active intervention of cities and the territory enclose. urbanism. It is considered as a tool capable for reducing Additionally, awareness of the diff erent industrial processes, the impact of these issues proposing alternative and who have had such a big relevance in Navarra, and their sustainable development. spatial consequences makes us consider the idea of ‘life cycles’ and the necessity of establishing adequate but During the interviews with the key actors a repeated fl exible strategies. comment has arisen: ‘Why is an urbanist analysing this town? It could be interesting 20 years ago when everything was growing, not now that all the factories are closing down’.

The re-industrialization is not a goal itself. Urbanism can defi ne a new vision that would be tackled through strategies aiming for the reduction of the impact of the external changes and the degradation of the local structures. In addition, the new vision incorporates alternative development based on the local opportunities and the incorporation if new elements such as sustainability.

1. How did industry infl uence the urban and social development of Navarra?

2. How can urbanism enhance the local qualities of a territory and prevent it from the external dependence and vulnerability? 13 METHODOLOGY DIAGRAM Fig. 04: Methodology diagram. Source: Self-elaboration.

14 3. METHODOLOGY

The porpoise of the research was to understand the socio- that helped for building an initial image of the issues and spatial transformations that the introduction of the indus- prospective vision. These achievements were fi rst analysed trial production systems enhanced in Navarra. The research in Navarra´s region scale and in the Bidasoa corridor later objectives and goals have also evolved since the issues where the meetings with key actors became strongly im- mentioned have radicalized and new problems have arisen portant for the defi nition of both issues and challenges. during this period. Finally, the research is structured by the development of a `common vision` that is explored through the strategies or The historical analysis was relevant for the defi nition of the demonstration project. current context and the defi nition of possible prospective risks. The industrialization and de-industrialization proces- Although there is a linear structure, there have been nume- ses are not a detached problem that has economic, social rous cycle and redefi nitions of the issues that have cons- and spatial consequences. An understanding of the events tructed the present booklet. that had taken place in western countries and the current development that is taking place in China was established the theoretical framework of the research.

This framework, quantitave, has been completed with a series of fi eld works and lectures interviewing and illustrating the key elements. While the fi rst part has mostly contributed for the answering of the fi rst question, the second one was required for the defi nition of alternative development.

Both analyses were useful for the defi nition of initial trends 15 A. LITERATURE OVERVIEW

The analysis required a deep understanding of the regio- the self-regulation privileges that the region of Navarra has nal economies and their relation with urban spatial cha- have stressed the role of the public institutions. In order racteristics. There are key researchers that have analysed to explain the infl uence of the special economic benefi ts, these issues such as Jane Jacobs or Eduard Soja. It was also it was also necessary to realise an analysis of the historical important to fi gure how these implications depend from evolution of the industrialization and urbanization during the production sector and the particular relation between the second half of the twentieth century. industry and city. Apart from the mentioned public or academic publications, The economic evolution has been related to the indus- i will also make reference to historical bibliography about trial patterns such as Fordism, post-Fordism, Toyotism are the region such as the analysis about the social movements considered applicable not just because of the existence of in the 70s by J. Diaz and the extensive history of Navarra in a Volkswagen factory but for their ability for defi ning the the 20th century by J. Gallego. evolution of the economic production The globalized context has also infl uenced the industrial Finally, the transformations that Navarra is experiencing landscape. This perspective has been analysed from the have produced a modifi cation of the initial objetives of the economic infl uence of global cities described by Sasskia project. The lack of information due to the current changes Sassen or the evolution of the work and social interactions demanded the use of the local and national press such as analysed by Manuel Castells and Richard Florida. Diario de Navarra, Diario de Noticias and the El Pais, among However, the negative prospective trends have also de- others. manded the analysis of the de-industrialization consequences not only from the economic perspective but from B. DATA COMPILATION the chain of events that starts after the factory closure. Friedman, Cevik and Daskalakis off er their analysis of the In order to produce a trans-regional project, several data decay in Coventry in the 1980s, Kabakuk in 2003 and De- bases have been consulted. These sources are not only na- troit since the 1970s respectively. tional but also international due to the peripheral position Also related to the economic regional studies, I have taken of Navarra. I have analysed the statistic, gis and planning the cases of the so called “Third Italy” in order to compare documents from Europe, Spain and France but also some the top-down/bottom-up and dispersed/nuclear develop- regional ones apart from the Navarra´s such as: Aquitaine ments and urban patterns.They are described by the work and Mydi Pyrenees (in France), Aragon, Basque Country and by Fua “Industrializzazione senza fratture” (1983) described La Rioja (Spain). This work was necessary for the production by Silvia Coderoni (2007), Giacomo Beccatini and Giorgio of accurate maps. Calafatti. The research has remarked the fact that development can In addition, it helped on the identifi cation of confronted be endogenous or exogenous. States have a big infl uence strategies, especially from the infrastructure point of view in this respect though the diverse policies that may consist between Spain and France. However, the number of com- on the investment on infrastructure or the releasing of eco- mon strategies and the access to information is in cons- nomic benefi ts for industries. In addition to this issue, des- tantly growing thanks to European fi nanced projects. cribed by Stimson, it was relevant to realize an analysis of For the analysis of the dependence on the car industry from the diff erent policies and the evolution of the tools through the local perspective, the data was collected from several the work by Maldonado and Fernandez. specialized sources and the correspondent brand websites. This issue is particularly relevant in Navarra. The Keynesian In total, it was collected the information of 144 car assem- theories are also paradigmatic for the current case where bly plants (city, population, brand, production, employee, opening-closure year…) 16 C. SITE VISITS AND APPRAISALS

Although the site visits have taken place during all the project phases, they have varied in aim and location according to the diff erent requirements of the project. For instance, the initial ones were related to the car industry since it has played an important role on the development of the Navarra´s society. However, the following trips identifi ed the shrinkage of other industrial sectors such as metal or paper in the “rural” areas and the issues that local inhabitants have.

1.Longbridge, Birminghan Uk: 14.02.2013. Visit to the industrial neighbourhood and the remaining car factory.

2. Pamplona, Navarra. Spain: 22.03.2013: visit to the Volk- swagen car factory.

3. Lesaka, Navarra: 16.5.2013: visit to the metal factory

4. Lekunberri, Navarra: 16.05.2013: visit to the remainings of the Plazaola train.

5. Barranca valley, Tierra Estella, Navarra: 17.5.2013: tour along the existing and abandoned rail areas

6. Aoiz valley, Roncal valley, Navarra: 18.5.2013: tour along the abandoned rail lines

7. Mutilva industrial area, Navarra: 20.05.2013: visit to Espa- ce graphic, small entrepreneurship.

8. Lesaka valley, Navarra: 14.06.2013: abandoned industry and interviews

9. Bertiz natural reservour, Navarra: 21.06.2013: interviews

10. Noain, Navarra: 18.06.2013: empty industrial site near Pamplona.

17 18 PHOTOGRAPHIC APPROACH

Photography is used as a key element of the research process not only for its descriptive qualities but also for its ability for identifying the character of the rural areas and clai- ming the value of the multiple abandoned industrial sites that have been identifi ed. The fi eld work, already described, has been documented from diff erent perspectives following the photographic knowledge acquired during the Venetian EMU course: “In- tensifi ed Vision” with the Italian photographer, Guido Gui- di. Photographs have been taken through the “approach series” and completed, when possible, with an image from a higher point in order to show the relation between the “factory” and the “city”.

Fig. 05: Abandoned rail station. Alsasua

19 22 4. INDUSTRY AS CATALYSER

A. ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES AND SPATIAL DEVELOPMENT OF CITIES AND REGIONS

Castells argues in “The Informational City: Economic “The industrial revolution occurred fi rst in cities and later Restructuring and Urban Development”, the development in agriculture”. of manufacturing processes are related to the development However, the specifi cness of activities increases the of urban areas. Throughout history, we have experienced dependency and vulnerability. Crisis periods might show several industrial revolutions with not only technological off the local weakness of the cities-regions that are not advances but also with strong eff ects on the spatial ready for the changes. These places might experience a structure of urban areas and related social impacts. For rapid degradation. One of the most extreme examples example, rapid process of urbanization and economic of this issue could be any of the numerous temporary growth that is taking place in China has been produced by towns that appeared during the America gold rush in the the global market liberalization and the development of nineteenth century. As Limerick said: “If Hollywood would the transport modes. have wanted to capture the emotional center of western We fi nd several examples of city typologies dependant history, John Wayne would have neither been a gunfi ghter, on a specifi c economic source that have shaped their but a surveyor, speculator, or claims lawyer.” The problem in urban structure: harbour, touristic, borderline, leisure or this case was not only the rapid construction or degradation manufacturing cities among many others. Even when the but the unsustainable transformation that the speculation spatial morphology is similar, the economic conditions left behind. are able to design a diff erent landscape. For instance, the The economic activities modify the local landscape. In number of logistic towns or service areas in the borderline the case of Spain, the deindustrialization, the economic between Spain and France in Irun is higher than in Hendaye turn towards services or tourism and the well-known since the petrol costs are noticeably lower. construction bubble have led to a critical situation that has Culture or traditions play also a paper on the design of the been revealed with the current crisis. city. The recent collaborative research project between The buoyant economic situation didn´t anticipate a Pamplona and Bayonne (Project 31-64, 2013) has identifi ed recession period. The economy based its growth in the specifi c diff erences. While the ‘industrial landscape’ of construction sector. Both urban and rural areas modifi ed Pamplona is composed mostly by industrial platforms, their image radically. The cities expanded adding pressure Bayonne is mostly urbanized with commercial areas. This over other sector such as the industry or agriculture. is a relevant fi nding since both cities are located along the Additionally, numerous ‘containers’ appeared in the city same European corridor and have common backgrounds. willing to repeat the so-called Guggenheim eff ect. The role that cities have in the development of the society However, Periods of economic crisis have been followed has unlimited interpretations. According to Jacobs in “The by periods of restructuring and change. There have been economy of the cities” (1964), the city is the production three periods in the modern history: the so-called “fi n de and consumption centre. Additionally, the cities are also siècle” in the 19th century, the period between 1920 and the catalyser for the rural development and the design the Second World War and, fi nally, the one that started in of agriculture technologies: “The most thoroughly rural the late 1960s and has continued until the present time. countries exhibit the most unproductive agriculture. The According to Soja (2000), after these economic recessions, most thoroughly urbanized countries, on the other hand, new modes of economic production appeared, becoming area precisely those that produce food most abundantly”. the reference for the new developing periods. 23 B. INDUSTRIAL STAGES

PRE-INDUSTRIAL ROOTS

Although Manchester was a compact and small city in 1750 One of the most important answers to the industrial based on the local economy mostly, it grew rapidly thank to urbanism problems was the appearance of the idea of the the rapid industrialization and the raise of exports. The fi rst ‘Garden City’ by Ebenezer Howard (1903) or the ‘Industrial industrial revolution on the nineteenth century in Europe city’ by Tony Garnier (1904). Both proposals were a reaction led Manchester to become the biggest industrial city in the to the issues of newly urbanized society. The rapid growth of world. cities such as London was understood as an unsustainable This process was favoured initially by the enormous amount situation. of small cotton factories located in a town network (Soja, Howard described a new city that would reintegrate 2000). the people to the countryside by the defi nition of three The development of the city and industry was enhanced by magnets: town, country and the town-country, describing the design of new infrastructures that connected the inner their advantages and disadvantages. Spatially, the garden land with the Liverpool harbour through the main canal city was built in the centre of circular area with multiple (1760) and the rail (1830). public facilities and public spaces. The rapid industrialization produced a migratory The industrial city by Garnier, has an elongated form due phenomenon that attracted what Marx and Engels called to the disposition of housing areas running east-west, the ‘reserve army of labour’. An intense social degradation thinking on the passive energy sustainability took place. Spatially, the industries were mostly located Both Garnier and Howard mentioned the necessity of the along the rivers Inwell and Irk (see Fig. 07). A new business local energy production with water reservoirs in order to centre was created in the centre (CBD). The workers prevent from the pollution issues. However, they diff er in neighbourhoods were located in the central rings, while the location of industry. While Garnier takes advantage of the major classes lived in the periphery enjoying better air the river as a main structuring element, Howards locates conditions. Additionally, the lower classes were forced to it on the periphery, the opposite as the description of commute. Manchester during the nineteenth century. In summary, the industrialization and urbanization processes produced new issues and demanded diff erent approaches. The role of regional and municipal governments expanded to intervene directly to provide or The industrialization was delayed and weak in the case to manage the provision of transport, housing and other of Spain. The metal industry in the Basque Country and services. Government intervention was needed to tackle Asturias, and the cotton textile industry in Cataluña were the contradictions in urban spatial development where the the most relevant examples. This process started in 1887 market provided very low quality housing which generated in Bilbao due to the opening of several medium size metal health and congestion problems and shipyard companies (Altos Hornos and Astilleros del It is not random that the fi rst “school” of urban studies Nervion) fi nanced by British investors. was established there. The early city planners began to Bilbao also experienced a rapid population growth. The impose regulatory laws establishing housing standards for society was divided into two social groups: the oligarchs housing, sanitation etc. Urban planners also introduced and the working class that were also physically detached. parks, playground in city neighbourhoods, for recreation While the oligarch lived in garden villas at the right bank of as well as visual relief. The notion of zoning was a major the Nervion River, the workers lived in densifi ed dwellings concept of urban planning at this time. (Pundlik, 2013) in the left side.

24 The growth of Bilbao demanded a series of masterplans started in 1892 that were based on the Barcelona Cerda´s expansion. This plans left the riverbank and specifi c recommendations for the industry. However, the property rights were very strong in that time and defi ned recommendations but not uses. That implied that factories could be opened everywhere (Albitegui & Zubizarreta, 2004).

Fig. 06: Une cite Industrielle and Garden City Source: Tony Garnier, 1904; Ebenezder Howard, 1903

Fig. 07: Manchester region. Industries along the rivers and growth Source: Douglas, 2002

Fig. 08: Bilbao industry. 1960s Source: Gaia

25 FORDISM

If Manchester was the paradigm of the industrial city in the aimed for the recovering of the city that had already been nineteenth century, Detroit is the Fordist city par excellence initiated after the end of the Second World War. However, in the twentieth. Industry experienced the start of a new the diagnosis was not the adequate since they considered era led by the car sector. Henry Ford established the well- that the process of deindustrialization that had already known production system consisting on the assembly line. started was due to the lack of industrial space. The plan The mass production, based on the mass consumption, proposed the consolidation of the CBD, the creation of not only generated a new way of understanding the industrial corridors and the organization of the residential manufacture processes but also the way the city and society areas. One of the fi rst actions that were taken in order were structured. Again, the cities, by the hand of industry, to favour the industrialization was the acquisition and became a pole for large-scale immigration from rural areas. demolition of degraded residential areas. However, it was Fordist development had a spiral and never ending pattern. not able to attracted new industry and created major social Graham and Marvin (2001) argue that the whole system issues. For instance, the introduction of the main highway aimed for the reduction of costs and the simplifi cation until the centre of the city enhanced the spatial segregation of tasks with less consideration of the re-investment of (Fernandez, 2009). profi ts in new products or research programmes. The In “Stalking Detroit” (2001), Daskalakis, Waldheim and Young spatial model consisted on the big focal factory where the describe a city where “monuments have been replaced by production was centralized. Edward Soja (2000) states that factories” and the urban space was non-existent. the profound suburbanization that took place in the US This system was capable to articulate the society of the enhanced the dispersion of the factories and employees twentieth century by the incorporation of large number of constituting the “Regional Fordist Metropolis”. Unlike unqualifi ed workers to the industrial sector, off ering them Manchester, the industry abandoned the centre in search social and economic stability and making them part of the for bigger extensions of land. consumist system. However, the alienation of the simple There was a direct relation between manufacture and raw tasks they were assigned or the low salaries and their material. In fact, the industry was able to readapt the pieces demand of better working conditions fi nally led to it to an and materials from the cart manufacturing to the fi rst – end. and simple- cars. There were also important agreements with the diff erent administrations that enhanced the The fordist model initiated a decline process in the 1960s development of infrastructures to provide suffi cient energy, with the rise of social movements and, as it is commonly water sources and transport. The combination of systems agreed, found its end in 1973 due to the petrol crisis. Detroit has been defi ned as “Fordism-Keynesianism”. has reduced its population since then to 0,7 million. Big The state also intervened on the development of the social inequalities have raised and an important program city. The shape of Detroit had a series of concentric rings of de-urbanization had to be carried out since the 1990s. following the Chicago school. Although the initial factories were located in the centre, by 1920 they started to move towards the periphery in search for cheaper land and lower taxes. Henry Ford inaugurated the big River Rouge plant in 1917. The city suff ered from social exclusion and many riots started to take place. The neighbourhoods that were created around factories were the more degraded ones. The municipality, with the releasing of the 1951 plan,

26 POST-FORDISM: TOYOTISM

The Toyotism followed the fordist production and consumption modes. The term is based on the Japanese car brand whose main engineer Taiichi Ono developed a series of industrial reforms. While the Fordism was based on the search of profi ts, the simple tasks and the mass production, the Toyotism believed on the research and the incorporation of quality, variety and fl exibility. The economic benefi ts were considered a consequence. Spatially, factories generally reduced in size and fi xed the expenses. A new network of suppliers appeared in multiple locations. Additionally, the production systems Fig. 09: Detroit. Abandoned industrial area followed the “Just in time” policies increasing the pressure Source: Sutika on the transport times. The relevance of the infrastructure increased in order to ensure the distribution and the functioning of the network manufacturing system. The same way it had taken place during the 19th century, when medium private investors promoted the raise of the rail for connecting their industrial areas with the harbours, industries got involved into the development of infrastructure networks. (Bel, 2011) It increased the complexity not only of the businesses but also the cities, since the globalization process enhanced the raise of fl ows. The location of corporative headquarters, assembly plants and suppliers played an important role as well on the defi nition of cities since they might constitute large urban projects.

An example of the changes through the fi rm policies is the strategic investment that Volkswagen has been making Fig. 10: Detroit 1951 Masterplan. Industry, housing and slums since 1964 in the small city of Emden, in the north-west Source: Fernandez, 2006 of Germany. As a result, the city has transformed into the third biggest harbour in terms of car shipment in Europe after Zeebrugge and Bremerhaven (Seaport of Emden Society, 2008). Apart from the investments on the harbour area, Volkswagen itself keeps fi nancing new train lines connecting with the inner land (source to be added). This kind of investment is totally diff erent to the one that the same company is carrying out in Navarra. It will be further described in the following chapters. The specialization also had an impact on the society. While the previous system demanded a big amount of unskilled

27 employees for doing simple tasks, the specialization and fl exibility required high qualifi ed and team-working employees (Torres, 2013). The externalities were diverse: new I+D centre where required the number of graduate employees rose. The Post-Fordist city is characterized by the ‘downgrading of the traditional centres’ as a product of ‘desertion of these areas by the upper and middle-classes, who fancied more spacious and green environment of suburbia, as well as the safety of exclusive gated-communities punctuated by enclosed shopping malls’ (Rocco, 2006)

Los Angeles is one of the best examples of Post-Fordist city. According to Soja (2000), it used to be a city with no defi ne centre until the last decades with the raise of the CBD. However, the city expands massively along the Fig. 11: Los Angeles suburbs territory. The industrial landscape is also blurry. In the Fig. Source: Edward Burtysnky 12, Soja defi nes certain areas of production that have been able to recycle from the automotive industry of the 1960s. Metal, cinema, textile and the new technological hubs have become the referent in the US. Although the sprawl could suggest a low density, the metropolitan area has been suburbanized in mass reaching a similar density as Manhattan in several areas (Soja, 2000). Society has been dramatically polarized with strong commuting issues that have enhanced the appearance of a illegal activities, temporary jobs and barter economy.

Fig. 12: Los Angeles industrial scheme Source: Edward Soja, 2000

Fig. 13: Beijing Danwei Source: Edward Soja, 2000

28 HYPER-INDUSTRIALIZATION OF CHINA

China became the world´s factory after the fi nal opening In words of Liaw (2013), “the proliferation of factory towns of the markets and the incorporation to the WTO in 2001. of under 1 million in population has outstripped the This was a relevant event of a series of reforms that have growth of megacities. These towns have more fl exibility for its roots in 1979 after the Third Plenum of the National evading the control of central government and “typically Party Congress. They concluded that their system needed sell the land via joint ventures to industrial or residential a reinterpretation that would enhance the growth that developers”. These towns are usually becoming generic was already going on in the rest of Asian industrialized settlements, copycats of previous ones. countries such as Japan, Singapore or Korea. In words The massive modifi cation of the territory and the market of Juan Fernandez (2013), “The reform started with the pressure has also enhanced the appearance of unregulated combination of regulation by plans and regulation by the growth. The household registration system established market, to be followed latter by the implementation of the in the 1950s (Hukou) is used for classifying the large socialist market economy: reform of SOE, fi nance, taxation, categories of urban and rural inhabitants. It crates social pricing and foreign trade”. inequalities between the local inhabitants and the rural The eff ects of the reforms not only have produced an migrants that move to the factory towns. Although the industrialization of the country (industry was the 47% of requirements have been lighted in the coastal regions, the GDP in 2009) but also had an enormous transformation rural residents are still not allowed to resettle permanently of the national geography and the cities. 400 million people with the same rights and access to services. This diff erence have moved from to the rural areas from the cities since between the urban-industry towns and the rural villas 1979. The number of urban inhabitants has increased from enhanced the illegal land renting to private enterprises 20% to 45%. It is expected that 400 million will migrate and the unsustainable degradation. by 2030 reaching 60% of urban population. The Five-Year Nowadays, the issues that the mid-size factory towns Plans, currently the 12th since 1949, aims for the domestic are facing nowadays are the pollution and the social consumption and the sustainable low carbon policies inequalities due to the massive migration and the (Liauw, 2013). dichotomy between the lack of space and the speculative However, we can fi nd traces of industrialization since the housing processes. Additionally, the future challenges for 1950s-1960s. David Bray describes in “Factory towns of China and these towns in particular will be the shrinkage South China” (2013) the “Danwei”: factory compounds and de-industrialization or the upgrading to “form even that enclosed housing and production complexes within larger self-sustainable industrialized agglomerations” its high wall boundaries. These facilities were ruled by (Liauw, 2013) the communist government and provided employment, housing, education, healthcare, welfare services and recreation for its employees. It was the main industrial element of the country until mid-1990s Bray argues that the compounds were a utopic scheme that proved to fail in numerous aspects. It was in his opinion ineffi cient economically and far from enhancing the egalitarian social structure, both inside and outside communities became enormously corrupted. The compound system in 1998 was fi nally abolished when state owned enterprises were forbidden from providing housing to their employees.

29 POST-INDUSTRIAL CITY

As it was stated at the beginning of the chapter, the of polycentric urban systems that are complemented with economic crises reveal the weaknesses of the capitalist social cohesion policies (professional training, improvement economy. The decay of the industrial towns is not only due of public transport, social housing…). Nantes and Emscher to the current decentralization to the Asian production have implemented/restored the tram and industrial rail hubs. This process started during the 1970s and 1980s. respectively. The transformations on the production processes also Nowadays, the EU commission is developing a project for meant the modifi cation of the industrial landscape and its the establishment of several creative cluster cities in central associated sectors such as logistics. The industries moved Europe: Gdansk, Genoa, Leipzig, Ljubljana and Pecs. The towards the periphery in search of cheaper land. Production main principles aim for “generating such innovative and was no longer centralized in one single assembly line economically potential industrial processes, the impact and became horizontal ruled by the ‘just in time’ policies of economic development, to operate a cooperative and the use of large trucks. Factories transformed into European network and to establish transfer know-how multifunctional envelopes (Urhahan, 2006). systems”. The spatial implication of this policy has to do Demands, competition and technique enhanced the with the relevance of the networks and the necessity of transformation of the former industrial hubs but also lead both good communication systems and adequate spaces towards the de-industrialization. Detroit, Newark and such as creative industry nurseries. Baltimore are probably some of the most dramatic cases The new trends aim for sustainable and creative cities, of city decadence. In Europe, although the cases are less emphasizing the need for public control together with the dramatic in scale, a series of cities had to start deep strategic community involvement and participation. renovations in order to avoid the eff ects of this trend. The relevance of the creative class was fi rst stated by Jane The plans are not only local but have a regional approach. Jacobs (1969) but has been recently become a key element The porpoises of these strategies were usually associated of the agenda of city managers and planners analysed by to “the restoration of a devastated and abandoned region, many authors recently such as Richard Florida in ‘Cities and to recover industrial memory, to regain social cohesion and the creative class’ (2005). region´s economic base and to preserve and administrate While the traditional perspective consider that the place a deteriorated natural and cultural heritage” (Fernandez, remain important because of tendency of fi rms to cluster 2012). together for gaining productive effi ciency some new In the cases were a certain industrialization was possible, approaches consider that the talented people and tight- this cities such as Eindhoven aimed for the arrival of the knit communities shore stronger ties than the corporations creative communities or the technological centres that (Florida, 2005). would shift from the heavy industry towards high added Fernandez-Maldonado (2010) describes three types of value industry. If initially, the factory location was no longer knowledge-based development approaches from the related to the raw materials, the design processes could business, people or comprehensive points of view. also be detached. The boundaries between industry and The traditional business oriented approach of clustering services are becoming nowadays more blurry (Urhahan, is based on the development of local business centres, 2006). technological parks that, in the opinion of some authors, The implementation of these actions was not immediate. depend on the interaction and knowledge exchange Some of the most relevant examples in Europe were within and between them for succeed. The governance has initiated more than 20 years ago: Bilbao 1992, EuraLille also an important role enhancing this process through the 1990, Turin Masterplan 1995, IBA Emscher Park 1989 or so-called ‘Triple helix’: university-industry-government. Nantes 1987. In most cases, they propose the construction The people oriented approach on the contrary addresses

30 the role of the human capital as driver of change and the creative class, according to Florida (2005), should be ‘nurtured’ by the cities. This type of social class chooses fi rst the place for living and then looks for a work or start businesses of their own (Florida, 2002). Spatially, other scholars, Fernandez-Maldonado (2010) says, focus on the role of amenities: ‘It is now more accepted that cultural, artistic, media-related, recreational, and leisure functions boost the local economies. An emphasis on “quality of place” and high-quality amenities is considered necessary for urban competitiveness. It is the way to attract knowledge-intensive workers, who have diff erent spatial demands and consumption patterns than manual workers, Fig. 14: Strategic development scheme and attach great importance to “third places” (neither home Source: Fernandez-Maldonado and Romain, 2010 nor offi ce) to meet. Cafés, pubs, terraces, cultural events, etc., and other similar spaces acquire a new dimension in the ‘experience economy’’. The third approach is the comprehensive one that includes concepts listed on the business and people´s oriented but remarks the necessity of an organizational capacity and a proper balance between them. There are several scheme proposals that speak about‘life quality, human development, sustainable urban development, competitiveness, identity’ among other concepts. Fernandez-Maldonado and Romain present their own diagram (see Fig. 14, 2010) stating that the ‘economic, social and organizational qualities would lead to prosperity’. Big factory Medium factory + local suppliers Medium factory + Medium suppliers Even if cities deliver balance policies, the implementation FACILITIES EVOLUTION is usually diffi cult. According to Baum (2008), it usually follows the economic issues since hard infrastructure can be Fig. 15: Factory size evolution established almost anywhere while the intervention over Source: Self-elaboration the soft infrastructure is a slow process without guaranteed success. Critical mass becomes relevant since big cities have more conditions and opportunities than small ones. Fernandez-Maldonado describes in ‘Combining design and high-tech in knowledge cities: the case of Eindhoven’ the implementation of the previous principles. The hometown city of Philips has experienced a deep transformation from the heavy industry towards the creative hub becoming the ‘Brainport’ of the Netherlands. The actions have had both organizational and socio-spatial criteria. The city didn´t try

31 to attract the creative class with cosy cafes but with ‘more serious interventions showing the other side of the design: designers, processes, technology, innovative materials...’ The city implemented a series of foundations or lobbies in charge of the promotion and implementation of these ideas: Brainport foundation, Alice Creative Connection… The urban interventions were defi ned in 3 phases: the municipality and surrounding in order to improve the urban qualities, the ‘white lady’ area and, fi nally, the Philips factory Strip-S, 27 ha industrial area that groups a series of mix-used interventions.

As conclusion, I will mention the Manuel Castells’ Fig. 16: The ‘Hollywood’ organization system observations about networks (IUAV lecture, 2013). In the Source: Self-elaboration city scale, the networks are an important factor that defi nes the degree of globalization of a city. The more number of networks, the more globalized a city is. However, there a paradox going on in relation to the work processes and the city. Nowadays the technological advances are facilitating the detached work thank to internet. For that, we could think that living in the city is not so relevant. However, the number of urban population does not stop growing. In relation to production, he states that the future of work processes leads towards the individual relations of a network society that only meets temporarily in order to produce an specifi c project. He compares this methodology with the ‘Hollywood projects’ (see Fig. 16). Director, producer, cameras, actors and a bunch of diff erent workers meet temporarily for the production of a movie. Once the project is completed, the go back to the reservoir virtual network Fig. 17: Changing focus economic policy and planning strategy until a new project starts. However, he points out that one Source: Stimson, Stough and Roberts, 2002 of the most relevant elements of this process is the fact that they meet in physical space. The characteristics of these spaces are varied and not clear yet. As I mentioned previously, the new industrial factories are no longer the ground fl oor massive buildings. Nowadays, they have become more anonymous and fl exible activities containers. Additionally, the issues of effi ciency and pollution that have been related in the past could be avoided thank to restrictive policies. Therefore, these spaces can be reintegrated within the urban city fabric again (Urhahan, 2006). Fig. 18: City, industry and economy. Spatial and funtioning issues Source: Self-elaboration 32 C. THE ROLE OF STATE: ENDOGENOUS VS. EXOGENOUS DEVELOPMENT

The role that the state has in the economic development Throughout history, specifi cally since the 1970s, the policies has been under deep debate during the last decades. Crises for developing a region have experience a profound such as the 1973 and 2008 modify our idea of stability, transformation that is presented by Stimson (2005) in Fig. equilibrium or development. Governments, the Spanish 17: `Changing focus for economic development policy and one in particular, seem to be confused about the theories planning strategy’. The issue of regional development has or principles that are more appropriate for defi ning policies become extremely important in the current global and for the current context. What is more, decisions are changed competitive context. Nowadays, the latest policies in words in a matter of months. of Stimson are meant for enhancing the existing local The debate about the adequate actions for the regional capacities. development has been going on since the beginning of the Economists and geographers have always accepted twentieth century. One of the most notable theories was that economic growth is regional. The traditional view the interventionism proposed by Keynes in ‘General Theory is that places grow either because they are located on of Employment, Interest and Money’ (1936). He argued transportation routes or because they have natural that, in a state of unemployment and unused production resources that encourage fi rms to locate there. According capacity, the government intervention is necessary in to this conventional view, the economic importance of order to increase the consumption. Without this promotion a place is tied to the effi ciency with which one can make of the expenses, ‘the economy can remain trapped in low things and do businesses. Governments employ this theory employment equilibrium’. This theory is not only applicable when they use tax breaks and highway construction to to the manufacturing sector but also to the policies that attract businesses. But these cost-related factors are no governments have had about infrastructure development. longer as crucial to success. In particular, the case of the region of Navarra could be The identifi cation of local capabilities leads for the defi ned as a paradigm of Keynesian state since the regional diff erentiation between endogenous or exogenous government has thank to historical benefi ts the legal development. According to Stimson (2005), endogenous authority for defi ning and fi nancing its own infrastructure factors include entrepreneurship, innovation, new system. These conditions will be described in the following technologies, leadership, institutional capacity and chapters. learning. The risks are the ‘frequently unstable and The intervention of state has both promoters and detractors. changing nature of economic environments, where An interesting concept about the role that the governance externalities or exogenous factors impact on the decision has in the development of a region is the “Crowding making processes’. out”. It basically states that an excessive investment from A diff erence between quantitative (wealth, incomes, job the government might displace, or reduce, the private creation, services) and qualitative (social equity and life one. It makes us wonder if the level of “matureness” that quality) attribute is also established. a centralized society has, is lower when the estate is less The initial policies after the Second World War based prominent. At the same time, the risks, dependence and on the Keynesianism used to make use of the ‘Master vulnerability might be higher. planning’ oriented towards the infrastructure and industrial Sometimes, an exaggerated concentration of investment, production and market development. It used to be defi ned from both the public and private sectors, may lead to by governmental agendas designed to address shortage disadvantage of non-nodal (or peripheral) areas (Rocco, in housing, construction, goods and the creation of 2003). employment.

33 D. VULNERABLE AND DYNAMIC REGIONS

This approach was completed in the 1970s with the In words of Beatriz Fernandez (2013), decay in industrial “Structure planning’ and the incorporation of the geography cities is the consequence of unfi tness of old spatial of economic activities. Governments designed goals and structures and new modes of production. The urban model strategies. The role of regions started to be relevant for the of the industrial city did not foresee any alteration of its achievement of the national goals, but the autonomy was initial conditions, so when the circumstances changed still reduced. the city could only collapse. The urban model was “tied to In the 1980s and 1990s, neoliberal policies began to take the economic growth and production patterns”. The city´s hold in western Europe and changed radically the public historic values were replaced by the “optimum urban model policies including a wave of privatizations took place for mass production”. Furthermore, “the more specialized and a general reduction in state intervention to support and linked to a single activity, the more diffi cult is not only economic activity through infrastructure and other means to retrieve the city´s economic base but also to revitalize (although the European Union remains an important its social and urban structures once the decadence has source of investment and policy to support economic started”. development in poorer regions). In the case of Detroit, the economy of the city was ruled This new approach was based on the’ premise that less by a tinny number of great fi rms. Philadelphia, on the state intervention and greater competition in markets contrary, had a wide diverse industrial fabric of small would result in lower prices, higher economic growth and companies linked to scientifi c innovation. `The Big Three’ increased employment’ (Dühr, Colomb & Nadin, 2010) term was commonly used in Detroit for speaking about These policies were applied diff erently throughout Europe. Ford, General Motors and Chrysler. Both cities have While most of airports are private owned in Europe, Spain, experienced a profound decay since the 1960s. However, Romania and Poland keep their control over this kind of the Philadelphian industrial model set the foundations for infrastructure (Bel, 2011). the construction of a more open city, better planned, better Sustainability, one of key elements of the current policies, governed and less tied to single activities that are currently started to be implemented in the plans from the 1990s. This helping for the regeneration of the city sometimes related aspect was enhanced by the globalization but more deeply to gentrifi cation (Fernandez, 2012). by the revalorization of the communities and their concern We must also take into consideration the diff erence on life quality. The plans are nowadays shaped in form of between city, region and city-region. According to Jane ‘Integrated Strategic Planning’. Jacobs (1969) some cities are able to create a region around them which constitute an entity by themselves. DEFINITION OF ISP Some others are not and create a polarization putting the Stimson, Stough and Roberts (2006) suggest that the example of Glasgow and Marseille. Jacobs defi nes the ‘city following aspects are necessary for achieving the regional region’ as a specifi c area that gives rise to the dynamic economic development: change of goods, services and people. She described fi ve - Identifi cation of regional core competencies essential elements for establishing a ‘sustainable economic - Developing social capital entity’: city markets, city jobs, city technology, transplanted - Building and maintaining strategic leadership city work and city capital. - More eff ective and effi cient exploitation and management of resources The case of Navarra, as it will be described in the following - Providing strategic and smart infrastructure chapters, could be considered as a polarized region since - Identifying regional risks and developing a risks most of the `transactions` take place at the capital. One of management capability the reasons is the fact the big relevance that the central - Incorporating the principles of sustainability. regional government has in the policies development. 34 Navarra, at the same time, suff ers from one of the main the lack of elasticity. The role of entrepreneurship on the issues that Jacobs mentions: dependence from further development of resilience strategies is obvious. According regions. Its economy and, therefore, its social development to Petrin (1996), the rural entrepreneurship as a mode for highly depend on the external markets: Germany mostly. diversity, does not diff er in its substance from the urban ‘A supply region is as stunted and stultifi ed as a poor one’ one. He argues that the main diff erences between urban (Jacobs, 1969). Additionally, the renovation of approaches and that rural areas entrepreneurship is that they are more must be permanent: ‘Cities don´t work as perpetual motion linked to the network, familiar, ecological values that are machines. They require constant new inputs in the form of already located there. innovation based on the human insight. Such a city and its Both Jacobs and Fuá speak about the qualities of the city-region also automatically become capable of shaping unplanned development. In words of Jacobs, “A working and reshaping the economy’. city region doesn´t need development experts, it develops Although these ideas are 50 years old, they have been itself”. Fuá considers that the spontaneous and gradual reformulated by several researchers such as Richard Florida establishments of those small entrepreneurships were (2002 and 2006) when he speaks about the creative classes based on the market stimulus. and the ´dynamic communities’. Fuá compared the success of the NEC (North-East-Centre The vulnerability can be related to the spatial morphology Italy) unplanned development to the failure of the big of a region. Interesting cases of ‘city regions’ are the national investments on the South of Italy. The fi rst one is dispersed structures of Los Angeles, Northern Italy and an endogenous development while the second is “artifi cial”. dispersed industrial regions in Germany. The case of the Fiat had a policy of building new assembly plants in the so-called ‘Terza Italia’ constitute a dispersed production south encourage by the governmental policies in order and settlement structure that don´t have the infl uence to reduce the traditional higher unemployment rates. of a major dominant metropolis (Soja, 2000). They are However, the current complex private interest prevail over mostly related to the craft industry. This example has the local interests and big plants such as the Melfi one are been extensively analysed due to its successful industrial being closed and translated to cheaper location in places development based on the diff use production that like Turkey. additionally is more diversifi ed. Giorgio Fuá (1983) argues that these kind of dispersed The car industry is probably one of the key elements of the developments value the pre-existing elements and articulation of western society since the Second World War. minimise the impact. The fact that the house, garden and The benefi ts that the industrialization brought had already factory are spatially attached makes it more linked to the been described in the previous chapters. However, there big environment. However, contrary to what Fuá expresses, amount of city relations such as use of space, infrastructure, the environmental degradation of the Veneto and the loss human capital or resources establish a complex system that of ecological diversity are a fact. Antonio Calafati (2003), unfortunately implies a strong dependency. another economist from the Ancona school, speaks about these social costs in the dispersed city. He also remarks the Fig. 19 and 21 present the current 144 car assembly plants idea of the city as ‘density of relations’ where transactions in Europe (a more detailed data chart is also included and innovation are generated against the traditional idea of in Annex 1). The aim of this analysis was to describe the city as ‘spatial density’ that reduces the cost of production- dependency that each city has from one single company consumption. relating the number of employees and inhabitant in 2012. Additionally, resilience is a key concept to be raised on the The data was collected from the brand websites and several strategic planning of regions. Fuá considers that the advance specialized reports. and centralized industrial systems are more vulnerable to 35 The higher dependency is represented with a higher red bars. We can identify diff erent ´factory towns’ with diverse degree of dependence. The ones with higher rate of dependence are specifi c cases such as Wolfsburg in Germany, Volkswagen headquarter, having the same amount of employees that offi cial workers (50.000, 2012). The spatial infl uence of the factory is visible not only comparing the factory size with the city but also with the infrastructures such as canal, train line and road system , or with the number of public and private interventions such as the Phaeno Science Centre, the Volkswagen museum or educational and business centres. Other cases of strong identifi ed strong dependency are the small but specialized in high standard cars such as Gaydon (Uk) with the Aston Martin assembly plant. Of course, the added values that mass and specialized plants produce in the local communities are diff erent. The private interests of multinational companies have Fig. 19: Car assembly plants, 1965-2012 a deep relevance on the development of a region and Source: Self-elaboration the shape of the city. For instance, the Volkswagen has transformed the small harbour city of Emden into their main commercial harbours. The company directly invest on the local development of infrastructures. On the contrary, the closure of a factory might mean the started degradation process of a city as it occurred in Londgbridge, when the 100 years Austin plant closed down. The municipality of Birminghan had to initiate a series of strategic actions in order to prevent the decay of the place and transform the big site plant. The action plant, proposed in 2009, aims for the construction of a technological and business area directly linked to the existing good infrastructure road and rail system. The national policies also have a role on the vulnerability of a region. The evolution of the car industry also help the research to state growth and decay phases in the industrialization of Europe in relation to the economic and political contexts. Fig 19 shows the car assembly plants in 1965 in Europe in relation to these diff erent systems. Spain, under the dictatorial regime, started a series of reforms in order to favour the foreign investments and the industrialization. Fig. 20: Assembly plants in relation to the city: Pamplona, Longbridge, Emden and Wolfsburg Source: Self-elaboration 36 Fig. 21: European Car Assembly plants. Employers vs inhabitants (2012) Source: Self-elaboration

37 E. SPATIAL AND SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE DE-INDUSTRIALIZATION. RISKS

Urban planning must accept that urban decay or de- There levels: fi rm, city and region. industrialization are a possible stage of the life cycle of the city instead of deny it. In words of Kevin Lynch (1990), 1. Firm: the fi rm needs to restructure its facilities to “our attitude in front of decadence is to avoid it; to reverse the production shrinkage so that it can improve, in fi rst the trend, to hide decline, to eliminate the losers, to heal instance, the effi ciency reducing the production costs. it”. He also pointed out in “Wasting away. An exploration of This initial process leads in some cases to new facilities Waster: what it is, How it happens, Why we fear it, How do and machinery investments. When this situation is not it well” (1980) that the region in decline should encourage suffi cient, brands start considering the delocalization of new business instead of reinforcing the old decadent ones departments or the fi nal closure of facilities. According welcoming the local investment. to Friedman (1981), “Besides the diffi culty of changing De-industrialization depends on multiple factors. Although strategies quickly, each type of managerial strategy appears the governments defi ne policies that aim the protection of to generate its own peculiar form of infl exibility”. the local production or the attraction of new investments, these issues can´t be assured. 2. City: a factory closure produces a domino eff ect Friedman (1981) analyses the type of decisions and in a city. According to Friedman (1983), the spread of the consequences that big managers take during the severe industrial recession to other economic activities may result product market recessions. Decisions will move towards with the inner-city decline in both social and spatial terms. direct control strategies and will try to reduce the amount of It might force the municipality to design new plans in order peripheral bases enhancing the centres. They will also start to avoid this type of situations like in the mentioned case splitting the workforce between centre and periphery in of Detroit who had to design a demolition plan of vacant diff erent groups that will make the changes easier. “Central buildings all over the city. workers are those who are considered to be essential for The issues may not just start at the industrial platforms securing high profi ts in the long run… Peripheral workers but also on the residential areas. Neighbourhoods with are those who can be easily replaced by other within the a higher rate of unemployment will face major social enterprise”. changes that will have an impact on the spatial conditions Additionally, Friedman considers that the physical starting from the social migration in search of new jobs to environment risks major changes. In a de-industrialization the degradation of the public space and security. situation, peripheral workers, with less salaries, remain The insecurity also has an infl uence on the real estate creating a depress environment while the central ones, market reducing the prices, increasing the mobility and, with higher incomes, may have more “mobility” capacity therefore, increasing the demand of rent dwellings. and will count with more opportunities for leaving the area. The city will need to establish strategies fi rst that will The spatial and social consequences are neither avoid the de-industrialization but will need to reformulate instantaneous nor isolated. When a company decides them if necessary. Former policies might also need to be to close a production plant, a chain of issues appears. It abandoned. might extent for decades depending on the vulnerability of the place and the lack of adequate actions. According 3. Region: the region will need to study fi rst the to Cevik (2003), the levels where de-industrialization are 4: inner commuting pattern of the population due to the neighbourhood, town quarters, city and region. However, I expansion of the labour market. An adequate infrastructure will modify this separation and include the fi rm issues since system will be necessary but some attention should also be in many occasions the de-industrialization process has also put on the possible new social inequalities. In particular, a spatial modifi cation of the industry. the abandonment of the rural areas. Regions need to 38 restructure their strategic plans in order to accomplish the new situation aiming for avoiding the shrinkage, reducing its impact and create alternatives.

Finally, the de-industrialization consequences are not only negative if the region-town is able to adapt to the new conditions. It is also associated to an improvement on the effi ciency and competitiveness and the creation of new markets. Additionally, some positive externalities might take place such as the reduction of the energy consumption and the CO2 emission that has taken place since 2008 in Spain (El Pais, 22.03.2013)

Fig. 22: De-industrialization consequences chain. Based on Friedmann (1981) and Cevik (2003) Source: Self-elaboration 39 40 5. THE CASE: NAVARRA

41 42 The region of Navarra is an interesting case study for its high transformations during the second half of the 20th century enhanced for the industrialization and the special economic regime. It counts with historical privileges called “Fueros” that have remained and updated since Navarra was conquered by the Castilla´s kingdom in 1512. Nowadays, it counts with autonomy in fi nance, health, infrastructure, education and security. This condition has allowed the territory to design its own development policies converting it into one of the wealthiest regions not only in Spain but also in Europe. This aspect supports the new debate currently going about the “Europe of regions” and self-suffi ciency trends. It also counts with one of the biggest industrialization rates in Spain being particularly concentrated in the capital, Pamplona, who is also inhabited per 54% of the total region population. Unlike Europe and especially the most industrialized regions in north Italy, Germany and Belgium, whose industrial location is dispersed, Spanish industry is concentrated in Cataluña, Valencia, Madrid, Navarra and Fig. 25: Navarra the Basque country (See Fig. 25) Source: Self-elaboration The eff ects of the current recession started in 2008 have arrived later in comparison to other Spanish regions. Taking the unemployment fi gures as reference, it had the second lowest rate in Spain in 2010: 11% versus 24%. However, the situation turned worst during 2012 and particularly during the fi rst part of 2013 rising up to the 19% in April, the highest in the history. The industrialization enhanced not only the economic but also the social development of the region. Territorially, it depended on several aspects that will be further explained. The topography and the infrastructure development together with the regional policies played an important role on it. The mountainous morphology creates a series of valley corridors that were developed thanks to the regional infrastructure policies with the train infrastructure at certain areas during the fi rst half of the 20th century and with the road network during the second one.

Fig. 23 (previous page): Abandoned Potasas mine (biggest company in 1965) Fig. 25: Industrial density Fig. 24 (left): Volkswagen traffi c sign. Pamplona Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various 43 A. THE TRAJECTORY OF INDUSTRIALIZATION

Navarra was up to 1950 an agricultural, rural and dispersed was started under the British support of the Birmingham region. The industries that we can fi nd up to then were di- Leyland company used to produce “Mini” but it was acqui- rectly related to the natural sources being the wood, mi- red by Seat in 1975 and fi nally by Volkswagen in 1985. ning and metal the more relevant. Previously, in the 19th Nowadays, the former Polo assembly plant is the biggest century, there were several weapons industries and ware- in Navarra with 5500 direct and an estimation of 8000 indi- houses in the north of the region (Orbaizeta, Eugui and rect employees according to the factory and the Los Arcos Oroquieta) due to the borderline with France and the suc- (2012). cession Carlistas wars. The investments in Navarra were national (Basque country, The arrival of several private rail companies, further explai- Cataluña) and international (USA, UK, France, Sweden, Swit- ned in the following chapter, enhanced the growth of tra- zerland and Germany) regions. The fi elds were various but ditional production settlements mostly metal, wood in the the car, metal and chemistry were the most relevant. north. Similar to the current situation, the industry in the One of the most relevant policies that the regional govern- south was more related to the food and agriculture like the ment announced was the PPI, Industrial Promotion Plan of sugar factory in Marcilla. 1964. It off ered up to 20% subsidies, tax and land benefi ts Pamplona, that only had 30% of the total population at and even import and export advantages. This program hel- the beginning of 1950s, had a series of small craft spaces ped to the creation of 300 industries with 20.000 emplo- thanks to the Scolapios technical school that was founded yees. By 1968, it had the biggest growth rate in Europe (De in 1920 and is still active. la Torre, 2005). The industry became one on the key elements in the region However, the situation took a U-turn because the national and was the catalyser for its development. and regional administrations together with several local developers started a series of negotiation and projects. In B. TYPE OF INDUSTRY the national scale, the policies were both protective, since the regime was dictatorial, but also started opening to the It is commonly accepted among the Navarra´s society that foreign investments particularly coming from US, UK and it is not entrepreneur and aims for having a permanent job France. They were designed under specifi c agreements at a big industry or the public sector. This concept can be about local production, imports and exports. In example, supported with several fi gures. the car industry, one of the most important at that time, In relation to the industrial start up, only 6 rich local busi- limited the amount of foreign car elements to 10% or esta- ness men received 77% of the subsidies for opening a new blished a maximum production rate for the national market industry in 1964 (De la Torre, 2005). in order to increase the exports and foreign currencies. The If we analyse the sizes of the industries according to the country became a strategic hub for the car industry in Eu- National statistics department, the % of companies with rope due to the benefi ts off ered and the low salaries (De la more than 25 employees is higher than the national one. Torre, 2005). Moreover, the amount of companies with more than 250 employees almost duplicates the national, Basque and Ca- Navarra had the capability for designing specifi c agree- talan ones (Feliu, 2011). (See Fig. 28) The role that multina- ments that were able to bring companies in detriment to tionals have is also relevant. 23 of the 40 main companies regions. One of the most interesting cases is the arrival of in the region were acquired by foreign groups in the 1990s Authi in 1964. Pamplona beat Toledo and Santander thank mostly (See Annex. 02) to that policy and for the investments that were planned in It has also been announced that, although the creation of education and infrastructure. , The original company that enterprises has risen since the last year, it is still one of the

44 lowest in Spain (Diario de Navarra, 06.06.2013). In addition, the GEM (Global entrepreneur monitor) warns that these data might not be reliable since most of the new entrepreneurs are open their business without a clear base moved by the crisis.

C. INDUSTRIAL LOCATION

The location of the industry has not experienced major changes since it was started in the 1960s. The already mentioned Promotion Plan of 1964 proposed the implementation of 18 areas, not only in the capital but also in the territory in order to avoid the rural emptiness. Nowadays, these areas are still the most important, but few smaller platforms have been added. The regional standards don´t allow the implementation of dispersed factories. According to the industrial typology, the metal and car companies are based in Pamplona and the Araquil and Bi- dasoa corridors (Corridor 0, 1 and 2) in the North. The south counts with agroindustry in Tudela and the Ebro corridor (Corridor 3). The chemical and paper areas are located in Fig. 27: Industrial areas and sectors Source: Self Elaboration. Data source: various Estella and Sangüesa while the renewable energies companies that starte in the 1990s are mostly located in the corridor 4 (See Fig. 66) The role that infrastructure has had in the location of industries is clear since 70% is located along the main roads, Fig. 28: Industrial size. Number of employees. being 40% in the capital. Data source: Feliú, 2011

Fig. 26: Pamplona. Industrial archipelago Fig. 29: Authi-Volkswagen. Pamplona. Self-elaboration Source: Diario de Navarra

45 D. SPATIAL CONSEQUENCES. URBAN TRANSFORMATION AND RURAL DEPOPULATION

Spatially, the society became urban instead of rural. In fact, the capital became the main hub of the region. While the total population has grown 130% from 1950, the metropolitan area of Pamplona has experienced a growth of 287%. The population rate that lives in Pamplona in relation to the rest of the region has also increased from the 30% to the 54%. (INE, 2013). This urbanization process has had a deep impact on the rural areas, since they have experienced a gradual abandonment process. In fi g. 34, we can see the distribution of the 261 towns of Navarra. While the metropolitan area of the capital has 314.000 inhabitants, there are only 16 municipalities over 10.000 inhabitants. Half of the towns have less than 100 inhabitants. To the 271 habi- ted towns, we must add 60 totally abandoned. (Data source: INE, 2013)

Fig. 30:

Fig. 31:

46 Fig. 33: Population evolution. Pamplona vs Navarra. 1950-2013 Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Gobierno de Navarra.

Fig. 34: Population distribution (%), 1950-2013 Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: IEN, 2013

PAMPLONA

Population distribution Fig. 32: Evolution of industry in Pamplona. Fig. 34: Settlement sizes in Navarra. 1950-2013 Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various 47 E. SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

Navarra is currently the region 32nd in GDP per capita out builder per 1 symbolic cent. It meant a fi nal start up for the of the 217th European regions. The strategic “Plan Moderna” regional economy and society. The corporation decided that will be further described, aims for improving the social to make strong investments on the plant for transforming cohesion increasing the GDP until the 20th and the wealth it into the main VW Polo assembly plant in Europe. This distribution from the current 28th position to the 23rd by factory has fi nally become the most important for the 2030. Within Spain, it enjoys having the 3rd position in GDP region not only due to the number of workforce (5000 per capita and educational level only beat by Madrid and direct + 8000 indirect) but for its profi ts, being responsible the Basque Country. (INE, 2013) for 30% of GDP and 90% of the industrial exports. Although there were several craft spaces in Pamplona The economic boom enhanced by the construction bubble mostly and several raw materials related industries along that took place in Spain at the beginning of the 20th century the territory, the Navarra’s society was mostly rural and enhanced a second migratory movement. This time, they unskilled before the 1950s. As it has already been explained migrants had a foreign origin, mostly from Ecuador and at the introduction, the multiple policies for industrialization Rumania. and creation of infrastructure enhanced by the economic privileges, allowed the development of the region. Navarra experienced a strong economic boom during the 1960s having the biggest growth rate in Europe (De la Torre, 2005) and the creation of 300 industries with over 20.000 jobs. The same way it happened during the at revolution of Detroit, these hobs were initially part of an unskilled production chain so that Navarra became one of the most attractive regions in Spain for the national migration being Galicia, Murcia, Extremadura and Andalucía the main origin regions. Some of these immigrants still remain in the northern valleys being identifi able for their accent. Fig. 35: GDP/cap Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: INE, 2008

The diff erent social patterns that took place in the rest of the world can also be identifi ed in Navarra. In fact, the industrialization that arrived from the de-centralization of other European regions thank to the cheap unskilled workforce, started having a social reaction by 1973. The industrial strikes that took place between 1973 and 1975 in demand of higher salaries, right for meeting (we must not forget that Spain was under a dictatorial regime), holidays, better qualifi cation… Navarra had at that time the highest strike rate being the Potasa´s (mining) and Authi (car industry) the most relevant cases. (Monreal, 2013) At the beginning of the 1980s, another crisis period took place. SEAT, who had taken over Authi in 1974, was acquired Fig. 36: Education by VW. The factory in Pamplona was sold to the German car Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: INE, 2013

48 Fig. 37: Economic sectors Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Various

49 Fig. 38: Actors Map Source: Self-elaboration. 50 F. THE ACTORS

The actors map is subdivided in three categories: Public, and lack of common jobs. Private and Civil Society. Each one of these categories The civil society, with strong rural links, has been shaped by includes diff erent institutions of diverse size, as well as the arrival of national migrants in the 1960s who, attracted people and some other elements which are also responsible by the big amount of industrial jobs, moved from the south for the evolution of the region. and west of Spain. In the 2000s, a new migratory pattern Considering the public sector, in the particular case took place thanks to the national law modifi cations, of Navarra, the already mentioned economic benefi ts increasing the number of immigrants from 2% to 11% in promote the strength of the regional administration. Also, 12 years. local municipalities are involved, as they can have a high These actors are not unique, and we can also fi nd some infl uence in decisions made depending on the area. But not other elements half-way between the 3 groups: semi-public only regional actors but also national actors are relevant, industries, educational structures and union parties, being due to the strategic location of the region between the semi-public industries the most relevant and visible. France and Spain. The role that France has in the regional However, there are also private infrastructure companies development of Navarra is important since it has aimed that play an important role on the spatial transformation. for having a direct connection through the Pyrenees. Although their relevance decayed with the disappearance Nevertheless, this goal has always been postponed in the of private rail lines in the 1970s, they came back again in French policy plans. Finally, EU institutions are present as the 1990s and 2000s thanks to the development of the road well, since their funds sometimes are vital to develop some infrastructure network, which has had in Navarra several particular projects. economic implementations since then, such as the direct From the private perspective, there are two types of shadow payment. sectors. As it will be further explained, big companies are Union parties also had a great importance on the much more important in Navarra than in other regions. This development of workers benefi ts, particularly those was enhanced by the regional policies in the 1960s and coming from the metal and mining sector in the 1970s. the few but important local investors such as Felix Huarte. They were fi ghting for the worker rights and calling However, their position was eventually substituted by the strikes till they reached healthy and reasonable working foreign groups. Regarding entrepreneurs, they have always conditions, as those sectors were specially threatened been a few if we compare them with the huge presence by the consequences of the use of toxic and dangerous of enterprises, as their working benefi ts were much worse products. than salaried employees. But the number has been growing since the economic crisis started due to unemployment

51 Fig. 41: la Barranca, corridor valley

54 G .THE NATURAL CONDITION

This chapter aims for explaining the infl uence of the topography and the natural sources in the development of the region. It also intends for providing awareness of its huge relevance to develop adequate, not ‘tabula rasa’ future policies. Navarra counts with a strong natural diversity as the regional tourism campaigns state. Although it is a small region, there is a great range of diff erent landscapes to be found: the desert of Bardenas, the rain beech forest of Irati and the Pyrenees mountains. As well as having a strong biological value due to the existence of diff erent animal and vegetation species, these areas have been also defi ned by climate, which signifi cantly varies from north to south considering the small distance. Most of the settlement location is highly infl uenced by the topography and we can identify typological diff erences between the north and the south. However, being such noticeable diff erences, these characteristics are not recognised in the regional strategic plans. Pyrenees have a strong eff ect in the settlements of the north, with low population, not more than 3000 inhabitants. 55 INDUSTRIAL CORRIDORS AND TOPOGRAPHICAL MORPHOLOGY Self-elaboration. Data source: various Fig. 43: Corridors location and geography. Source: Self-elaboration.

56 The minimum entity is the ‘Caserio’, a self-suffi cient traditional element dispersed in the territory which has a direct relation with the production and the management of natural sources. On the contrary, the topography in the south is less rough allowing a much better infrastructure network, which enhances the appearance of bigger settlements (up to 10000 inhabitants). The management of the ‘natural layer’ is also diverse. The north has a strong wood tradition while the south and mid regions are based on the vegetables and cereal cultivation. Nevertheless, having a family garden is a quite extended tradition along the whole territory. As it was said before, climate is changeable from north to south, due mainly to altitude, but it is mainly Cantabric, characterized by cold winter and hot summers. Rain is very common, especially in autumn and spring. Regarding the water system, it is mostly related to the Ebro watershed, being the case study river Bidasoa the only one Fig. 44: Rivers and vegetation that belongs to the Cantabric watershed. There are also Source: Self-elaboration. three main artifi cial water reservoirs built in the 1950s, 1970s and 2000s, which are intended for the provision of water to the capital, Pamplona, and the irrigation of southern land.

Fig. 45: Corridors and geology Source: Self-elaboration.

57 CORRIDOR 1 CORRIDOR 2 CORRIDOR 3

Main towns: Lesaka, Santesteban Main towns: Alsasua, Irurzun Main towns: Peralta, Lodosa

Main economic sector: Metal Industry Main economic sector: Metal Industry Main economic sector: Agroindustry and Forestry Infrastructure: National road, connec- Infrastructure: Railway,National Infrastructure: National highway tion to the French border Highway

Others: This corridor is threatened by Others: Unemployment has grown to Others: Old-fashioned urban plans the progressive ageing of population, a worrying point, consequently increa- have led to big concentric towns su- and an alarming decrease of the local sing the number of abandoned indus- rrounded by plenty of industrial spa- industry. As a result of this lower acti- tries. Due to this lack of industrial fa- ces, perfectly suitable for establishing vity, most of the, in other time growing bric, the remained working population new local industries. However, the de- factories, have closed down, also con- is undergoing a commuting process, velopment of the area is mainly based tributing to create a new landscape of which also contributes to the degene- in agro alimentary exports. abandoned rural areas. ration of the area.

58 CORRIDOR 4 CORRIDOR 5 CORRIDOR 6

Main towns: Aoiz, Sangüesa Main towns: Estella, Viana Main towns: Tafalla, Olite, Tudela

Main economic sector: Paper industry, Main economic sector: Paper Industry Main economic sector: Diversifi ed, Wind industry and Forestry Agroindustry Infrastructure: Regional highway Infrastructure: Regional highway Infrastructure: National highway

Others: The establishment of new in- Others: Just as in corridor 4, develo- Others: This corridor refl ects what it dustries in this area is subject to the ping new industries in this area highly used to be the traditional axis of inves- development of regional urban plans. depends on making regional urban tment, the connection of the two main In addition, important investments in plans with dedicated industrial areas. towns of Navarra, Pamplona and Tude- infrastructures are needed to solve the Together with the huge investment in la, with the rest of the country. A num- extreme polarization of the urban sett- improving the existing infrastructures, ber of diff erent industries are based lements. the main towns have been growing along the highway reinforcing this link. along the regional highway.

59 Fig. 46: Train line, Errotz

60 H. THE ROLE OF INFRASTRUCTURE

INFRASTRUCTURE NETWORKS IN NAVARRA. MYTHS AND OPPORTUNITIES.

The infrastructural system of Navarra is probably one of According to Graham S. & Marvin (2011), the old networks the most developed in Spain. The regional government has had a more resilient and isotropic character. These net- realised a series of plans such as the 2nd Director infrastruc- works have been eroded and require a certain upgrading. ture Plan that have designed a high standard network of The new ones, more complex, “forget” the isotropic charac- radial highways. The regional strategy has, since the fi rst in- ter due to local competitiveness, cost reduction… They are frastructure plan of 1964, exceeded the national standards top-down designed and therefore, connect privilege sec- thank to the autonomous regime. tors that increase the social inequalities.

In this chapter, it will be described the role that transport In their opinion, the new networks create “uneven nature” infrastructure have had on the industrial and social deve- of what they call three types “infrastructure bypass”: local, lopment of Navarra. However, its infl uence might be over- global and virtual bypass. The fi rst one generates the more estimated. According to Segura (2013), “once that we reach unbalanced regions since it is based on the selective con- a certain infrastructure threshold, the increase not always nection of main focal points. It is the less reliable or sustai- produces wealth but can become counterproductive in op- nable and produces regional “tunnels”. portunity cost terms, raise of the externalities or the maintenance…”. On the contrary, the global bypass considered the more resilient since it is based on the fragmentation and subdivision On the other hand, it is accepted that there are some ca- of the territory in the multiple “segments” (areas or users). ses were a certain redundancy generates a major develo- This separation is completed with the interaction between pment. As it was analysed during the Venice 2012 fall EMU local and global networks. In addition, they emphasize the course, the 714 x 714 m Roman Centuriazione in the Veneto diff erent role that public or private companies have and has been one of the key elements for the industrialization. put as example the “Heathrow express”, a private rail link The net, with mobility and drainage function, creates a re- between central London and the airport that completes dundant and isotropic system that multiplies not only the the public transport service. routes but also the interaction between house-road and industry-road. However, the case of Navarra (and Spain) is quite diff erent to the rest of Europe in regard to private infrastructure. It is not possible to defi ne which the adequate level of in- There have been some examples of private transport infrastructure is. We are currently having a deep debate on frastructure. For instance, the rail network was started by the infrastructure system due to the high speed train im- private investors (mostly supported by British companies). plementation. While the regional government has made an However, they were nationalized and absorbed by Renfe important bet for the construction of this transport mode, from 1941 (Reference to be added). Apart from certain tem- multiple associations, press and parties represent the op- porary concessions such as highways, nowadays the infras- position arguing that the invest is excessive and the impact tructure is public owned (Bel, 2011) will not be as positive as expected. In addition, the industrial sector remarks the necessity of upgrading the rail track width to the European standards.

61 Fig. 47: Spain infrastructure evolution, 100-1967. Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: Bel, 2011 HISTORICAL EVOLUTION

According to the historical infrastructure maps of the Iberic urbanization and industrialization. peninsula, the kingdom of Navarra had certain relevance The new policies were clearly in favour of a radial until 1512, before it was invaded by the Castilla´s kingdom. morphology and the link between Pamplona and Tudela, It was not only due to local policies. It was already part of the second biggest city in the south of the province, strategic routes since the early roman times in the Iberian through the regional highway (1974). Peninsula according to the Estrabón description in the In the recent history, the region has experienced a big fi rst century AD. (Bel, 2011). At the same time, the Saint transformation of the road system. The second Director Jacobs was a relevant link between the region and Europe Infrastructure Plan, 2002-2009, enhanced the development in religious, cultural and economic terms. It is worthy to of the radial system upgrading the main roads to highways. mention that one of the three burgs that formed the city of The autonomous fi nance of the network is based on 3 Pamplona had French inhabitants. diff erent modalities: direct charge to the users, indirect After the conquest, the Spanish institutions defi ned diff erent charge depending on the number of users regionally policies that left the region in a secondary infrastructure subsidized by the regional government or the total level. By 1720, the connection with France through Irun, subsidisation. Nowadays, the 3rd Plan, 2009-2016, aims for in the Basque country, started to be privileged in the road the consolidation of the road system. network to the detriment of the Pamplona´s route. Navarra In parallel to the road plans, other series of big infrastructure remained at a so-called “shadow” area. investments took place in order to satisfy the future water This situation has remained in the following centuries. While demands like the Eugui reservoir (1971) that provides the the national maps of road investments in 1967 left aside water for Pamplona or the, irrigation aimed, reservoir of Navarra once again. On the contrary, the local government Yesa (1959). In 2002, the “Canal de Navarra” and the Itoiz started a series of infrastructure works in parallel with the water reservoir were fi nalized completing PPI, Industrial Promotion Plan (1964) on their search of

62 Fig. 48: Infrastructure Governance confl icts. Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: various GOVERNANCE ISSUES

The fact that Navarra has the privilege for designing its own routes (Noticias de Navarra, June 2013). Although it might infrastructure policies has leaded in multiple occasions to not be relevant initially, it has already been described as regional confl icts. For instance, Navarra is surrounded by 3 an important eff ect on the society by “El Pais” (00.00.2013) Spanish regions, Basque Country, Aragon and La Rioja, and since the crisis is also having an impact on the goods routes 1 French one, Aquitaine. avoiding the payment routes. While a big percentage of the strategic highway network The international expansion of the region also deals with in Navarra has already been upgraded, most of them are the French infrastructure policies. Navarra has always interrupted when crossing the boundaries. The most aimed for having a direct highway through the Pyrenees. relevant case is the little road (11 km) along the Bidasoa The negotiation between both provinces was quite River that connects the region to the closest harbour developed but the French National Government stopped (Pasajes), France and the main E-road network. the project in 2006 due to the important cost in the and Although the road is within the Basque territory, the land not considering it relevant for the national interest (Diario has been owned by the Navarra´s government for more de Navarra, 2006). than 150 years. The Basque country has hindered its A similar situation has taken place lately (El Pais, 26.06.2013) upgrading aiming for the development of the roads within since the French infrastructure department announced that its territory. After several years of negotiation, it was agreed the plans for connecting Irun (borderline) and Bordeaux in 2004 that Navarra would cost the works. In exchange, the with the high speed train were postponed until 2030. land would be returned to the Basque region after 20 years. (Diario de Navarra, 2004) Nowadays, a new debate has arisen since the Basque government has proposed to start charging for the use of the A-15, main Navarra´s connection with the international

63 Fig. 49: Train network evolution in Navarra, 1950-2013 Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: various

2010 2020 2030 2040 2050

EUROPE 17% 20% 30% 40% 50%

SPAIN 1% 3% 6% 12% 24%

NAVARRA 0,5% 4,5% 20% 30% 50%

VOLKSWAGEN 30% 75% >75% >75% >75% NAVARRA

Fig. 50: Train goods transport Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: ANL, 2012

64 THE VASCO-NAVARRO TRAIN (1878-1967) This regional train connected Estella with Vitoria and Bilbao, having 70 km and 8 stations in Navarra´s territory along the Ega valley. Economic and social impact: It was an important social and economic link in the region reaching 325000 passengers and 179000 tm. In Navarra, the wood industry had a big dependence on it. (Wikipedia, 2013) It is nowadays one of the most relevant touristic attractors since most of the paths along Navarra and Alava have been recuperated. The tunnels and bridges still remain in good condition. Although most of the stations remain abandoned, they constitute an interesting touristic attractor. Closure: It implied the beginning of the abandonment of the region. According to the INE (2013) the population of the aff ected municipalities in Navarra (except Estella, capital of the region) has decreased from 5307 in 1950 to 2300 in 2010. The remaining inhabitants depend on the car and most of them have to commute to Estella or Pamplona.

68 MICROSTORY: TERESA

Teresa lives in a small town of Zuñiga whose population has decreased since 1950 from 403 to 108. She remembers the train as the most important element on the region, since she used to commute to Estella or Vitoria for working in the domestic service.

Working-commuting: Teresa has 2 children who work at the wood industry. Although there is one sawmill in the town and some other in the valley, the recession has forced them to commute further since there are not enough local jobs. In addition, only one bus a day connects it to Estella the so that old people or kids depend on family or neighbours.

Town life: although the town has a low population, the empty houses have become a secondary or touristic residence and remain in a good condition. The old school has been refurbished into the elderly centre and bar.

69 70 6.THE CURRENT CONDITION

A. WHAT? WHEN?

The current situation of Navarra is uncertain. Although the Fig. 56: Industrial production index. Cars vs rest. unemployment had remained low in comparison to other Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: INE, 2012 Spanish regions, It has grown in 2012 and, particularly during the fi rst half of 2013, from the second lowest in Spain in 2010 (11%) to 19%, the highest in the history of the region. In economic terms, the infl uence of the industry in the regional GDP has been reduced from the 32% to the 28% in the same period (INE, June 2013). The situation has led to a new migratory pattern since the Fig. 57: Industrial Exports. number of workers particularly among the 25-34 years Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Diario de Navarra, 2013 old people whose population has been reduced by 6000

PAPER Indicador de Clima Industrial. Ciclo-tendencia Conjunto Rama 4 people. The industrial sector is the one who has lost the 10 biggest number of jobs - 2200- during the last 3 months 0 -10

-20

(Noticias de Navarra, July 2013). Saldo de respuestas -30 The current de-industrialization is not only due to the -40 -50 “global” crisis but also to the competitive shrinkage of the -60 1234567891011121234567891011121234567891011121234567891011121234567891011121234567891011121234567891011121234567891011121 2 3 local industries that started in the 1980s (reference to be 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 CHEMISTRY added). At the same time, there have been particular “crisis” Indicador de Clima Industrial. Ciclo-tendencia Conjunto Rama 5 10 like the construction one that have directly infl uenced to 0

-10 the big industries such as the concrete or appliance ones in -20 Olazagutia and Tafalla. de respuestas Saldo -30 -40 The production sectors that have been mostly aff ected by -50 -60 123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123 the de-industrialization are the mining, wood-furniture and 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 metal (see fi g. 58). On the contrary, the car industry, leaded MINERY AND METAL Indicador de Clima Industrial. Ciclo-tendencia Conjunto Rama 7 by the Volkswagen plant in Pamplona, has become the 20 10 most important element of the regional economy. While the 0 -10 -20 other sectors are experiencing the production reduction, Saldo de respuestas -30 the car production has maintained the equilibrium (see Fig. -40 -50 -60 56). The role that this sector has on the economy is relevant 123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123 because it constitutes 30% of the industrial GDP and 90% 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013

CAR INDUSTRY Indicador de Clima Industrial. Ciclo-tendencia Conjunto Rama 8 of the exports (Diario de Navarra, 2013). In fact, this factory 50 40 has even reached a production record in 2010 and 2011 30 20 10 thank to the German, Italian and French market. In words of 0

Saldo de respuestas Saldo -10 Miguel d’Entremont during the visit to the car plant in April -20 -30 2013, the current Polo design is at the end of its life cycle -40 -50 123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123456789101112123 and waits for the new design. Although the production has 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 decreased in 2012 it remained at the average levels and it is Fig. 58: Industrial tendencies by sectors expected to raise with the new model. Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: INE, 2013 71 This issue helps us to understand the dependence of a region´s development on external elements. Not only from the fact that its development depend on the foreign decision from the multinationals but also from its dependence on foreign markets. For instance, Volkswagen, that exports 90% of its production, follows the “just in time” production model that makes the number of direct and indirect employees fl uctuate. Nowadays, there are 5000 direct employees and 8000 indirect ones. Nowadays, there are 133 multinational companies based in Navarra (Moderna, 2013). According to the Bayo & San Miguel at the 5th Economic Congress of Navarra, the strategies and investments are quite diff erent. While the local companies invest 10.346 € and 803 € per employee in material and in-material issues (facilities or R&D, in example) the multinationals only invest 6.46 € and 429 € respectively At the same time, the network that these companies generate is smaller in the local scale, since only 13% of the sources are bought in the regional market while the local companies reach 30%. On the contrary, the profi ts that foreign companies have is higher, being 55.385 € versus 44.787 € that local companies achieve per employee. The actions and policies are also quite diverse. Inasa, opened in 1955, is one of the most relevant and traditional metal factory in Irurtzun. It has been owned since 2002 by a Norwegian group but it was sold to a German group for a symbolic euro in 2010. The new owner announced the closure of the factory in 2012 leaving the economy of the 2300 inhabitants in a damage position and fi ring 200 workers. The reactions didn´t wait. The workers tried to take the control of the company constituting a cooperative. However, it couldn´t take place since the company decided to szell the machinery to a British group per 3 million euros. On the contrary, there are cases of successful transformation. Industrias Luzuriaga, inaugurated in 1967, agreed on becoming part of the Mondragon Cooperative joining with Fagor Tafalla and, although they are also experiencing diffi culties, they were capable to re-structure themselves in order to maintain their human capital. While the factory in Irurtzun is abandoned, the one in Tafalla remains still operative with 750 employees. Fig. 59: Main factories in the territory. Source: Self-elaboration.

72 73 The fact that workers try to take the initiative and change 2013 (See Fig. 61 and 62). the situation is quite relevant for the development of There has been a transformation on the regional strategies. In addition, new trends such as the coworking or industrialization. While the most important factories in the networks associations enhanced by the new technologies 1960s were part of the mining, metal and appliance sectors, have aroused in the region. nowadays the car and renewable energy have taken the leading position. However, there are still important metal B. WHERE? WHO? factories that are struggling to compete in the global context. A similar situation is going on with the paper and As it has already been mentioned, the de-industrialization the renewable energy companies. has bigger eff ects in the territory and the industrial valleys During the last 5 years, the total direct workforce has been than the capital whose economy relies more on the services. reduced by a 30%, until 12800. This amount constitutes Additionally, its industry is more diversifi ed and counts only the 44% if we sum the maximum workforce that these with two successful industrial sectors: the car industry and factories ever employed (See Fig. 64). However, we must not the logistics area. forget that the technology development also has an eff ect In order to explain this situation, the 40 more important on this issue as Jane Jacobs describes in The Economy of industries in the region have been briefl y analyzed and the cities. localized along the corridors (Se Fig. 65-66 and the Annex The importance that multinationals have in the region has Chart 02). In particular, the data that has been compared also been confi rmed. Although all the 40 main factories are the location, current workforce, maximum workforce, were opened with local funds, 24 out of them were acquired inauguration, acquisition by a multination, the town by foreign groups in the 1980s and 1990s especially. population and the shrinkage that has taken place during the last 5 years. Multiple press, statistical and historical sources have been consulted in addition to the offi cial websites. The social dependence or vulnerability on the mentioned companies is measured through the relation between the number of direct employees and the metropolitan town population. The risk is shown in the chart through a colour scale of the % shrinkage. This approach gives 2 main results. On the fi rst instance, although it is important, Pamplona has less dependence from a single factory than the rest of the towns. Secondly, corridors 1 and 2, specialized on the metal sector, are the ones with a major social vulnerability (Corridor 1 will be analyzed in the following chapters). According to the Entrepreneurs Association from the corridor 2, they lost 25% of the industry during the 3 fi rst years of the crisis (2008-2011). The unemployment evolution at these areas has followed diff erent patterns but with a similar result. While the “Corridor 2” was aff ected from the very beginning and has had a constant growth, the fi rst one has followed the Fig. 60: Workers strike. 30.05.2013 Navarra´s evolution that experienced a radical raise during Source: Noticias de Navarra

74 Fig. 61: Unemployment in Corridor 1. Fig. 63: 40 main industries opening by decades. Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various

Fig. 62: Unemployment in Corridor 2. Fig. 64: 40 main industries, workforce shrinkage Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various . See annex 1, chart 2

75 Fig. 65: Analysis of the 40 main companies. Shrinkage and local dependence. Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various. See annex 1, chart 2

76 Fig. 66: Analysis of the 40 main companies. Location along the corridors. Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: various. See annex 1, chart 2

77 D. SPATIAL CONSEQUENCES 3. Region: The current de-industrialization in Navarra is having both As it was described in the initial part of the report, there are social and spatial eff ects. Thanks to the familiar support, 3 diff erent scales of spatial consequences: fi rm, settlement already mentioned, the migration within the region is not and region. having notorious consequences yet. It is also the result of the previous economic boom since, as it was identifi ed 1. Firm: through several interviews; the fact that most of the people It is possible to identify multiple cases of fi rm restructuring already owns a residence forced them to commute instead with uncertain results. In the case of the already mentioned of factory of Irurtzun, the new company owner invested 2 The use of infrastructure is also being aff ected. Although million euros in new machinery. It didn´t stopped the fi nal the commuting issue has increased, the pay highways have factory closure 2 years later. In the case of Gamesa, a wind experienced a reduction on their traffi c fl ows while the free mill producer, it has reduced the number of factories in previous roads have a higher usage as it is taking place Navarra from 4 to 1. The production has been centralized in at the one connecting Pamplona and Tudela (Diario de one of the plants located in Aoiz. The former plants remain Navarra, 8.12.2013). On the contrary, there is an unexpected vancant. increase on the number of users in the Pamplona-Estella The most interesting one is the Lesaka´s factory. (see fi rm who is fi nanced through the shadow toll system aff ecting policies chapter, Bidasoa plan) to the regional budget (Noticias de Navarra, 20.01.2013).

2. Settlements: - Public space: the high educational level and the role of the family are having a big relevance reducing the social inequalities that could be expected due to such a high unemployment rate. The municipalities are struggling for paying the normal maintenance works but the conditions of the public space remain correct. There is a certain degradation of the rural areas. - On the contrary, most of the urban plans that were designed before, and even during the recession period, can´t be fund so that multiple projects have not been initiated or multiple spaces remain unfi nished. This issue will be further explained in the following chapter. - The real estate market has seen a 25% reduction on the prices (Noticias de Navarra, May 2013). The long term unemployment has also aff ected to it increasing the demand on rent housing not only by the local people but also for the ones that have had to change their residence in search for a job. - The new vacant industrial area have started to suff er from spatial insecurity along the souroondings since they are not under permanent security control. - Areas en las afueras…

78 79 82 90 7. CASE STUDY: CORRIDOR 1 , BIDASOA

91 Fig. 75 : Urban Settlements. Source: Self-Elaboration.

92 A. DESCRIPTION

The Bidasoa River is the main articulating element. Along the corridor we identify a series of medium size towns with a population that varies from 250 to 4000 inhabitants. Administratively, there is no common entity. The corridor crosses through diff erent municipalities that become smaller due to the topographic conditions and the morphology of the valleys. The steep topography also enhances the role of infrastructure and articulates the space. Until 1954, the corridor counted with a private rail line that connected the quarries with the French border and the Pasajes harbour. During the second half of the twentieth century, the metal factory located in Lesaka became the most relevant element not only for the mentioned town but for the whole corridor. The closure of the train line and the opening of the big factory were discussed during the same town hall meeting in 1954. Fig. 76: Administrative limits. Source: Self-elaboration. Residential typologies are similar along the corridor. To the ‘medieval’ spatial shape that some of the towns have, new dwelling buildings where added in the 1960s in order to provide residence for the foreign factory workers. Addi- tionally, we can fi nd multiple ‘palaces’ in the town centres that were built during the last decades of the eighteenth century by successful local inhabitants who invested in the American colonies. The caserio is also a typical element of the landscape. Both ‘palaces’ and caserios are facing a strong abandonment due to the reduction of the family size and people Fig. 77: Bidasoa train. moving to the cities. Even though the spatial conditions Data source: Diario de Navarra have not been degraded yet, they are at risk for total abandonment in the following decades. In the centre of the analysed area, we fi nd the Bertiz natural park, owned by one of the local millionaires until the 1950s and transferred to the regional government after his decease. The ‘fronton’, the traditional sport facility, can be found in each and every settlement whereas the rest of services are less homogenously distributed, being Bera, Lesaka and Eli- zondo the most important reference towns. For instance, these towns are the only ones which count with a small Fig. 78: Lesaka factory 1965. hospital or a secondary school. Data source: Diario de Navarra.

93 LOCAL HERITAGE

94 SERVICES

95 INDUSTRIAL LANDSCAPE

96 B. INDUSTRIAL LANDSCAPE AND ISSUES

It is mentioned in many documents since the fi fteenth century. Through history, the Bidasoa area has been related to the metal production thanks to the rich natural sources and water provision. It was at the beginning of the twentieth century, with the construction of new ovens, and particularly during the 1950s with the new factory, when Lesaka became the industrial reference in the area. The location of industrial areas is diverse along the corridor. The higher rate of industrial surface is in Bera and Lesaka, due to their proximity to the international transport routes. Legasa, a subsidiary factory of Lesaka, is the third most important area.

While the mentioned industrial areas are connected to the Fig. 79: Relation of industrial areas. Source: Self-elaboration. metal industry, Santesteban depends on the wood sector, also associated with the big paper industry located outside the corridor. Although this industry has experienced a strong decrease caused by the construction shrinkage and the new technologies aff ecting the paper industry, several factories of wood furniture are based there. In the case of the more inner settlements, Elitzondo in particular, the industrial landscape is related to the construction fi eld, as it is near several quarries. Additionally, there is also a signifi cant presence of commercial services in these areas.

One of the key elements of the local development is the in- Fig. 80: Analysis of the industrial surfaces along the corridors. frastructure. The area has an important fl ow of trucks, as it is Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: INE. crossed by one of the main routes towards the international roads and local industry has to be supplied. This road presents two important issues. Firstly, it connects with Pamplo- na through a series of tunnels which solve the Beloso pass. However, this road is not wide enough for this heavy traffi c and has experienced several closures in the last years due to truck accidents or maintenance issues. Even though there is an alternative to this route in the steep highway towards San Sebastian, it has been demonstrated through the visual approach that the Volkswagen logistic routes prefer taking the narrow Beloso pass instead of the highway, producing Fig. 81: Unemployment evolution. 2008-2013. traffi c jams due to the low performance of road. Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Ministerio de Empleo. 97 Secondly, the development of the infrastructure towards the north also found confl icts with the neighbour region policies. As it has already been described in the Infrastruc- ture chapter, the improvement of 11km of road crossing the Basque Country region towards France has been delayed by several administrative problems.

As this is a main route for goods transportation, it has also important to mention the frequent presence of truck and logistic areas in the region. Some of them have been consolidated, but there are still several spontaneous surfaces. The industrial landscape reached its higher productivity and workforce rates during the late 1980s, but both fi gures have shrunk since then. The economic boom of the 2000s and the infl uence of exports helped the region to reach an equilibrium. However, the situation has experienced a radical modifi cation, particularly during 2013. Fig. 81 shows the unemployment rate along the corridor, noticing that these issues have appeared this year. The biggest companies have considerably reduced their workforce and according to the several interviews made, the situation is pessimistic. Some of the workers of the Lesaka´s Metal factory, report that most of its built elements are underused and the production has been concentrated in one of the buildings, remaining the rest vacant. Some of the facilities have been in this situation for more than 20 years, which facilitates frequent acts of vandalism . Among others, this issue has spatial consequences. Many of these vacant places were taken as an opportunity for the urban development enhanced by the residential bubble. Nowadays, there is no such a demand and the number of vacant elements is not only but growing.

Fig. 81b : Corridor economic interaction Source: Self-elaboration 98 Fig. 82: Traffi c issues in the corridor. Fig. 83: Traffi c issues in the corridor.

Fig. 84 : Traffi c issues in the corridor. Fig. 85: Strategic regional roads. Source: Self-elaboration. 99 102 103 Fig. 86 (previous page): Historical urban growth 1950-2013 Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Gobierno de Navarra.

104 Fig. 87 (right): Vacant spaces. Source: Self-elaboration. Fig. 88 (left): Vacant industrial spaces. Source: Self-elaboration.

LESAKA INDUSTRIAL VACANT ELEMENTS

Vacant

In use

Data source: Local Interviews with employees

105 Fig. 91: Forest Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: Gobierno de Navarra.

106 Fig. 90: Quarries Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: Gobierno de Navarra.

C. ENVIRONMENTAL VALUES

Within the studied municipalities we can fi nd a wide diversity of natural elements. The landscape is particularly domi- nated by the forest and the topography.

We can also fi nd a series of marble quarries in the proximity to Oronoz- Mugaire. This type of red stone is visible in almost all the constructions before the 1980s.

The agriculture lacks from the vegetable cultivation. It is mostly fodder. Its location strongly depends from the topographic conditions as it is perceived in Fig. 91. However, there are plenty of small family gardens for self- consumption porpoises.

Fig. 89: Agriculture (mostly fodder and family garden) Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: Gobierno de Navarra.

107 BERTIZ NATURAL PARK

Lying alongside the Baztan valley, Bertiz Natural Park includes 46 Ha of extensive beech and oak woods, which have remained intact and under the same property since 1200. During this time, altruistic activities have been taken place, as well as the introduction of some typical elements of the English gardens, such as pavilions, botanic gardens and exotic species of plants. It was not until 1950 that it became a National Park, when it was transferred to the Regional Government with the condition of preservation of its morphological and environmental characteristics. Currently, and due to the fi nancial situation, the maintenance of the park is subject to important budget cuts, having only two people dedicated to this work. However, there are some other workers focused on the management of the Park. Bertiz National Park is an important focal point to the development of the region and its environmental qualities.

108 Fig. 92: Bertiz National Park Area. Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: Gobierno de Navarra.

MICROSTORY: JOSE

Jose has always lived in the natural park. He was the last employee who worked for the previous owner.

Issues: the park is now maintained by 2 workers. Jose considers it not enough and states that there are many aspects that are abandoned. The roads and pavilions are not maintained and have a ruined situation.

Valley life: the park used to be the core of the valley corridor. Nowadays, it has an ecological and economic impact since it has become an important touristic attractor that can be enhanced with the Bidasoa “green via”.

109 D. DIFFERENT LIFESTYLES

One of the main values identifi ed in the study area is the diversity of options. Although there are similarities between the corridor settlements, house typologies, uses, sizes and social classes, they present individual particularities. The size of the towns goes from 60 to 4000 inhabitants. Additionally, the traditional dispersed entity -caserio- appears in the rural areas. There is no offi cial estimation of the number of people who live in these structures. Nevertheless, the population is decreasing as the Microstory Caserios describes.

According to the social pyramids, smaller settlements are inhabited by an aged population, which should mean a more stable community, as the profi le is native people who Fig. 93 : Lifestyles: Town centres. are already retired and are not in need of moving. However, Source: Self-elaboration. Gobierno de Navarra. these areas, together with the dispersed ones, present defi ned depopulation risks, as well as a higher problem of exclusion.

One of the causes that can explain the depopulation is the important relation with the capital, since many young people moved there to attend university. Even though time consuming is higher, it was stated in several interviews that the working and shopping dependence from Pamplona is stronger than from San Sebastian. Whereas the good economic situation and its large amount of job opportunities prevented the region from shrinking and developed the urban areas during the last decade, nowadays the evolution of the area and its people is Fig. 94 : Lifestyles: Dispersed settlements. strongly attached to the capital. Source: Self-elaboration. Gobierno de Navarra.

Daily lifestyles are also strongly related with natural layers, since there is a long tradition of city gardening for self- consumption. In most cases it is combined with small cattle farms which complete the industrial earnings of the inhabitants.

Fig. 96 (right): Social Pyramids by settlements. Data Source: INE

110 Fig. 98: Services Town. Elizondo

MICROSTORY: CITY GARDEN

Elizondo is a good example of combination of services, urban life and agricultural production. Despite of the construction bubble, and instead of fi lling the empty plots with new buildings, city gardening has been introduced in the town. Diff erent from other cases in which the urbanization comes fi rst and it is followed by an abandonment of the site, in Elizondo the soil has been treated to have the possibility of cultivating diff erent kind of vegetables, so local people can take advantage from that and contribute to a self- suffi ciency of the town. Some other new elements contribute to spread the self- consumption and “km 0” in the town. Apart from growing their our products reducing costs, the relationship with new technologies is also present, for example introducing new ways of selling, like milk vending machines. Finally, it is important to mention that within the corridor 1 this area holds the best morphological soil condition for agricultural production, an important point to develop the strategies for self-suffi ciency. 112 Fig. 99: Caserios. Dispersed Elements.

MICROSTORY: CASERIOS

The traditional construction in the region is called “Caserio”. It consists of a single house directly related with self-suffi cient production. The morphological structure is divided in three levels: animals in the ground fl oor, residence in the fi rst fl oor and straw loft in the top level, aiming for the energy effi ciency. This logic was abandoned at the end of the 1980s-early 1990s with the construction of big attached farms fi nanced by European funds. Nowadays, the progressive ageing of population, together with the smaller size of the families and the existence of strict urban regulations are increasing the emptiness of these elements. Additionally, in the beginning of the twenty fi rst century the European funds supported the closing down of farms and imposed cattle rates, having also a big infl uence in this abandonment. To avoid this situation, in many occasions caserios are transformed into rural hotels or restaurants. However, this solution is not applicable in all cases. 113 E. COWORKING

One of the fi ndings of the research is the fact that the de- Fig 100 represents user and spatial organization of one of mand of land by the industries and the number of emplo- these coworkings. Both spaces count with a shop where yees are progressively becoming smaller. Furthermore, the the locally produced articles can be shown. These elements relation between production activities varies. According to may constitute a driving force for the economic develop- Castells (2013), the associations in the future will become ment for small local entities. temporary and will be individually negotiated. This would Both microstories show cases that had the chance of star- imply that the actors would be part of a virtual network ting with family facilities. Its successful implementation to- that would meet to collaborate in temporary projects. gether with its rapid growth, has led them to search new spaces with added qualities. But the search is not easy, as Temporary association can be identifi ed in coworking spa- fi nding a suitable place is one of the main problems that ces. Although it is not a new trend, it has recently arrived in these communities fi nd. Navarra enhanced by the economic recession and the individual search of new opportunities. Although they are well known for their abilities in transforming degraded spaces such as former industries, spaces Nowadays, there are three coworking spaces in Pamplona, like that in the centre of the towns are not common. They two private and one public. In addition, there are a number usually exists in industrial areas outside the offi cial urban of not offi cial coworking spaces such as the Lesaka´s one limits, and consequently, they have transport and connec- that opened few months ago. tion issues which might be not as attractive for some workers as an common offi ce. Consequently, the choice of the The variety of users is an added value. They search for indi- space is vital, and also the services off ered. vidual relations inside and outside the space. Therefore, the space qualities and conditions are really important. It is not Apart from the property issues, there are also regulation a traditional offi ce as it is also related to the external pro- problems. To the already mentioned regional normative motion of the users and the interaction with the exterior. If that avoids the mixture of industrial activities or the split industrial facilities are becoming anonymous containers of of spaces, local regulations do not enclose the case of mi- activities, coworking spaces are the opposite. This relation xed activities and demand the submission of one project with the exterior is not only done through the business ac- per each activity, which increase the diffi culty of setting up tivities of the coworkers, but also through the space itself. It these spaces and have paralyze more than one initiative of usually counts with café-bar, showroom, shop, events hall, this type. etc., activities which are in permanent modifi cation according to the demands. Fig. 101 shows the generic organization of these spaces.

They tend to create clusters such as designers, journalists, architects... However, it is not an exclusive relation between service and production structures. All the members of a coworking community are usually dynamic people, in con- tinuous search of new activities and an active collaboration in between clusters. It´s not a simple space sharing: they see each other as a potential colleague, not as the compe- tence.

114 116 8. VISION

117 INTRODUCTION/FINDINGS

After fi fty years of a great economic, urban and social The fi rst research question asked for the infl uence of development, the region of Navarra is experiencing industrialization on the development. The fi ndings have the process of de-industrialization. This is not a detach revealed that in Navarra, particularly, there is a strong phenomenon. The globalization that promoted the relation between economic, spatial and strategic policies. decentralization towards cheaper production regions and As it has been described, the industrialization was the the current economic recession that Europe is experiencing catalyser for the development. The regional government, have revealed the vulnerabilities of the ‘system’. The issues with a higher autonomy than other regions, was able to have proved particularly relevant in territory where the implement a consolidated industrial landscape and attract dependence on big industries is higher. important investors such as Authi – former owner of the The fi ndings and the evolution of the research project has current Volkswagen assembly plant – in detriment of other been strongly infl uenced by the events that have taken regions. place in the province during the last 6 months when the However, this top down development is still strongly number of factory closure and strikes have raised. exogenous and depends on big economic eff orts. They are usually related to the role of infrastructure such as the The consequences of the de-industrialization are perceived current high speed train debate or the subsidies. They also form diff erent scales: fi rm, neighbourhood, city and region. produce negative externalities such as the shadow-pipe The emptiness of the factory is just the beginning of the eff ect or fast infrastructure or the reduction of biodiversity events chain. In the case of Navarra, the role of the family, due to the provision of funds for a specifi c cultivation. the hidden economy and the strong and well fi nanced Another important issue is the fact that the regional government have enhanced a slow-short social and spatial policies meet some incoherencies. Although the POT, have degradation. However, the situation still runs the risk for a polycentric territory as a goal, some of the most relevant a deeper radicalization since the number of vacancies, interventions such as the mentioned high speed train aim commuting-migration are increasing. Municipal and for the reinforcement of what they call the ‘Polinuclear regional projects have been cancelled or postponed while Central area’, the metropolitan area of Pamplona. new approaches are needed in order to modify the current The role of fi rms is also relevant. However, their infl uence situation. and policies hold ambiguity. The case of the metal plants owned by Arcerlor Mittal in the north of Navarra is an The research has focused on the awareness of this interesting case study. The fi rm decided in 2009 to audit vulnerability and the dependence that the development- all the plants they have worldwide and close down the less growth of the region has. Various factors such as the role productive. One of the criteria, among others, was to achieve of infrastructure, governance, spatial morphology, strategic 1500-2000$ per tn. The fact that the Navarra´s plants were position among others, defi ne the ‘degree’ of vulnerability. ‘competing’ against plants in China or India makes us realise The understanding of these conditions was considered that the context is not the same as 40 years ago when they crucial in order to avoid the ‘tabula rasa’ intervention. For were opened. instance, the topographic morphology of Navarra structures Additionally, one of the most important fi ndings in relation the regional settlement along corridors that demand strong with the private companies is the fact that many of the infrastructure investments in contraposition to the central industrial surfaces, which in some cases were acquired under metropolitan area of the capital, Pamplona. The strong very aff ordable terms for its strategic implementation, are central government, based on the mentioned historical becoming vacant or are underused. Sanyo in the south of the benefi ts, defi nes the development strategies for the whole region is one of the most interesting since the municipality territory. had to take to the court the fi rm after the closure in order to regain the land that had been lend for free. 118 UNCERTAINTY

The evolution of the policies described in the specifi c chap- The complexity of the multiple actors, the evolution of ter points the positive emergence of new development ap- the informational era or the globalization of the issues proaches. The result of the previous analysis has led to the are some of the elements that have contributed to the confl uence of two approaches: quantitative and qualitative raise of uncertainty. The releasing of fi x plans is no longer who are also described in the policies chapter. The fi ndings coherent. Instead, the plans need to have a certain degree of both approaches are not contradictory even sharing the of fl exibility and used terms. The issue of de-industrialization has been defi ned as a The interviews with the key actors have demonstrated useful consequence of unfi tness of old spatial structures and new for the understanding of the evolution of issues and the cu- modes of production. The urban model of the industrial rrent context. For instance, the issue of vacant spaces would city did not foresee any alteration of its initial conditions, not have been possible without their description since some so when the circumstances changed the city collapsed as of most interesting cases such as the Lesaka´s plant have in the well-known case of Detroit. not been identifi ed by the administration. In relation to that, Economic crisis is not the only reason for the de- public policy factors such as zoning or the industrial areas industrialization. It is necessary to accept the existence of regulation also increase the vacancy issues. ‘life cycles’ and the necessity of answering with alternative The research has also identifi ed the elements that will help in approaches. Good examples of cities such as Bilbao or the development of alternative strategies. Barcelona were able to transform the decaying industry in In the post-industrial society, the role of the individual inte- services Additionally, the former production systems based ractions is becoming more relevant. Therefore, it is necessary on the mass and centralized production-consumption are to involve their visions and capabilities actively. The creative being substitute by the network ‘industrial districts’ which class is the most relevant example. Although the recognition have a wider is not new - Jane Jacobs already spoke about them in 1969- Although the policies are more mature but similar previous their role, improved by the new informational technologies, issues are being repeated around the world such as the is being upgraded even in the European policies. industrial concentration-specialization town in China However, the incorporation of the creative class to a region which depend on the single product. Ai Weiwei denounced can´t be defi ned by a plan. It depends on multiple factors. this issue with the Tate performance ‘Sunfl ower seeds’. According to Florida (2005) these groups choose fi rst where The Chinese town of Jingdezhen, traditionally known for they want to live and then look for a job or start their own the porcelain production, was saved from bankruptcy in business. Therefore, the spatial conditions or the living stan- 2010 by producing 1 million hand-painted seeds for the dards are highly relevant. exhibition in London. On the fi rst instance, the rural areas are secondary for this The society is also experiencing an increase of the social category since they tend to search for critical mass uncertainties. Over the last 40 years, the economic growth and generate clusters. However, the rural areas may off er the in the West countries has been linked to the development added value of the environmental qualities if they are able of social classes. The mass production was based on the to provide with a good interconnected network of adequate mass consumption of the ‘new middle class’. If we compare spaces and facilities. 3 generations in Navarra (see Fig. 102), we can identify local While the development was based on the mass production ‘prototypes’. The fi rst generation, labour active in the 1960s, in the 1950s, nowadays, the small entrepreneurs are a key was rural and had no formal education. He started working factor for achieving the sustainable and self-suffi cient goals. in the new big companies while also worked in the family In relation to the vulnerability issues mentioned above, the farms. The second, active in the 1980s, had the opportunity rate of bug industries in Navarra is higher than other regions of receiving a better scholar formation and also work in such as the Basque Country or Cataluña. big companies or started their own business. The third 119 generation, 2000s, is the most skilled in history and has the highest mobility options. However, the economic recession and the reduction of workforce are making these qualities to be lost. The current uncertainty due to the high unemployment rate is dramatic. Due to the uncertainty, it is not possible to establish reliable description of the 4th generation.

SHRINKAGE

The vision also encloses the possible or probable consequences of de-industrialization. The research also advocates for the awareness of the risks and the urgency of modifying the strategies before the problems arise. The de-industrialization is followed by a series of chain Fig. 102: Generational evolution. events that lead towards the spatial degradation and Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: various. migration among many issues as we have experienced in Detroit. The alternative interventions and policies need to depopulated due to the reduction of the family size and the be able to reduce the impact. However, it is also important ageing of population. to defi ne the adequate goals. The de-industrialization might be a part of the local life cycle since, as was already stated, a change on the conditions have taken place. First goals are the control over the de-industrialization that would produce a reduction of the wealth system. However, on the mid-term they need to tackle the issue from a diff erent perspective aiming of the transformation of spaces: the recycling of goods, buildings, infrastructure and policies as part of an integrated strategy. Figures in the right page model two extreme degradations of the public and private spaces in two towns in the Bidasoa´s corridor.The case study not only runs the risks of social or spatial degradation but also a new process of depopulation towards the regional or outsider urban areas in search of opportunities. This vision is not only applicable for the industrial areas. The traditional elements such as the ‘caserio’ (described in page 113) also need to be reinterpreted. These elements were a good example of integration between living and working under self-suffi ciency terms. Although it used to be inhabited by big families, they are nowadays being

120 SPATIAL DEGRADATION SIMULATIONS

Oronotz-Mugaire

Lesaka

Fig. 103: De-industrialization consequences chain Source: Self-elaboration.

121 COMMON VISION

The research has pointed out the fact the development Core Values: policies have also experienced a thematic, goals and tools evolution. The concern of sustainability has led to 1. Life quality: the key actors have coincided on the development of diff erent growth models. While the the benefi ts of living in the countryside having a closer traditional growth models used to be based on premises interaction with family, friends and nature. Besides that, the such as maximization of profi ts, fossil fuel energy, large scale new technologies allow them to be globalized connected. production centralized production system; nowadays, the 2. Diversity: the young entrepreneurs speak about development policies speak about the slow but sustainable the necessity of having a wide range of production activities growth, dispersed production centres, a shift towards within the region that off ers diverse opportunities. The alternative energy sources and the assumption that temporary jobs have become humans and the environment are mutually interdependent 3. Ecological values: this aspect, implicit in the life (Stimson, Stough & Roberts, 2006) quality one, was not one of the most relevant probably The result of the previous analysis has led to the confl uence during the discussion probably because it is taken by of two approaches: quantitative and qualitative who merge granted. However, it has a strong relevance for the future in the development of the vision. The fi ndings of both sustainable development. approaches are not contradictory. According to Stimson (2005), the quantitative approach 4. Know How: people are very concerned with the of development focused on the wealth, incomes, job issue of de-industrialization. They don´t imagine a future creation and services. However, the policies have started without industry because ‘this is what they have been to incorporate factors such as the life quality, creativity and always doing’. The strong skills and the experience are one innovation. of the local strengths. From the qualitative perspective, the incorporation of 5. Work Association: the several cases of industry interviews with the key actors has been one of the most closures have been triggered by the local workers with important elements of the research. It has contributed not cooperativeness proposals with diverse acceptance from only to the defi nition of the issues but also to the generation the company owner. Employees have the skills and will for of a common vision. creating association and opening new businesses. Vision is no longer designed and implemented by top- down structures. On the contrary, the current individual 6. Self-suffi ciency: the issue of the local dependence relations have led to the appearance and recognition of from external elements is discussed with scepticism. multiple visions. The role of multinationals and the dependence from the services located in the capital are the biggest issues. According to that, the crossing data chart (Fig. 103) shows However, they recognise the capacity- based on the pre- the relation between the some of the interviewed key actors industrial conditions and the basic unit (Caserios)- from and the most repeated topics (core values) mentioned being self-suffi cient again. during the meetings. The fi ndings of both approaches are 7. Valley interactions: the spatial relations between not contradictory and even shared some of the concepts: valleys were particularly perceivable with the train line life quality, know-how, work association, ecological values, until it was cancelled in 1956. Since then, the connections diversity, self-suffi ciency and valley interactions. These key have only been economic, being the factory plant in Lesaka terms are grouped in three strategic goals: improvement of the main articulator and depended on the car mobility. the spatial and environmental qualities, the recycling of the The interviews have refl ected this issue and remark the underused spaces and shrinking activiites. necessity of generating relations between the settlements.

Fig. 103 (previous page): Interviews crossing data chart Source: Self-elaboration. Data Source: various. 123 VISION STATEMENT

The key terms are grouped in three strategic goals: 1. Improvement/prevention of the spatial and environmental qualities: to the already rich environmental qualities it is necessary to make a re-interpretation of the public space and its relation with the vacant industrial spaces that are appearing. 2. The recycling of the underused spaces and shrinking activities: the mass production needs to be substituted by a network of small entrepreneurs with diff erent 3. Enhancement of local autonomy by creating valley Fig. 104: Core Values Relation Self-elaboration. Data source: various interactions and aiming for a self-suffi cient production. See annex 1, chart 2

Vision aims for a self-suffi cient and interconnected region with a renovated and mixed relation between spaces/uses aiming for enhancing the qualities of living in the rural areas, without depending on the external factors, private or public.

It imagines a future in 40 years when the inhabitants of the rural areas enjoy having a diff erent lifestyle from the urban one. However, the commuting towards the city for studying or working is not necessary anymore because people can develop these activities locally. The decisions or regulation don´t depend from higher entities but are modifi ed locally Fig. 105: Lesaka factory in use, 2007. according to the community engagement. Source: Escapadas.Blogspot.com, 2007

Production is local. It is based on a good network of high skilled entrepreneurs. The big industrial sites have slowly been renovated and transformed on the micro-business incubators. They are not barriers anymore. The public space connects the towns with the interior.

The agriculture and nature have merged with the city functions starting from the recuperation of the vacant or underuse spaces. The dependence from energy or food is gradually reduced

Fig. 106: Lesaka factory vacant, 2013 Source: Jesus Garate, 2013 124 126 9. STRATEGIES

127

LOCAL AUTONOMY LOCAL LOCAL AUTONOMY LOCAL

Fig. 108: Strategies scheme. Source: Self-elaboration.

Fig. 109: Strategies Timeline. Source: Self-elaboration.

128 A. INTRODUCTION

T he strategy treats the de-industrialization issue from an would benefi t the most from the integration in the urban alternative approach. The re-industrialization or mainte- fabric. However, the renovation of the industries that are nance of the big structures is not the goal. On the contrary, closer to the urban fabric would have a direct impact, par- the aim is the reinforcement of the local qualities by the im- ticularly in the hubs that are defi ned by the strategy. The plementation a common identity based on individual rela- renovation of the rest would require a longer implementations along the corridor. The development of local relations tion period (20 years) due to the big amount of elements is meant for the exchange of the big external ones. and the necessity of increasing the number of local entre- The industrial vacancies are the key element of the strategy. preneurs or users. They provide the adequate space for establishing these re- Finally, the transport policies would require a bigger lations (economic, productive, human…). They are also well amount of public funds and would require a bigger num- connected to the local and major infrastructure networks. ber of users. Therefore, it is not expected that the region In order to transform the relation between city and indus- would have ‘traditional’ bus service in the short period. In try, it is also necessary a renovation of the public space order to solve this issue, the use of new technologies would which has been limited by the extensive urban industrial mean a possible alternative. barriers. It is also relevant to incorporate policy modifi cations that The strategies complete each other and have overlapping would solve the explained normative issues that generates common elements. The strategies also treat the mentioned rigid situation. The fl exibility of mix uses instead of the cu- goals of the vision: self suffi ciency-local autonomy, recy- rrent zoning is considered useful for the dynamization of cling of underuse elements and the improvement of the the frozen situation. In relation to that, the strategy remarks relations with the spatial qualities. the awareness of the private property and denounces the It aims for the incorporation of the local communities in the underuse spaces. Infl uenced actors need to get together development so it has been proposed a fl exible timeline in order to fi nd a common solution is cases such as the with key initial interventions, strategic projects, and other Lesaka´s one where empty industrial buildings articulate time of actions that might be extended more in the time the functioning of the entire town by reducing their expan- such as the implementation of local transport policies. sion possibilities. It is considered that the implementation of the dynamic corridor and specifi c punctual interventions would have a deeper infl uence in the short term (10 years) on the vacant residential houses than in the industrial areas because they

129 B. COMMON IDENTITIES

VISION CORE VALUES DESCRIPTION Work association, diversity, self-suffi ciency, valley interactions Although one of the goals is the enhancement of the corridor as single entity, a deeper analysis of the economic, GOALS social and morphological conditions has identifi ed specifi c Enhance the common identity versus the current town local conditions. isolation. Reduce the social exclusion. Increase the job opportunities and the local interaction. Promote the area From the economic point of view, the industrial activities as a common entity. Recycling of vacant spaces. have created a certain ‘clusterization’. The big, metal industries are located in the area enclosed by Lesaka-Bera- TOOLS Etxalar (Area 1=. Wood industry and tourism in Santesteban- 1. Slow infrastructure Oronotz (Area 2) while the services and commerce platforms 2. Common urban link are in Elitzondo (Area 3). This separation is perceived in the 3. Common transport policies. Implementation of distribution of industrial land graphic (Fig. 81b) and the new technologies. land uses diagram (Fig. 113). 4. Hierarchical punctual interventions 5. Community engagement The spacesyntax morphological analysis of the lower, and more accessible, lands supports the existence of 3 individual entities along the corridor. (See Fig. 112) The strategy aims for the dynamization or the relation among these locations enhancing the appearance of new activities and reducing the exclusion issues. The former train line path constitutes a strategic element of the proposal. Although certain sections have already been implemented into a ‘green via’ there are important missing links located particularly in the connections with the current urban centres. The renovation of this space would also integrate the strong environmental qualities. However, it lacks from specifi c elements such as lighting, resting areas or crossings, necessary of the adequate performance. Although the implementation of infrastructure is one of the traditional tools for the enhancement of regional development, it is considered important for the generation of dynamic relations between the mentioned towns. The consequences of developing a common element would modify considerably the lifestyle and the accessibility of the weaker social groups since nowadays there is a strong dependence from the car.

130 Fig. 110: Main regional high speed roads. Fig. 111: Economical and administrative identities. Fig. 112: Shared Spatial Morphology Source: Self-elaboration. Source: Self-elaboration. Source: Self-elaboration. Space Syntax Analysis.

strategic punctual intervention core of each area that also links to the major elemts

Fig. 113: Shared Spatial Morphology. Land uses. Source: Self-elaboration. 131 Additionally, this project would establish not only the necessary administrative relations but also a common element on the users´ personal image of the territory. The second intervention consists on the implementation of a local transport policy. However, the economic recession has infl uenced negatively on the transport budgets and multiple services such as regional trains or factory buses have been reduced or cancelled. In spite of that, the new technologies may off er an aff ordable solution such as shared vehicles services. The implementation of these services would also generate the possible relation between the diff erent areas increasing the common functioning of the whole corridor.

The renovation of the path off ers new opportunities for vacant elements. Some of these interventions may off er strategic opportunities. The proposal recommends the implementation of two types of punctual interventions that would help in the goal of promoting the local identity. In the fi rst instance, it is important to establish adequate Fig. 115: Proposed local links. relations with the major structures for the promotion of local Source: Self-elaboration. products and the interaction with external communities. These relations may be constitute through the creation of strategic multifunctional spaces taking advantage of former vacant industrial sites such Legasa´s factory which counts with adequate connections with the infrastructure networks. The growth of local production policies such as the Km 0 may consititu an important modifi cation of the local economy and quality since they are usually added value products. The generation of a common identity may also have marketing benefi ts where producers such as honey, milk, cold meat sell their products. The second type o punctual intervention has similar characteristics, recycling of vacancies, mixed uses… However, it is meant for the local interaction between towns and the towns with dispersed areas. The involvement of the community is strongly important for the development of the specifi c transformations.

Fig. 115a: Proposed local links. A1. Source: Self-elaboration.

132 Fig. 114: Proposed local links. Source: Self-elaboration. 133 C. STRATEGIC PROJECT. BERTIZ

VISION CORE VALUES: Life quality, ecological values, valley interactions

GOALS: Enhance the common identity versus the current town isolation. Develop the infl uenced area surrounding the park. Recycling of vacant spaces. Preservation of the environmental qualities.

TOOLS: 1. Slow infrastructure 2. Strategic public space renovation 3. Hierarchical punctual intervention 4. Activities connections Fig. 117: Bertiz Natural Park. Source: Self-elaboration.

Fig. 118: A2: Santesteban-Oronotz. 3x10 km Source: Self-elaboration. 134 135 DESCRIPTION

Following with the goal of enhancing the common Apart from the spatial renovation and the recyclement identity of the corridor, it is necessary to remark the role of facilities, new management policies of the necessary of the natural reservoir of Bertiz. It is the most important maintenance of the park would be an additional economic structuring element, apart from the road axis and the source. The budget issues have reduced the management river. It has constituted for centuries a single entity as it workforce until two workers for 42 ha. According to Jose, was described in the correspondent microstory. Although the situation of the park is dramatic since they are not it has an extension of 42 Ha, the number of accesses is enough people. There used to be up to 10 workers. limited. The main one, in the outskirts of Oronoz-Mugaire, is an important touristic focal point. It counts with a visitors The maintenance products could be used for the production centre but it is detached form the urban settlement. The of biomass for example. However, it is important to state visitors arrive there by car or bus without interacting with that the ecological values are more important than the the town services. economic ones since the park is a public interest value. The strategy recommends the interrelation of the access However, the economic profi ts out of the maintenance facilities with the urban area. A symbiotic relation would could an adequate solution instead of reducing its modify the current decay that both structures are currently preservation rate of allowing other type of activities experiencing. such as quarrying as it is currently being discussed in the outskirts mountains surrounding Pamplona. Preservation The recent construction of a road diversion has relieved the by development could be the alternative. town centre from the enormous amount of traffi c that used to cross it. However, the public space still remains invaded by car and truck unconsolidated parking areas. In the former central junction, the ancient train station encloses a lot of opportunities for becoming a new attractor in the town. It is also next to the bridge towards the park so it would be the adequate hub centre.

The reactivation of the public space could also have positive externalities attracting investors that would recycle the vacant caserios and nineteenth century palaces located in ABANDONED TRAIN STATION the town and along the proposed renovated green via. This strategy is directly related to the enhancement of identities from the previous proposal. The renovation of the public space and the recycle of the train station would constitute the local hub of Oronoz that would be connected though the green via with the neighbour municipalities or Narbarte, Legasa and Santesteban. In the core of this axis, we fi nd the already mentioned industrial area of Legasa, with important vacancies. Thanks to the good infrastructure connection and the availability of space, this area off ers a lot of opportunities for becoming the link with the higher networks.

136 137 D. URBAN BARRIERS

VISION CORE VALUES: Life quality, ecological values, work association, self- suffi ciency

GOALS: Enhance the common identity versus the current town isolation. Develop the infl uenced area surrounding the park. Recycling of vacant spaces. Preservation of the environmental qualities. Avoid the degradation of vacant spaces and their surroundings.

TOOLS: 1. Normative modifi cation 2. Vacancies regulation/tax 3. Community engagement Fig. 119: Normative barriers. 500m industry-city buff er. According to 4. Open minded spaces current regulations.Source: Self-elaboration. 5. Recycling

Fig. 120: Urban physical barriers. Source: Self-elaboration.

138 Fig. 121: Community interventions along the limits between industry and city. Land use and morphology. Source: Self-elaboration. 139 DESCRIPTION

If we analyse the relation between the city and the industrial for the big industrial spaces, it has been identifi ed during the areas, we can identify diff erent issues. The case of Lesaka, research that they don´t require big individual spaces but in that sense, is probably one of the most interesting ones in the combination, they prefer added value spaces with a that we can fi nd in Navarra. The factory and the town have mixture of facilities. These type of buildings or spaces have a similar size. In the fi rst instance, this is not one of the most been described by Rogers (1995) as ‘open minded spaces’ important aspects since this proportion also occurs in other since they enclose fl exible and diverse elements. settlements such as Irurtzun or Olazagutia (Fig. 67 and 68). However, the spatial morphology of the topography This renovation of the former industry would therefore enhances this special relation. have spatial implication on the urban scale. The proposal has taken 1 x 1 km area for the demonstration of the issues. From the urban perspective, Lesaka has a medieval The spacesyntax analysis of the current public spaces has structure. The settlement was located there due to the revealed considerably diff erent to the simulation of the strategic location of the intersection between two paths ground fl oor built elements (Fig. 122 and 123) showing and the abundant water streams that enhanced the a series of opportunity spaces that would be useful for a appearance of mills and the development of the traditional renovation of the industry and the public space. metal industry. The labyrinth of streets was enhanced by the interposition of the factory in the 1950s compressing The stripe between the city and the town is a mix of public, the possible expansion of the town. The irregular public private, industrial and interstitial spaces (Fig. 121). The space and the `confl icts’ between the city and the industry number of accesses that former industrial facilities have have also generated a series of interstitial-junk spaces such is usually reduced due to the security issues. According to as car-truck parking areas. that, the factory of Lesaka is a big barrier. The recycling of this space would require a renovation of the links with the Walking through the streets, there is no clear perception city, not only in terms of number of entrances but also in of the elements outside the urban limits, the factory in the modifi cation of the public space that connects it. particular. The city has turned its back on it. Apart from the urban barriers, we can also identify some The strategy also tackles the private property issues. The normative barriers (Already mentioned in the vacancies industrial land is usually off ered to the companies under chapter) that prevent from the development of alternative benefi t agreements in order to attract them and create activities. For instance, the implementation of this factory direct jobs and other series of externalities. Additionally, the would not be possible under the current regulations since private companies also recommend the administration to they avoid the construction of industrial areas closer than have a provision of land in the case of expansion increasing 1000 m to a residential area (500 m if it has a forest area in the amount of vacant spaces underused between the city between). Fig. 119 shows the 500 m buff er in the current and the factory. situation. These barriers also avoid the renovation of the spaces, the splitting or the existence of mixed activities. However, the modifi cation of the production systems, the development of the technology or the economic recession The strategy recommends several interventions that would have led towards the reduction of the sizes of factories. The advance future renovation of the industrial facilities and the result of this trend is the similar vacancy issue. relation with the city. The proposal is not a physical object. It consists on the identifi cation of challenging spaces and If we take the coworking association trends as an alternative new urban links and on the recommendation to institutions

140 Fig.122: Current Public space analysis, openess. Fig. 123: Morpholocial transformation of public space, openess. Source: Self-elaboration. Space syntax Source: Self-elaboration. Space syntax

Fig. 124: Public Space transformation. Source: Self-elaboration. 141 and neighbours to initiate individual diagnostics of the issues and propose alternative possibilities. COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT It is important for the city to tackle the issue of vacancies and underuse spaces. It would be necessary to reformulate the agreements with industries and establish a control of the use of the land. Additional policies could tax the vacant or underuse elements. Vacant private elements could be re-occupied by the communities in order to achieve the vision goals (Fig 107).

Along the in-between stripe, the spacesyntax analysis has identifi ed a series of 5 spaces with diverse conditions and sizes. In this case, the complexity of the private and public issues particularly requires the implication of all the actors in the development of the intervention that would follow the common vision.

142 E. SELF-SUFFICIENCY

VISION CORE VALUES: Life quality, ecological values, work association, self- suffi ciency, valley interaction

GOALS Reduce the dependence form external agents, increase the added value of local products, transform the shrinking wood industry, make a sustainable management of natural sources, renovation of vacant elements

TOOLS 1. Subsidies 2. Vacancies taxation 3. Showrooms, strategic km 0 project 4. Wood biomass promotion among other renewable energy sources 5. Community engagement

DESCRIPTION

The current fossil fuel dependence constitute permanent regional subsidiarities. This issue has been included in the agenda of governments since the 1973 petrol crisis. Since then, the governments have implemented self-suffi cient policies that have been translated to other key aspects of regional development such as food, water or waste in order to break these external dependences. The research has not focused on the calculation or defi nition of fi gures but on the promotion of strategic policies that would implement rational and realistic goals towards the specifi c development of the Bidasoa corridor and its particular characteristics. Therefore, the preservation of the local culture and the spatial qualities would prevail over the energetic policies if they consist on a radical modifi cation of the spatial conditions.

143 FOOD

The issue of food self –suffi ciency was already part of incoherencies such as the fact that the region, famous European policies after the Second World War due to the for the quality of the asparagus cultivation, imports big lack of reservoirs. Since then, we have experienced an quantities from China or Peru. improvement of the accessibility and mobility of food Talking about the northern valleys, the agriculture is not the products that has not only than but growing particularly main production sector. Land use is mostly dedicated to enhanced by the single market economy. fodder and forestry. However, the city-gardening is widely However, the international food trade generates strong extended among the inhabitants. negative externalities. One of the most relevant is the direct relation between the raise of food prices and the oil The analysis of the location of the city gardening in Lesaka ones. The energy speculation has strongly infl uenced the shows that it is concentrated in the ´medieval´ area where issues of weaker communities. The use of soja or corn as almost every plot enjoys from this activity. On the contrary, biomass source has increase their price producing two big the new constructions form the 1950 lack from it. These food crisis during the 2000s increasing the food issues in small self-consumption gardens are part of the local poor areas. lifestyles since the people are used to combine the ´rural´ activities with their jobs in the service or industrial sectors. Additionally, the releasing of subsidies may have a big The issue of food self-suffi ciency can´t be easily tackled. impact on the local diversity as in the case of the Veneto For instance, the calculation depends on multiple elements region, Camposampiero in particular, where 90% of the such as effi ciency, weather, culture, species… It was cultivation is corn due to the European funds. analysed during the Venice Fall 2012 semester. The fi ndings In the case of Navarra, we can identify thousands of resulted on the estimation that an average person requires 2500 m2 of cropland and 5500 m2 of grazing per year, 8000 m2 in total. The required surface multiplies in the case of cattle.

According to that, the urban area of Lesaka could not be self-suffi cient. If we take the total surface of the municipality (55 km2), the result would be positive but we would have consumed an enormous amount of land with uncertain consequences. In example, the spatial values would be reduced, together with the forestry area and its related industry. Additionally, we would aff ect to other territories dependent from the natural sources or qualities of the studied region. The surface can be reduced by the implementation of greenhouses, but it would also have spatial consequences that increasing the built areas and generating a diff erent landscape.

The strategy of self-suffi ciency aims for the ‘rational’ and gradual modifi cations accepting the diffi culty in achieving this goal. However, it also aims for the positive externalities

144 that would improve the local lifestyles making the region more attractive. In the fi rst instance, the strategy recommends the implementation of more cultivation areas in the outskirts of the city (Fig. 126). Although the use of subsidies is being reduced and there is a fund shortage, it might be necessary to promote this implementation with tax benefi ts or other economic tool. It is also important for the implementation of the Km 0 activities the implementation of a showroom space where local producers may trade. This strategy is related to the common identities one. The showroom may be the any of the local or local-regional hubs.

Finally, the existence of vacant industrial built or plot spaces may be recycle with the implementation of mix activities including the agriculture.

Fig. 125: City gardening. Current Situation. Fig. 126: City gradening. Proposed Situation. Source: Self-elaboration. Source: Self-elaboration.

145 ENERGY

Energy self-suffi ciency started to appear in the ding to the several press notes, this standard may charge government’s agendas after the 1973 crisis. Nowadays, it is the production of renewable energy instead of subsidising one of the main goals of the European policies although it. they are not aiming for 100% self-suffi ciency yet. The “20- The approach towards the energy self-suffi ciency is simi- 20-20 European energy plan” has the 20% renewable ener- lar to the food one. The Bidasoa corridor presents two ele- gy production, 20% improvement of effi ciency and 20% ments that can contribute for the achievement of this goal. reduction of greenhouse gases production as main targets. The fi rst one, and with more spatial consequences, is the Navarra has overcome the national and European stan- big amount of forestry. It could help on the relieving of the dards of renewable energy production and aims through wood industry which is experiencing a deep recession due the Third Energetic Plan for achieving the 30% production to the appearance of new technologies and the reduction of renewable energy overcoming the national and Euro- of the furniture demands. pean goals. The regional government has since the 1990s If we take the fi gures of the adequate managed land in the strongly invested in the development of renewable indus- previous years by the wood industry, we would have a po- try even owning part of the stock options of this type of tential wood production of 50.000m3 that would produce companies, particularly the wind energy industry located 168.000 TEP. The fi gure shown is just a reference because it in Aoiz. The fi gures show that we are still far from the local would be necessary a multidisciplinar analysis for defi ning energy independence. the fi gures and the spatial consequences. Other renewable The economic benefi ts of investing in renewable energy sources such as the wind or water jumps could be imple- sources may fi nish due to the new regulation that the na- mented in the region improving the performance of the tional government will release in the next months. Accor- integrated policy.

146 Fig. 129: Forest areas Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Gobierno de Navarra.

Fig. 130: Current Energy performance (Navarra). Source: Self-elaboration. Data source: Gobierno de Navarra.

Fig. 131: Goal Energy ’ Balanced’ (Navarra). Source: Self-elaboration. 147 F. INDUSTRY RECYCLING

The renovation of the industrial vacancies constitutes one the big amount of vacancies. The interventions should be of the main elements of the proposed strategy. These types adequate to the local demands. Therefore, the proposed of interventions have been partially described and included hubs in the ‘identity’ strategy might be a suffi cient starting in the previous strategies. point, also related to the interaction with the public space They integrate a mixture of elements: work with agriculture, mentioned above. shop with café, workshop with design offi ce… All of them are designed in order to welcome the visitor-potential The strategy would also enhance the renovation of the client. city-industry limits physical limits. Form the normative perspective; they also need to allow the renovation into They are not isolated interventions. The architectonic mixed used elements and the spatial splitting. transformation is not the goal. The same way the de- industrialization processes may produce a chain of negative consequences, the dynamic renovation of these spaces may have the opposite result. They are, thanks to the adequate, fl exible and good infrastructure connection the appropriate driving element for a community based development. Therefore, they can also become strategic element for the articulation of the corridor.

The spatial characteristics are diff erent to the previous production facilities. The factory is no longer an anonymous self-enclosed container and becomes part of the public space. Urban barriers are modifi ed. Coworkers, the main social group that is enhancing the working renovation, demand spaces with additional values. They are not just services related. They also have direct relation with local production. Trends such as the food km 0 may be related to other sector such as furniture, lightings, printing that can be exhibit at these facilities. The mix of uses -open minded spaces- diversity- reduces the vulnerability and increases the number of new opportunities.

It is related to the local qualities, the know-how or the local interaction. An adequate modifi cation of the space may also enhance the renovation of the social interactions The initial barrier that this policy needs to tackle is the property issues since in many cases owners prefer to keep the element empty. Long term vacancies should be controlled and owners involved in the community renovation of the space. On the other hand, it is also diffi cult to mobilize enough people in the rural areas for

148 149 154 11. ANNEX 1

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Unless otherwise stated, all the images are credited to Jesus Garate, 2013

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