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EDITOR C.L. Cole, University of Illinois ASSISTANT EDITORS David Andrews, University of Memphis Matti Bunzl, University of Illinois Daniel Cook, University of Illinois Judith Halberstam, University of California, San Diego Jeffrey T. Sammons, New York University Synthia Sydnor, University of Illinois EDITORIAL BOARD Michael Bérubé, University of Illinois Susan Birrell, University of Iowa Monica Casper, University of California, Santa Cruz Jay Coakley, University of Colorado Rosemary J. Coombe, University of Toronto Laurel Davis, Springfield College Norman Denzin, University of Illinois Grant Farred, Duke University Edward Guerrero, New York University Allen Guttmann, Amherst College Jennifer Hargreaves, Roehampton Institute London Douglas Hartmann, University of Minnesota Debra Hawhee, University of Illinois Lisa Henderson, University of Massachusetts Jeremy Howell, University of San Francisco Samantha King, University of Arizona Richard Lapchick, Northeastern University Mary McDonald, Miami University PJ McGann, University of Michigan Zine Magubane, University of Illinois Michael A. Messner, University of Southern California Toby Miller, New York University Melissa Orlie, University of Illinois Cindy Patton, Emory University Michael Real, Ohio University Andrew Ross, New York University David Rowe, University of Newcastle Martha Saavedra, University of California, Berkeley Siobhan Somerville, Purdue University Charles Springwood, Illinois Wesleyan University Jon Stratton, Curtin University of Technology Susan Stryker, GLBT Historical Society Paula Treichler, University of Illinois Faye Linda Wachs, Loyola Marymount University Craig Watkins, University of Texas Lawrence A. Wenner, Loyola Marymount University MANAGING EDITOR Dorie Geissler For Sage Publications: Jason Ward, Jim Kelly, and Joe Cribben JOURNAL OF SPORT & SOCIAL ISSUES November 2001 • Volume 25 • Number 4 ON ISSUE 335 From Joe Camel to Hip, Fit Girls! C.L. Cole & Daniel Thomas Cook FOCUS: YOUTH (KIDS PART II) 339 Notes on Midnight Basketball and the Cultural Politics of Recreation, Race, and At-Risk Urban Youth Douglas Hartmann 372 The Sticky Situation of Sportsmanship: Contexts and Contradictions in Sportsmanship Among High School Boys Basketball Players Reuben A. Buford May 390 “I Want to be the Minority”: The Politics of Youthful White Masculinities in Sport and Popular Culture in 1990s America Kyle W. Kusz TRENDS 417 Winning Ways: Constructing Values on a Girls High School Field Hockey Team John W. Heeren & Marylee Requa VIEW 430 New Times, Physical Education, and Cyberspace Synthia Sydnor 437 Index FROMJOURNAL JOE OF SPORT CAMEL & SOCIAL TO HIP, ISSUES FIT / November GIRLS! 2001 ON ISSUE FROM JOE CAMEL TO HIP, FIT GIRLS! C.L. Cole Daniel Thomas Cook ne year before America’s celebrated 1997 tobacco settlement (only 1 year later, the settlement was amended and weakened), U.S. OWomen’s Soccer, the National Cancer Institute, the Centers for Disease Control, and the U.S. Surgeon General formed the U.S.-based SmokeFree Soccer program. Donna Shalala, then secretary of health and human services, launched the antismoking campaign in Atlanta, Georgia, the host city of the 1996 Olympics. Indeed, SmokeFree entered at least two cultural spaces that fetishized citizenship and traded on affect: the Olympic Games and a national campaign, most formally signified by America’s war on Joe Camel, to prevent youth smoking. Invoking the overused but nonetheless affective imagery of athleti- cism, nation, and teamwork, Shalala (1996) announced that “preventing tobacco use among young people [will] take the stamina of Carla Overbeck and the precision of Tammy Pearman. But, most of all, it [will] take that win- ning combination that underscores every great athletic effort—good old- fashioned American teamwork.” Shalala’s American team included parents, the sports industry, the media, coaches, state and community leaders, and other caring adults. America’s (read: caring adults who are the source of pro- tection) opponent? The accused: R.J. Reynolds’ cartoon mascot Joe Camel. Shalala coded the renowned penis figure (imagery that, particularly in a moment defined by national fascination with child sexual abuse narratives, Kincaid, 1998, suggests that the Joe Camel preoccupation is linked to a com- plex sexual field) as a predator responsible for what she names (clearly in an effort to underscore its seriousness) a “pediatric disease.” SmokeFree’s explicit aim is to prevent teen smoking by educating youth about tobacco-related diseases. The coordinated effort’s print and visual materials feature members of the U.S. women’s soccer team who advise adolescent girls of “the real score.” In what is meant to be a clever translation, girls are told, “In the game of health, always avoid the penalty of smoking—and go straight for the goal of fitness” (see www.smokefree.gov). The antismoking message featured on SmokeFree’s home page suggests the allure and permeability of the protective narrative as it moves from sport to smoking to obesity: Journal of Sport & Social Issues, Volume 25, No. 4, November 2001, pp. 335-338 © 2001 Sage Publications 336 JOURNAL OF SPORT & SOCIAL ISSUES / November 2001 According to the CDC [Centers for Disease Control], children involved in physi- cally active sports like soccer can significantly reduce their risk of smoking. In addition, participation by children on a youth soccer team can help provide the type of physical activity essential to long-term health. Indeed, American youth have become increasingly unfit and overweight. The percentage of young peo- ple who are overweight has doubled since 1980. Participation in a developmen- tally appropriate sport like soccer can contribute to national efforts to reduce the current epidemic of childhood obesity. (www.smokefree.gov) The Public Broadcasting Service encouraged SmokeFree’s efforts by funding Soccer . Kickin’ Butts, a documentary billed as an insightful exam- ination of the “physical and psychological benefits of playing soccer as part of a healthy, smoke-free lifestyle, including weight management, stress relief and building life long friendships” (www.smokefree.gov). Soc- cer...Kickin’ Butts (which features U.S. soccer stars Shannon MacMillan, Tiffeny Milbrett, Lorrie Fair, and Danielle Slaton) shows how soccer is, Shalala claims, “the perfect antidote to teen smoking.” In the video, teen soccer players representing different locales in the United States testify to the promises routinely made in the name of sport. Cultural differences fade as the healthy body, the corporeal specificity long associated with utopic sporting spaces, is foregrounded alongside sporting pleasures, intimacy, moral discipline, and safety. The girls talk, we are told, “with candor and humor about how being involved with soccer has ‘kept them out of trouble’ and helped them make friends, deal with adversity and develop leadership skills” (www.smokefree.gov). Another now-familiar dynamic (children with adult wisdom) is advanced when Jennifer, a young soccer player from New Hampshire, describes the effects of second-hand smoke and then bears witness to her difficult but necessary confrontation with an adult smoker, her mother.1 In another instance, the documentary directs attention to two organizations that are attempting to revise soccer’s suburban image by bringing it to the inner cities. In Soccer...Kickin’ Butts, the problems appear self-evident, their solutions are clear,and their clarity is only inflected and en- hanced, but never simply, by girl soccer players and the story’s redundancies. SmokeFree Soccer builds on and affectively folds the “tobacco war” (Glantz & Balbach, 2000; Pringle, 1998) into lifestyle discourses already in place. In this case, lifestyle politics intersect with the figures of the child- teen and the teen-pediatric. Their authorizations and affect are mutual: girl-teen soccer players shore up the ethical certainty of lifestyle moralizing, and lifestyle politics (which deny America’s healthcare hierarchy) clarify the paradigmatic meaning of the girl-teen soccer player national icon. Such a campaign also absorbs “Girl Power!” and Generation Y into an antitobacco imagination populated by fantastic figures. For instance, Roddy Reid (2000), in his analysis of California’s antismoking campaigns, showed that smokers are “repeatedly likened...totragically isolated individuals, postmeno- pausal women or postclimacteric men, shapeless members of the working class, French nationals, the genetically deficient, addicts, serial killers, FROM JOE CAMEL TO HIP, FIT GIRLS! 337 gangsters, and in a more humorous vein, farting cows” (p. 136). Donna Shalala deploys this strategy when she participates in the struggle over coolness. By her view,“this generation needs to understand that health and fitness are cool” (www.smokefree.gov). What are we to make of America’s innovative solutions? Eliminate Joe Camel? Redefine cool? Offer girls’ sports as the nation’s latest antidrug? And, how do these innovative solutions help reconfigure what and who count as the problems? What should we make of the fantastic power accorded to Joe Camel (particularly because, as Mike Males (1999) showed, smoking among youth was actually on the decline during this period)? How is it possible that America imagined a cartoon figure exercising such enor- mous power over the minds and bodies of America’s kids? And what are the stakes in the fight over cool (Pountain and Robins, 2000)? Can the contrived cool of the clean-cut, family-friendly soccer players