Predatory Pricing

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Predatory Pricing PREDATORY PRICING ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT This report covers predatory pricing, pricing so low that competitors quit rather than compete, permitting the predator to raise prices in the long run. Predatory pricing is subject to the competition laws and policies of most OECD countries, but there has been a lively controversy over what standards should be applied. Some officials go so far as to urge that any rule against predation will do more harm than good by depriving consumers of the benefits of vigorous price competition. This report examines the conflicting proposals for a standard to control predatory pricing and recommends a method of analysis which competition officials should follow. Major emphasis is given to identifying when low pricing should not be of concern to competition authorities. OECD 1989 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................... 5 II. THE ECONOMICS OF PREDATION......................................................................................... 7 A. Predatory Pricing...................................................................................................................... 7 B. Non-Price Predation ............................................................................................................... 11 C. Discussion .............................................................................................................................. 12 III. THE FREQUENCY OF PREDATORY PRICING.................................................................... 14 IV. THEORIES FOR CONTROLLING PREDATORY PRICING.................................................. 19 A. No Rule ................................................................................................................................. 19 B. Short-Run Cost-Based Rules ................................................................................................ 20 C. Long-Term Cost-Based Rules .............................................................................................. 21 D. Output Expansion Rules ....................................................................................................... 22 E. Rules Governing Price Rises ................................................................................................ 23 F. Industry-Specific Rules......................................................................................................... 24 G. Rule-of-Reason Tests............................................................................................................ 24 H. “Two-Tier” Rules.................................................................................................................. 26 I. Discussion............................................................................................................................. 27 V. LEGAL MECHANISMS TO CONTROL PREDATION.......................................................... 29 Australia...................................................................................................................................... 29 Austria......................................................................................................................................... 31 Belgium....................................................................................................................................... 31 Canada ........................................................................................................................................ 32 Denmark...................................................................................................................................... 33 Finland ........................................................................................................................................ 33 France.......................................................................................................................................... 33 Germany...................................................................................................................................... 34 Ireland ......................................................................................................................................... 35 Japan............................................................................................................................................ 36 New Zealand ............................................................................................................................... 37 Norway........................................................................................................................................ 37 Portugal ....................................................................................................................................... 38 Sweden........................................................................................................................................ 38 Switzerland.................................................................................................................................. 38 United Kingdom.......................................................................................................................... 38 United States ............................................................................................................................... 39 European Community ................................................................................................................. 43 3 Discussion ................................................................................................................................... 43 VI. ENFORCEMENT ACTIONS..................................................................................................... 45 Australia...................................................................................................................................... 45 Belgium....................................................................................................................................... 46 Canada ........................................................................................................................................ 48 Denmark...................................................................................................................................... 49 France.......................................................................................................................................... 51 Germany...................................................................................................................................... 55 Japan............................................................................................................................................ 57 Norway........................................................................................................................................ 58 Sweden........................................................................................................................................ 58 United Kingdom.......................................................................................................................... 59 United States ............................................................................................................................... 62 European Community ................................................................................................................. 70 Discussion ................................................................................................................................... 72 VII. CONCLUSIONS................................................................................................................................. 75 NOTES AND REFERENCES.................................................................................................................... 78 Chapter II .................................................................................................................................... 78 Chapter III................................................................................................................................... 80 Chapter IV................................................................................................................................... 81 Chapter V .................................................................................................................................... 85 Chapter VI................................................................................................................................... 89 4 I. INTRODUCTION The subject of predatory conduct, predatory pricing in particular, is topical again. Several trends have converged which make an examination of predation timely. The first is the sweeping movement throughout the OECD to increase competition and efficiency through the deregulation of numerous sectors and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises. This movement raises concerns that the newly freed firms, often dominant in their markets, will seek unfairly to protect their positions against new entrants. Second, there is the increasingly difficult area of international trade, where economic dislocations in connection with rising imports have caused many domestic industries to charge their
Recommended publications
  • The FTC and the Law of Monopolization
    George Mason University School of Law Law and Economics Research Papers Series Working Paper No. 00-34 2000 The FTC and the Law of Monopolization Timothy J. Muris As published in Antitrust Law Journal, Vol. 67, No. 3, 2000 This paper can be downloaded without charge from the Social Science Research Network Electronic Paper Collection: http://papers.ssrn.com/paper.taf?abstract_id=235403 The FTC and the Law of Monopolization by Timothy J. Muris Although Microsoft has attracted much more attention, recent developments at the FTC may have a greater impact on the law of monopolization. From recent pronouncements, the agency appears to believe that in monopolization cases government proof of anticompetitive effect is unnecessary. In one case, the Commission staff argued that defendants should not even be permitted to argue that its conduct lacks an anticompetitive impact. This article argues that the FTC's position is wrong on the law, on policy, and on the facts. Courts have traditionally required full analysis, including consideration of whether the practice in fact has an anticompetitive impact. Even with such analysis, the courts have condemned practices that in retrospect appear not to have been anticompetitive. Given our ignorance about the sources of a firm's success, monopolization cases must necessarily be wide-ranging in their search for whether the conduct at issue in fact created, enhanced, or preserved monopoly power, whether efficiency justifications explain such behavior, and all other relevant issues. THE FTC AND THE LAW OF MONOPOLIZATION Timothy J. Muris* I. INTRODUCTION Most government antitrust cases involve collaborative activity. Collabo- ration between competitors, whether aimed at sti¯ing some aspect of rivalry, such as ®xing prices, or ending competition entirely via merger, is the lifeblood of antitrust.
    [Show full text]
  • Amazon's Antitrust Paradox
    LINA M. KHAN Amazon’s Antitrust Paradox abstract. Amazon is the titan of twenty-first century commerce. In addition to being a re- tailer, it is now a marketing platform, a delivery and logistics network, a payment service, a credit lender, an auction house, a major book publisher, a producer of television and films, a fashion designer, a hardware manufacturer, and a leading host of cloud server space. Although Amazon has clocked staggering growth, it generates meager profits, choosing to price below-cost and ex- pand widely instead. Through this strategy, the company has positioned itself at the center of e- commerce and now serves as essential infrastructure for a host of other businesses that depend upon it. Elements of the firm’s structure and conduct pose anticompetitive concerns—yet it has escaped antitrust scrutiny. This Note argues that the current framework in antitrust—specifically its pegging competi- tion to “consumer welfare,” defined as short-term price effects—is unequipped to capture the ar- chitecture of market power in the modern economy. We cannot cognize the potential harms to competition posed by Amazon’s dominance if we measure competition primarily through price and output. Specifically, current doctrine underappreciates the risk of predatory pricing and how integration across distinct business lines may prove anticompetitive. These concerns are height- ened in the context of online platforms for two reasons. First, the economics of platform markets create incentives for a company to pursue growth over profits, a strategy that investors have re- warded. Under these conditions, predatory pricing becomes highly rational—even as existing doctrine treats it as irrational and therefore implausible.
    [Show full text]
  • The Three Types of Collusion: Fixing Prices, Rivals, and Rules Robert H
    University of Baltimore Law ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law All Faculty Scholarship Faculty Scholarship 2000 The Three Types of Collusion: Fixing Prices, Rivals, and Rules Robert H. Lande University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected] Howard P. Marvel Ohio State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/all_fac Part of the Antitrust and Trade Regulation Commons, and the Law and Economics Commons Recommended Citation The Three Types of Collusion: Fixing Prices, Rivals, and Rules, 2000 Wis. L. Rev. 941 (2000) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLES THE THREE TYPES OF COLLUSION: FIXING PRICES, RIVALS, AND RULES ROBERTH. LANDE * & HOWARDP. MARVEL** Antitrust law has long held collusion to be paramount among the offenses that it is charged with prohibiting. The reason for this prohibition is simple----collusion typically leads to monopoly-like outcomes, including monopoly profits that are shared by the colluding parties. Most collusion cases can be classified into two established general categories.) Classic, or "Type I" collusion involves collective action to raise price directly? Firms can also collude to disadvantage rivals in a manner that causes the rivals' output to diminish or causes their behavior to become chastened. This "Type 11" collusion in turn allows the colluding firms to raise prices.3 Many important collusion cases, however, do not fit into either of these categories.
    [Show full text]
  • Experimental Evidence on Predatory Pricing Policies
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Edlin, Aaron S.; Roux, Catherine; Schmutzler, Armin; Thöni, Christian Working Paper Hunting unicorns? Experimental evidence on predatory pricing policies Working Paper, No. 258 Provided in Cooperation with: Department of Economics, University of Zurich Suggested Citation: Edlin, Aaron S.; Roux, Catherine; Schmutzler, Armin; Thöni, Christian (2017) : Hunting unicorns? Experimental evidence on predatory pricing policies, Working Paper, No. 258, University of Zurich, Department of Economics, Zurich, http://dx.doi.org/10.5167/uzh-138188 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/173418 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu University of Zurich Department of Economics Working Paper Series ISSN 1664-7041 (print) ISSN 1664-705X (online) Working Paper No.
    [Show full text]
  • Monopoly Pricing in a Time of Shortage James I
    Loyola University Chicago Law Journal Volume 33 Article 6 Issue 4 Summer 2002 2002 Monopoly Pricing in a Time of Shortage James I. Serota Vinson & Elkins L.L.P. Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/luclj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation James I. Serota, Monopoly Pricing in a Time of Shortage, 33 Loy. U. Chi. L. J. 791 (2002). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/luclj/vol33/iss4/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago Law Journal by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Monopoly Pricing in a Time of Shortage James L Serota* I. INTRODUCTION Traditionally, the electric power industry has been heavily regulated at both the federal and state levels. Recently, the industry has been evolving towards increasing emphasis on market competition and less pervasive regulation. Much of the initial impetus for change has occurred during periods of reduced demand and increased supply. More recently, increases in demand and supply shortages have led to brownouts, rolling blackouts, price spikes and accusations of "price gouging."' The purpose of this paper is to examine the underlying economic and legal bases for regulation and antitrust actions, and the antitrust ground rules for assessing liability for "monopoly pricing in times of shortage." In this author's view, price changes in response to demand are the normal reaction of a competitive market, and efforts to limit price changes in the name of "price gouging" represent an effort to return to pervasive regulation of electricity.
    [Show full text]
  • Predatory Pricing, a Case Study: Matsushita Electric Industries Co. V. Zenith Radio Corporation
    PREDATORY PRICING, A CASE STUDY: MATSUSHITA ELECTRIC INDUSTRIES CO. V. ZENITH RADIO CORPORATION M. STEVEN WAGLE INTRODUCTION There is an abundance of predatory pricing theories. Scholars have created a barrage of rules and thresholds designed to detect un- lawful predatory practices. The most influential work on predatory practice was written almost thirty years ago by John S. McGee.1 Mc- Gee showed that although it was widely believed that the Standard Oil Company used predatory pricing in its virtual monopolization of the oil refining market, there was no hard evidence to show that Standard Oil in fact employed such pricing. Since McGee, many scholars have reviewed the theories of pric- ing, and recent literature on the law and economics of antitrust has devoted increasing attention to this issue.2 There has also been an outpouring of cost-based rules appearing in court opinions dealing with predatory pricing.3 These rules can essentially be attributed to t J.D., Washburn University, 1986; M.A., Wichita State University, 1986; B.A., Unmversity of Kansas, 1980. Law clerk to the Hon. John K. Pearson, Wichita, Kansas. I would like to thank Dr. Philip Hersch, Professor of Economics, Wichita State Umver- sity, for patiently reviewing this article and offering invaluable criticism of it. 1. McGee, Predatory Price Cutting: The Standard Oil (NJ.) Case, 1 J.L. & EcON. 137 (1958). 2. For additional perspectives, see Areeda & Turner, PredatoryPring and Re- lated Practices Under Section 2 of the Sherman Act, 88 HARV. L. REV. 697 (1975); Jos- kow & Klevorick, A Frameworkfor Analyzing PredatoryPrmcng Policy, 89 YALE L.J.
    [Show full text]
  • A Proposal to Enhance Antitrust Protection Against Labor Market Monopsony Roosevelt Institute Working Paper
    A Proposal to Enhance Antitrust Protection Against Labor Market Monopsony Roosevelt Institute Working Paper Ioana Marinescu, University of Pennsylvania Eric A. Posner, University of Chicago1 December 21, 2018 1 We thank Daniel Small, Marshall Steinbaum, David Steinberg, and Nancy Walker and her staff, for helpful comments. 1 The United States has a labor monopsony problem. A labor monopsony exists when lack of competition in the labor market enables employers to suppress the wages of their workers. Labor monopsony harms the economy: the low wages force workers out of the workforce, suppressing economic growth. Labor monopsony harms workers, whose wages and employment opportunities are reduced. Because monopsonists can artificially restrict labor mobility, monopsony can block entry into markets, and harm companies who need to hire workers. The labor monopsony problem urgently calls for a solution. Legal tools are already in place to help combat monopsony. The antitrust laws prohibit employers from colluding to suppress wages, and from deliberately creating monopsonies through mergers and other anticompetitive actions.2 In recent years, the Federal Trade Commission and the Justice Department have awoken from their Rip Van Winkle labor- monopsony slumber, and brought antitrust cases against employers and issued guidance and warnings.3 But the antitrust laws have rarely been used by private litigants because of certain practical and doctrinal weaknesses. And when they have been used—whether by private litigants or by the government—they have been used against only the most obvious forms of anticompetitive conduct, like no-poaching agreements. There has been virtually no enforcement against abuses of monopsony power more generally.
    [Show full text]
  • Regulation Methods in Natural Monopoly Markets Case of Russian Gas Network Companies
    International Journal of Engineering Research and Technology. ISSN 0974-3154, Volume 12, Number 5 (2019), pp. 624-630 © International Research Publication House. http://www.irphouse.com Regulation Methods in Natural Monopoly Markets Case of Russian Gas Network Companies Filatova Irina1, Shabalov Mikhail2 and Nikolaichuk Liubov3 Department of Economics, Accounting and Finance, Saint Petersburg Mining University, Russian Federation. 1ORCIDs: 0000-0002-0505-8274, 20000-0003-2224-6530, 30000-0001-5013-1787 Abstract difficult to predict and regulate. It is worth noting that the state in the gas distribution industry acts simultaneously as The main stakeholders in the gas distribution sector two stakeholders: the first reflects its interests as an authority (government, shareholders and consumers) have different regulating the functioning and development of the industry; interests and goals. The state, as a regulatory body, should and the second one represents the interests of the state as the find the best regulatory methods in order to achieve the main shareholder of gas companies. maximum effect of public welfare: direct (pricing) and indirect (price influencing). The use of the “costs plus” A key tool designed to ensure a balance of interests of the method makes it possible to set the lowest possible tariffs for above parties is the policy of state price regulation, the goal of the transportation of natural gas, but it leads to the emergence which is to prevent market failures in order to maintain and of a “tariff precedent”, a loss of profits for companies, limited strengthen public welfare [2, 3]. At the same time, the need investment in the development of the sector.
    [Show full text]
  • Buyer Power: Is Monopsony the New Monopoly?
    COVER STORIES Antitrust , Vol. 33, No. 2, Spring 2019. © 2019 by the American Bar Association. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. This information or any portion thereof may not be copied or disseminated in any form or by any means or stored in an electronic database or retrieval system without the express written consent of the American Bar Association. Buyer Power: Is Monopsony the New Monopoly? BY DEBBIE FEINSTEIN AND ALBERT TENG OR A NUMBER OF YEARS, exists—or only when it can also be shown to harm consumer commentators have debated whether the United welfare; (2) historical case law on monopsony; (3) recent States has a monopoly problem. But as part of the cases involving monopsony issues; and (4) counseling con - recent conversation over the direction of antitrust siderations for monopsony issues. It remains to be seen law and the continued appropriateness of the con - whether we will see significantly increased enforcement Fsumer welfare standard, the debate has turned to whether the against buyer-side agreements and mergers that affect buyer antitrust agencies are paying enough attention to monopsony power and whether such enforcement will be successful, but issues. 1 A concept that appears more in textbooks than in case what is clear is that the antitrust enforcement agencies will be law has suddenly become mainstream and practitioners exploring the depth and reach of these theories and clients should be aware of developments when they counsel clients must be prepared for investigations and enforcement actions on issues involving supply-side concerns. implicating these issues. This topic is not going anywhere any time soon.
    [Show full text]
  • Resale Price Maintenance: Economic Theories and Empirical Evidence
    "RESALE PRICE MAINTENANCE: ECONOMIC THEORIES AND EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE Thomas R. Overstreet, Jr. Bureau of Economics Staff Report to the Federal Trade Commission November 1983 RESALF. PRICE INTF.NANCE: ECONO IC THEORIES AND PIRICAL EVIDENCE Thomas R. Overstreet, Jr. Bureau of Economics Staff Report to the Federal Trade Commiss ion November 1983 . FEDERAL TRDE COM~ISSION -f. JAMES C. ~ILLER, III, Chairman MICHAEL PERTSCHUK, Commissioner PATRICIA P. BAILEY, Commissioner GEORGE W. DOUGLAS, Commissioner TERRY CALVANI, Commi S5 ioner BUREAU OF ECONO~ICS WENDY GRA~, Director RONALD S. BOND, Deputy Director for Operations and Research RICHARD HIGGINS, Deputy Director for Consumer Protection and Regulatory Analysis JOHN L. PETE , Associate Director for Special Projects DAVID T. SCHEFF N, Deputy Director for Competition and Anti trust PAUL PAUTLER, Assistant to Deputy Director for Competition and Antitrust JOHN E. CALFEE, Special Assistant to the Director JAMES A. HURDLE, Special Assistant to . the Director THOMAS WALTON, Special Assistant to the Director KEITH B. ANDERSON, Assistant Director of Regulatory Analysis JAMES M. FERGUSON, Assistant Director for Antitrust PAULINE IPPOLITO, Assistant Director for Industry Analysis WILLIAM F. LONG, ~anager for Line of Business PHILIP NELSON, Assistant Director for Competition Analysis PAUL H. RUBIN, Assistant Director for Consumer Protection This report has been prepared by an individual member of the professional staff of the FTC Bureau of Economics. It rsfle cts solely the views of the author, and is not intended to represent the position of the Federal Trade Commission, or necessarily the views of any individual Commissioner. -ii - fI. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank former FTC Commissioner David A.
    [Show full text]
  • Guidelines for the Analysis of Cases of Exclusionary Abuse of Dominance
    GUIDELINES FOR THE ANALYSIS OF CASES OF EXCLUSIONARY ABUSE OF DOMINANCE Buenos Aires, Mayo de 2019 Disclaimer: These guidelines have been translated into English to help their reading by non-Spanish speaking people. The only official version of the Argentine Guidelines for the Analysis of Cases of Exclusionary Abuse of Dominance, however, is the Spanish version. 1 CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION 3 II. EXISTENCE OF A DOMINANT POSITION 4 III. ABUSE OF DOMINANC​E 7 III.1. Factors to take into account for the existence of exclusionary abuses of dominance 8 III.2. Efficiencies 9 IV. SPECIFIC FORMS OF ABUSE 10 IV.1. Refusal to supply and margin squeeze 10 IV.2. Tying and bundling 13 IV.3. Predatory pricing 15 IV.4. Vertical restraints 16 IV.4.1.Resale price maintenance 17 IV.4.2. Exclusivity 18 IV.4.3.Conditional discounts 20 2 I. INTRODUCTION The aim of this document is to provide guidelines regarding practices that constitute infringements of Act No. 27,442 of Defense of Competition (LDC, for its Spanish acronym) and to contribute to predictability in decision-making, notwithstanding its application on a case-by-case basis and the use of complementary criteria that may be developed in the future. In this sense, the guidelines set forth in this document do not constitute an opinion regarding specific cases under investigation. A typical classification of the conducts that infringe the LDC differentiates unilateral from coordinated conducts. This document refers only to the first type, in particular, to possible abuses of a dominant position by a single firm or legal entity.
    [Show full text]
  • Methods for Increasing Competition in Telecommunications Markets
    Methods for Increasing Competition in Telecommunications Markets By Mark Jamison Public Utility Research Center University of Florida Gainesville, Florida March 2012 Contact Information: Dr. Mark Jamison, Director Public Utility Research Center PO Box 117142 205 Matherly Hall University of Florida Gainesville, FL 32611-7142 +1.352.392.6148 [email protected] The author would like to thank Dr. Janice Hauge for her helpful comments on this paper and Professor Suphat Suphachalasai for his recommendations on content. The author also would like to thank Thammasat University and the National Telecommunications Commission of Thailand for their generous financial support. All errors and omissions are the responsibility of the author. Abstract We examine the concepts of workable competition, barriers and conduct that limit the achievement of workable competition, and steps that sector regulators can take to address these obstacles. The concept of workable competition is an attempt to describe a market situation that does not fit the model of perfect competition, but that has enough features of perfect competition that government intervention is unnecessary and possibly even counterproductive. The first attempt to define workable competition focused on issues of product differentiation, the number and size-distribution of producers, restrictions on output, imperfection in the value chain, information, scale economies, and producer ability to change output. Most recently a simple set of metrics emerged, namely that there should be at least 5 reasonably comparable rivals, none of the firms should have more than a 40 percent market share, and entry by new competitors must be easy. Barriers to achieving workable competition can be divided into demand side market features, supply side market features, and firm conduct issues.
    [Show full text]