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FROM THE INNER QUARTERS TO THE STEPPES: EDUCATION,

MARRIAGE, AND THE LIVES OF QING IMPERIAL DAUGHTERS

A Thesis

Presented to

The Faculty of Graduate Studies

The University of Guelph

CAMILLE YI-CHIA SHIEH

In partial fulfilment of requirements

for the degree of

Master of Arts

January, 2008

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FROM THE INNER QUARTERS TO THE STEPPES: EDUCATION, MARRIAGE, AND THE LIVES OF QING IMPERIAL DAUGHTERS

Camille Yi-Chia Shieh Advisor: University of Guelph, 2008 Professor N. Smith

This thesis is a study of the education and marriage practices of imperial daughters of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911). It argues that these women, like men in politics and government, participated in and experienced the adoption of Han cultural traits over the course of the dynasty, although a connection to the steppe heritage never ceased. Changes toward a more Confucianized education of proper gender roles for imperial daughters and abandonment of steppe marriage customs of the Manchu imperial house cannot be explained solely as the result of 'Sinicization,' as prospective marriage partners of imperial daughters continued to be restricted to Mongol and Manchu aristocrats. This contradiction represents the unique cultural hybridization - of steppe and Han cultures - that can be observed in both the Qing court and society. Acknowledgements

I extend my sincere gratitude to friends and professors who have supported me throughout the writing of this project. I am also grateful for all critiques and comments received; they have made both the thesis and myself stronger in the process.

In particular, I'd like to thank the following individuals:

My advisor, Dr. Norman Smith, for every encouragement, supportive comment, and helpful advice provided since the very first email. Thank you for proving that I made one of the best academic decisions by studying under your tutelage.

Ba, Ma, and Rudy, for your unwavering faith in what I am able to achieve, even when I've lost faith in myself. You have allowed me the freedom to pursue and complete what I wished to accomplish. This accomplishment is every bit yours as it is mine.

And DD, for keeping me company and bringing smiles to my face. I will miss our days together.

i Table of Contents

Introduction 1 A Survey of Qing Historiography 7 Approaching the Study of Imperial Women Based on Limited Sources 11

Chapter 1: Imperial Daughters and Education 18 Learning Culture of Women in the Late Imperial Era 21 Extended Rules for the Inner Quarters 26 Education Curriculum of Manchu Imperial Daughters 3 8

Chapter 2: Imperial Daughters and Marriage 45 Marriage Arrangements 47 Quantitative Analysis of the Marriages of Imperial Daughters 50 Why the Mongols? 53 Lifestyle Transitions of Imperial Daughters, From Palace to Palace 58

Chapter 3: Imperial Daughters and the Imperial Marriage System 71 Han Marriage Rituals of Dowry and Monogamy-Concubinage 73 Han Moral Principles on Strict Family Hierarchy 79 Han and Steppe Concept of Chastity 82

Conclusion 90

Bibliography 99

Appendix I 106

Appendix II 107 Introduction

This thesis is a study of the education and marriage practices of imperial daughters of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911). It argues that these women, like men in politics and government, participated in and experienced the adoption of Han cultural traits over the course of the dynasty, although a connection to the steppe heritage never ceased. This contradiction represents the unique cultural hybridization - of steppe and Han cultures - that can be observed in both the Qing court and society. The focus is on "imperial daughters," daughters and adopted-daughters of the Manchu emperors, for two main reasons. First, the Qinding Da Qing huidian [Imperially commissioned collected regulations of the Qing dynasty]1 clea rly demonstrates that daughters belonging to the

Aisin-Gioro imperial clan were ranked according to their father's relation to the direct succession line of the emperors. Accordin g to this strict hierarchy, a difference in prestige, honour, and respect exists between a daughter of the emperor and a daughter of other personages. Thus, marital ties established by the emperor's daughters and Mongol and Manchu aristocrats can have important political significance. In this sense, the

1 This collection under went various revisions throughout the reigns of the Qing emperors. The first edition was published in the Kangxi reign. The edition used in this thesis was published during the Guangxu reign, in 1899. 2 Qinding Da Qing huidian, 1-24 juan [Imperially Commissioned Collected Regulations of the Qing Dynasty, 1-24 Volumes] (Taibei: Qiwen chubanshe, 1963), 28.

1 Confucian-based education received by imperial daughters prior to marriage is crucial in shaping their views and attitudes on marriage life. The Confucian education taught to imperial daughters and the continual marital ties with Mongol and Manchu aristocrats precisely represent the steppe and Han cultural synthesis that was present during the course of the Qing.

Second, various acknowledgements by scholars of the 'freedom' experienced by steppe women, generally in politics, economic and legal rights, social and familial standings, and education, are only partially applicable when examining Manchu imperial daughters. T o date, they have generally not been perceived as active participants in state politics and little is known about these women. At first glance this silence seems to resonate with the Han cultural emphasis on the seclusion of females from the public life, thus providing convenient evidence for the Sinicization theory of the Manchus in China proper. Additionally, the Confucian education received by imperial daughters prior to marriage teaches on the submissive roles of ideal Confucian womanhood, which could be

For exa mples of such studies, see Mark C. Elliot, The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2001), 251; Frederick W. Mote, Imperial China 900-1800 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999), 75-76; Lawrence Krader, Social Organization of the Mongol-Turkic Pastoral Nomads (The Hague, Mouton, 1963); Karl A. Wittfogel and Feng Jiasheng, History of Chinese Society: Liao (907-1125) (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1949), 17, 199-202.

2 one explanation of the political and social passivity of imperial daughters. However, the life-long protection and support of these women by the Aisin-Gioro imperial clan suggests that imperial daughters likely enjoyed more authority than what has been previously assumed. For instance, contact with the natal family continued, if not strengthened, after marriage, and these women enacted the roles of heads of household in their mansions after marriage. Thus, examination of the specificities of imperial daughters' lives both prior to and after marriage promises insight into the experience of imperial daughters within the process of steppe and Han cultural hybridization.

The expected life courses of imperial daughters can be seen in the educational text

Yuding Neize yanyi [Imperially Commissioned Extended Rules for the Inner Quarters]

{Extended Rules), commissioned by Empress Dowager Xiaozhuangwen (1613-1688) and prefaced by the Shunzhi emperor (1638-1661). The text teaches women how to behave as proper Confucian wives, daughters-in-law, and mothers, and became a part of the growing popularity of female literary education that began in China during the Song dynasty (960-1279). Adoption and promotion of Confucian teachings for ideal womanhood through this text place marriage life as a central element of the lives of imperial daughters. The instructions contained within this text specify ways in which women could carry out their roles better after marriage, as demonstrated by detailed explanation of how to serve one's parents-in-law, husband, and children, and how to properly manage a household. Moreover, from genealogical records, every single imperial daughter who lived to marriageable age was married, suggesting a connection between the Confucian education on marriage life and imperial daughters' lives after marriage.

Marriage traditions of Qing imperial daughters reveal how these women participated in and experienced the Qing phenomenon of hybridizing steppe and Han cultures through marriage, the most important rite of passage in their lives. Through quantitative analysis of the marriages of imperial daughters, the importance given to Manchu-Mongol intermarriage will be revealed, as over half of all imperial daughters married Mongol aristocrats. Manchu-Mongol marriage ties in the early reigns of the dynasty were crucial in establishing and maintaining ties to the Mongol allies, who provided important military support to the Manchu forces in their conquest of China proper. However, continued Manchu-Mongol intermarriage after the Manchus consolidated power in China proper suggests that the Manchu imperial house chose to be identified with its steppe heritage, rather than being assimilated with the Han majority. In this sense, a conscious differentiation between the rulers and the ruled is stressed and maintained by conducting marriages with steppe peoples, which demonstrates that a complete 'Sinicization'

4 transformation did not occur.4 D espite receiving a Confucian education on ideal womanhood, imperial daughters married Mongol aristocrats and enjoyed unparalleled social and familial privilege that contradicts the subservient roles they were supposed to carry out based on their education. The synthesis of steppe-Manchu cultures did not occur on a political level only; it was experienced by imperial daughters through a connection between education and marriage as well.

In early Qing rule, the disappearance of various key Manchu-Mongol intermarriage customs, like levirate and divorce, is evidenced in examining individual cases of imperial daughters. This disappearance resonates nicely with the state promotion of the ideal

Confucian womanhood, as advocated in the Extended Rules. Despite the promotion of

Confucian ideologies even in the marriage practices of imperial daughters, the question of why the Qing court continued to marry imperial daughters to Mongol aristocrats, and not Han elites, is still not satisfactorily addressed. The importance and significance given to Manchu-Mongol intermarriage needs to be reconsidered: aside from political necessity, the symbolic meaning of Manchu-Mongol intermarriage suggests a reluctance to detach from the steppe heritage. Furthermore, conscious efforts by Manchu rulers in terminating

4 Mark C. Elliot believes t hat adoption of Confucian political and social norms did take place, although a complete conformity to the Han culture did not occur, as shown by a diverse of studies on Qing history in the twentieth-century. See Elliot, Manchu Way, 3, 6-7.

5 these steppe marriage customs demonstrate that a change in the Qing imperial marriage customs did not occur as a natural result of 'Sinicization,' but was intentional. Thus, unbroken and unwavering Manchu-Mongol intermarriage and intentional abandonment of steppe marriage traditions represents another cultural synthesis experienced by imperial daughters.

This thesis argues that the Manchus' retainment of steppe heritage and acceptance of

Han cultural traditions did not occur only in Qing politics and governance. Instead, this hybridization contoured the lives of imperial daughters as well. There were changes toward a more Confucianized education of the proper roles of imperial women, as demonstrated by the wide circulation of the Extended Rules in the palaces. Abandonment of steppe marriage customs of the Manchu imperial house reflects the state's promotion of Confucian ideologies, especially in the teachings of imperial daughters, but cannot be explained solely as 'Sinicization,' as prospective marriage partners of imperial daughters continued to be restricted to Mongol and Manchu aristocrats. Examination of both the education and marriage practices of imperial daughters demonstrates a hybridization of steppe and Han cultures over the course of the Qing.

6 A Survey of Qing Historiography

Recent debates in post-colonial and cultural studies have underscored the relevance of studying an ethnicity, culture, or a group of people on its own merit. Edward W. Said's

Orientalism (1978) outlines the need to understand the Middle East as an independent and distinct culture, without the presupposed conceptions placed upon it through the

Western idea of "Orientalism," and questions how cultural studies should be approached in a wider context.5 Desp ite criticisms of Said's methodology, arguments, and structuring of the Orientalist theory, he did succeed in suggesting the need for self-reflection by historians.6 Anthropologi st Dru C. Gladney, in "Representing Nationality in China:

Refiguring Majority/Minority Identities," asserts that the identity of the majority and the minority are interrelated and mutually influential in development. Gladne y states,

"minority is to the majority as female is to male, as 'Third' World is to 'First,' and as

5 "Orien talism is the discipline by which the Orient was (and is) approached systematically, as a topic of learning, discovery, and practice. But in addition I have been using the word to designate that collection of dreams, images, and vocabularies available to anyone who has tried to talk about what lies east of the dividing line." In Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 73. 6 For exa mples of such critiques, see Mark F. Proudman, "Disraeli as an 'Orientalist': The Polemical Errors of Edward Said," Journal of the Historical Society 5.4 (Dec 2005): 547-568; James Clifford, review of Orientalism, by Edward W. Said, History and Theory 19.2 (Feb 1980): 204-223; Gyan Prakash, "Orientalism Now," History and Theory 34.3 (Oct 1995): 199-212; Malcolm H. Kerr, review of Orientalism, by Edward W. Said, International Journal of Middle East Studies 12.4 (Dec 1980): 544-547. 7 Dru C. Gladney, "Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/Minority Identities," Journal of Asian Studies 53.1 (Feb 1994): 94.

7 subjectivized is to objectivized identity." This ind icates that a polarity cannot exist without its opposite. Placed in the context of Qing history, the dichotomy becomes the power dimensions suggested by Gladney, in which the Manchu-Mongol (minority) and the Han (majority) cultures co-existed. How did they interact with each other? To what extent did Confucian and Han culture influence the Manchu dynasty?

Early approaches to the study of Qing history in the 1950s and 1960s leaned toward the notion that the Manchu people, like other foreign ethnic groups, were successful in their reign over China as a result of assimilating foreign culture into the dominant Han culture, and that this process allowed them to contribute to a grand narrative of a long-lasting Chinese history. A 1967 analysis by Ho Ping-ti, "The Significance of the

Ch'ing Period in Chinese History," proposes that the success of Manchu rule in China

Proper was due to a systematic process of Sinicization in all aspects.9 Ho uses the words

"Sinicization" and "Chinese" throughout, demonstrating an oversimplification of key

8 Gladne y, 3. 9 Ho lists the five features of Qing Sinicization: (1) geographical expansion that paved the way for a multiethnic empire; (2) demographic expansion and population explosion owing to more than one century of societal peace and prosperity; (3) the conquerors' outstanding achievements in government administration by incorporating a large number of Han officials; (4) the maturation of social, political, and economic institutions in this period of Chinese history, and (5) the prosperity and excellence in the art and material culture. See Ho Ping-ti, "The Significance of the Ch'ing Period in Chinese History," Journal of Asian Studies 26.2 (Feb 1967): 189-195.

8 terms and ideas. In applying the term "Chinese" to the Manchus, Ho fails to show what is

meant by, and who is considered, "Chinese." The term "Sinicization" is another example

that carries a blurry definition. Since Sinicization is based on the assumption that there is

a dominant "Sinic" culture, it is undermined if the definition of Sinic/Chinese cannot be

established.

In the 1980s and 1990s, Ho's theory of Sinicization was challenged. In the presidential address in Journal of Asian Studies, titled "Re-envisioning the Qing: The

Significance of the Qing Period in Chinese History," Evelyn S. Rawski questions the

effectiveness and justification of Ho's theory on Sinicization, and proposes that the major

contributing factor to the Manchu's success in China proper was due to their unbroken

and strong ties with Inner Asia.10 Rawski underline s the influence of the steppe ancestry

of the Manchus and the partnership they shared with the Mongols throughout the course

of the dynasty, especially in the beginning.11 This approach places new emphasis on

"Manchu Studies" rather than just Qing history by surveying the Qing dynasty as the

accomplishment of an ethnic minority distinctive from, yet interacting with, Han

Evel yn S. Rawski, "Presidential Address: Re-envisioning the Qing: The Significance of the Qing Period in Chinese History," Journal of Asian Studies 55.4 (Nov 1996): 831. 11 Ra wski, "Re-envisioning the Qing," 832-834.

9 culture.

This study will build upon the Sinicization and Altaic schools of thought by examining both steppe and Han cultural influences on the Manchus, as proposed by Elliot in The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China.

Elliot proposes thinking of Qing rule as a different kind of legitimatizing authority, termed "ethnic sovereignty," which includes three elements: (1) the special position of the

Manchu emperor at the highest level of a universal empire composed of multiple hierarchies; (2) the idea that alien conquest instilled fear in the subjugated Han population; and (3) the preservation of the cultural selfhood of the conquerors.13 Elliot recognizes that Manchu rulers were keenly aware of the necessity of adopting various

Han and Confucian traditions in order to win the allegiance of their new subjects, but they also put effort into maintaining cultural distinctiveness through institutions such as the Eight Banners.14 Elliot's approach lessens attention to locating differences between two cultures in contact, and places more emphasis on looking more holistically at cultural integration to understand the experience of the Manchu people. In other words,

12 Elliot refers to this approach as the "Altaic School." 13 Elliot, Manchu Way, 1-35. 14 Elliot, Manchu Way, 3,12; Mark C. Elliot, "Whose Empire Shall It Be?" in Time, Temporality, and Imperial Transition: East Asia From Ming to Qing, ed. Lynn A. Struve (Honolulu: Association for Asian Studies and University of Hawaii Press, 2005), 33-34.

10 understanding Manchu culture on its own merit, as opposed to a more singular focus on either a Sinicized or steppe culture. In addition, acknowledging and investigating what

Gladney terms as polarities - steppe versus Han cultural traditions and the experience of men versus women within this cultural evolution - will enable greater understanding of

Manchu imperial daughters' experience within the steppe-Han cultural hybridization unique to the Qing dynasty.

Approaching the Study of Imperial Women Based on Limited Sources15

In Chinese Femininities/Chinese Masculinities, Susan Brownell and Jeffrey N.

Wasserstrom describe two approaches within academia through which the study of women in history has been pursued. First is the "inequality-patriarchy" approach that assumes a power-divide between opposing sexes, in which the tendency of men to hold power over women is deemed immoral.16 This app roach could inspire works that aim at uncovering historical narratives of powerless women or the powerful exceptions to the

15 The closure of the archives in China until the 1980s was a frustrating experience for early scholars, who only had a small portion of primary sources to work on. As well, Manchu descendents went into hiding through much of post-Qing history, which made first-hand accounts hard to obtain. See Peter Gue Zarrow, "Historical Trauma: Anti-Manchuism and Memories of Atrocity in Late Qing China," History & Memory 16.2 (Fall/Winter 2004): 67-107. 16 Susa n Brownell and Jeffrey N, Wasserstrom, "Introduction: Theorizing Femininities and Masculinities," in Chinese Femininities, Chinese Masculinities, ed. Susan Brownell and Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 2002), 5-6.

11 role, but would not account for the cultural and historical differences in relationships between the sexes and the understanding of both women and men as distinct categories.17

The second approach is the "gender studies" or "difference" approach, which disregards the power-divide between the sexes and sees "man" and "woman" as fluid cultural and

1 Q social groupings. This approach ma y, if applied too simplistically, prevent understanding of the political dimensions or power relations between the sexes, but it does lead to examination of changes over time in terms of the interaction and power relations between the sexes and the varied ways in which men and women experience different types of patriarchy in various social hierarchies.19

Recent works on dynastic marriages and court life by scholars such as Jennifer

Holmgren, Evelyn S, Rawski, Ellen Soulliere, and John W. Chaffee have recognized the importance of imperial marriage systems in contributing to political stability and developing amicable relations between powerful entities.20 These s cholars study imperial

Brow nell and Wasserstrom, 6-7. 18 Brow nell and Wasserstrom, 5. 19 Brow nell and Wasserstrom, 6-7. 20 For exa mples of such studies, see Jennifer Holmgren, "Imperial Marriage in the Native Chinese and Non-Chinese State, Han to Ming," in Marriage and Inequality in Chinese Society, ed. Rubie S. Watson and Patricia Buckley Ebrey (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1991), 58-96; Evelyn S. Rawski, "Ch'ing Imperial Marriage and Problems of Rulership," in Marriage and Inequality in Chinese Society, ed. Rubie S. Watson and Patricia Buckley Ebrey (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1991), 170-203; Ellen Sulliere, "Imperial Marriages of the Ming Dynasty," Papers on Far Eastern

12 women in Chinese history by combining the notions of the "inequality-patriarchy" approach and the idea that imperial women's experience was not solely a result of

71 interaction with men, but interaction with their surroundings. Instead of the 'powerless woman' image, these imperial women were core participants in marital alliances for the emperor and the elite class, and sometimes used their prestigious position to gain access 77 to considerable power. This is not to sa y that men should be dismissed in the study of imperial women; rather, men (the emperor and male marital kin) should become only a part of a grander social and cultural milieu that influenced women's thoughts and actions, instead of the dictators of what women should think, feel, and do. In examining palace written records, one finds that beneath the layers of male-dominance and patriarchy, imperial women did have voices.

Holmgren and Rawski have made substantial contributions to discussion of the marriage systems of foreign conquest dynasties, such as the Xianbei Northern Wei

(420-589), the Khitan Liao (916-1125), the Mongol Yuan (1271-1368), and the Qing.

History 37: 15-42; John W. Chaffee, "The Marriage of Sung Imperial Clanswomen," in Marriage and Inequality in Chinese Society, ed. Rubie S. Watson and Patricia Buckley Ebrey (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1991), 133-169. 21 Seen. 20. 22 Patricia Buckle y Ebrey, The Inner Quarters: Marriage and the Lives of Chinese Women in the Sung Period (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1993), 9.

13 Holmgren's "Imperial Marriage in the Native Chinese and Non-Han State, Han to Ming" is particularly salient to this discussion, as the marriage systems of these regimes are shown to be different from those of Han dynasties. Holmgren argues that despite ongoing debate over the Sinicization of conquest dynasties, there did exist fundamental differences in terms of cultural practices, and that these differences were dynamic and changed over time. Rawski 's "Ch'ing Imperial Marriage and Problems of Rulership" shows how Manchu and Han cultural characteristics were integrated in the Qing imperial marriage system, reflecting a mixture of non-Han and Han marital practices and features.24 Furth er, in her monograph The Last Emperors: A Social History of Qing

Imperial Institutions, Rawski examines the social structure of the Qing inner palace, and devotes a chapter, "Imperial Women," to the study of imperial women, including the daughters of emperors. "Imperial Women" provides detailed information on the ranking system, the role of imperial daughters as links between the emperor and the elite class, the financial dependency of the imperial daughters and their households on the emperor, and their superior social status to the grooms and the marital families.25 Man y questions

23 Hoi mgren, 77-78. 24 Ra wski, "Ch'ing Imperial Marriage," 193-196. 25 Evel yn S. Rawski, The Last Emperors: A Social History of Qing Imperial Institutions (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1998), 127-159.

14 arise from Rawski's analysis. For instance, what kinds of instructions were given to imperial daughters prior to marriage? How were they expected to behave in their new dwellings? How did rank structure relationships between the imperial daughters and her marital family? These questions reflect a general lack of understanding of the lives of daughters of the emperors that needs to be addressed.

Chinese and Taiwanese scholars, including Lai Huimin, Chen Jiexian, Ding

Yizhuang, Du Jiaji, and Wang Shuqing, have furthered understanding of Chinese imperial women in history.26 In Danwen qimin: Qingdai defaliiyu shehui [Questioning the

Banner People: Qing Dynasty Law and Society], Lai examines the dependency of

Manchu women on male figures in their lives by extracting evidence from Qing judicial records, focusing particularly on marriage and social relations between Manchu women and their marital families. In the authoritative Manzude funii shenghuo yu hunyin zhidu yanjiu [Study on the Lives of Manchu Women and Marriage System], Ding explores the

26 For exa mples of such studies, see Lai Huimin, Damvenqimin: Qingdai defalii yu shehui [Questioning the Banner People: Qing Dynasty Law and Society] (Taibei: Wunan tushu chubangongsi, 2007); Chen Jiexian, Qingshi lunji [Collection of Studies on Qing History] (Taibei: Dongda tushu gufeng youxian gongsi, 1997); Ding Yizhuang, Manzude funii shenghuo yu hunyin zhidu yanjiu [Study on the Lives of Manchu Women and Marriage System] (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1999); Du Jiaji, Qingchao ManMeng lianyin yanjiu [Study of Manchu-Mongol Intermarriage During the Qing Dynasty] (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2003); Wang Shuqing, "Qingdai gongzhu" [Qing Dynasty Princesses], Gugong bowuyuan yuankan 3 (1982): 31-38.

15 lives of Manchu women through examination of Manchu cultural traits in which she positions the marriage and life experience of Manchu women, and not men, as the central focus of her investigation. Du Jiaji contributes to the understanding of Manchu-Mongol marriages in Qingchao ManMeng lianyin yanjiu [Study of Manchu-Mongol Intermarriage during the Qing Dynasty], gleaning findings from genealogy charts, official records, and archaeological evidence. Like the works of Western-based scholars, Lai, Ding, and Du have examined the experience of Manchu women, including imperial daughters, by positioning them as the central agents: Qing political history and the experience of men become supplementary to the study of imperial daughters. These scholars have enriched understandings of Manchu women's lives through the incorporation of both steppe and

Han cultural traditions.

This thesis ties these emerging themes together and builds upon them through the examination of the educational and marital experiences of Qing imperial daughters. From a cultural perspective, Elliot's approach will be employed to demonstrate that Qing imperial daughters, like their male relatives, also figured in the unique interconnections between steppe and Han cultures that took place throughout the course of the Qing. This experience is suggested by a Confucian-based education provided for imperial daughters before marital alliances with steppe-based Mongol families. Yet, the submissive roles of a

16 wife or a daughter-in-law, as advocated in the Extended Rules, contrast with the unchallenged authority and superior social status of imperial daughters after marriage. By centring imperial daughters as the key objects of study, this thesis enables furthering questioning of an important aspect of Manchu culture and Qing history.

17 Chapter 1: Imperial Daughters and Education

Since antiquity, formal education has been a deep-rooted component of Han culture.

The cultural ethos of learning and recording enabled history to be in print and inspired many non-Han peoples within the Chinese imperium to begin recording their own histories. Aisin-Gioro Nurhaci (1558-1626), founder of the Later Jin (1616-1636) (name of the Manchu regime before it was changed to Great Qing by Hong Taiji in 1636), was clearly aware of the importance of Manchu adoption of the Han cultural emphasis on education. After scripting a new Manchu language in 1599, he had various Han classics and the histories of the previous 'conquest' dynasties - Liao (916-1125), Jin (1115-1234), and Yuan (1271-1368) - translated into Manchu to be studied.1 Later emperors such as

Kangxi (1654-1722) and Qianlong (1711-1799) were also avid promoters of proper' education, although official records have centred on the education of imperial boys and not girls. The emperors allowed their sons the most prestigious education by appointing the best scholar-officials to instruct the imperial sons at court, where they learned in

Manchu, Mongolian, and Chinese. In addition, imperial sons and men from the imperial clan were expected to excel in archery and equestrianship, which were considered

1 Mark C. Elliot, "Whose Empire Shall It Be?" in Time, Temporality, and Imperial Transition: East Asia From Ming to Qing, ed. Lynn A. Struve (Honolulu: Association for Asian Studies and University of Hawaii Press, 2005), 48-59.

18 traditional Manchu cultural traits. Qianlong, in particular, was keen on re-introducing the importance of these sports to remind his people of the brilliant Manchu past, and their warrior heritage.

Although scholars generally agree that steppe women held higher social and familial status than their Han counterparts, even in education, it is debatable whether the same interest was invested in educating imperial daughters. Sources re garding the education of Manchu imperial daughters - or Manchu women in general - are limited; no official document has yet been found that discusses the pedagogical structure for imperial daughters. It is known, however, that one specific text circulated within the Qing imperial palace for its female inhabitants. The Yuding Neize yanyi [Imperially Commissioned

Extended Rules for the Inner Quarters], commissioned in 1656 under the instruction of

Empress Dowager Xiaozhuangwen (1613-1688) and prefaced by the Shunzhi emperor

(1638-1661), is similar to a selection of Confucian texts that came to be known collectively as "the Four Books for Women" (Nil sishu), which took form before and during the Ming (1368-1644). This collection includes the Nujie [Admonitions For

2 For exa mples of such studies, see Mark C. Elliot, The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2001), 250-1; Frederick W. Mote, Imperial China 900-1800 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999), 75-76; Lawrence Krader, Social Organization of the Mongol-Turkic Pastoral Nomads (The Hague, Mouton, 1963); Karl A. Wittfogel and Feng Jiasheng, History of Chinese Society: Liao (907-1125) (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1949), 17, 199-202.

19 Women] written by Ban Zhao (fl. first cen.) of the Later Han dynasty (25-220); the Nil

lunyu [Analects For Women] by Song Ruozhao (?-826) of the Tang dynasty (618-907); the Nil xiaojing [Classic of Filial Piety For Women] by Lady Zheng (dates unknown) of the Tang dynasty, and the Neixun [Instructions For the Inner Quarters] by the Empress Xu

(1362-1407) of the Ming dynasty. These texts stress the Confucian ideal th at human beings, male and female, operate within an intricate hierarchical network, and that gender roles needed to be strictly observed to ensure the smooth-running of society.4 Building upon this basic Confucian teaching, the "Four Books for Women" promoted the moral

excellence and responsibilities of women, embodied in the concept offudao (wifely way),

and the exemplary ways for women to be filial and dutiful daughters, daughters-in-law,

and mothers.

How does the addition of the imperially-commissioned Extended Rules to the

Confucian canon for female audiences reflect the efforts made by the Qing government to

adopt and promote the Confucian notion of the wifely way? Does the Extended Rules

represent the kind of education received by palace women? This chapter draws

connections between promotion of this specific text under the order of the Empress

3 Wm. Theodore de Bary and Irene Bloom, ed., Sources of Chinese Traditions, Vol.1 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 820. 4 de Ba ry and Bloom, ed., 820.

20 Dowager, and the influences of this text upon the imperial daughters' family duties, * especially after marriage. The learning environment of elite women in the late Imperial era will be examined to provide a greater understanding of the formation and perspectives on female education, and how literary and literacy levels of Qing imperial daughters fit into this larger educational theme.

Learning Culture of Women in the Late Imperial Era

In "Chu Hsi and Women's Education," Bettine Birge explains how the literati gentlemen of the Song dynasty (960-1279), considered the founding era of what was later termed 'Neo-Confucianism,' viewed contemporary women's education. Contrary to popular misconceptions of oppressed women, Birge writes that Zhu Xi (Chu Hsi;

1130-1200) acknowledged the importance of women in maintaining a well-run and harmonious household as a filial daughter-in-law, competent and consultative wife, and learned educator for her children.5 Patricia B. Ebr ey also concludes that Neo-Confucian scholars approved of women learning to read the classics and were capable of writing compositions and poetry.6 The g rowing number of learned female scholars since the

Song dynasty suggests that reading and writing were not restricted to males, and that

5 Bettine Bir ge, "Chu Hsi and Women's Education," in Neo-Confucian Education: The Formative Stage, ed. William Theodore de Bary et al. (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1989), 334-352. 6 Patricia Buckle y Ebrey, The Inner Quarters: Marriage and the Lives of Chinese Women in the Sung Period (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1993), 123.

21 literacy levels of the female population were not as low as previously believed.7

Therefore, the popular, centuries-old saying, "In a woman lack of talent is a virtue" (nii zi wu cai bian shi de) does not necessarily promote women's illiteracy. In fact, what the literati cautioned against was the neglect of a woman's responsibilities in a family as a result of 'over-indulgence' in literary pursuits, such as poetry writing.8 In her study on

Song dynasty women, Ebrey seeks to understand the Song family unit from a woman's perspective through the ritual of marriage.9 She fi nds that there existed many contradictory ideas and ambiguities within the marriage life of Song couples that opposed the commonly accepted Confucian notion of a woman as the obedient and silent wife; women could own property and freely control their personal finances.10 Furt her, as an

"inner helper" (neizhu), a Song upper-class wife not only looked after her husband and in-laws; she also needed to exercise social and managerial abilities and possess a certain level of literary talent in order to help glorify her husband's name and family.'l

Women were expected to use their literary talent to educate their children, not for personal fame. The mother of the great Confucian scholar Mencius (372-289 BCE) is the

7 Ebrey, Inner Quarters, 114-5, 120 8 Ebrey, Inner Quarters, 123-4. 9 Ebrey, Inner Quarters, 8. 10 Ebrey, Inner Quarters, 99-113. 11 Ebrey, Inner Quarters, 115.

22 epitome of a virtuous mother whose primary concerns included the well-being of her children. She relocated residence three times and finally settled on a place next to a school house in order for Mencius to receive proper influence.12 She ur ged Mencius to study hard and to never give up on cultivating his character. She advised him on everyday affairs, and assured him not to worry about her old age when he considered travelling to another state to offer his service.14 The ideology of placing a son's career and responsibilities before the mother's own well-being originated from the Book of Rites

(Liji), and has been referred to by Dorothy Ko as "thrice following" (sancong, often translated as the "Three Obediences"). This ideology taught women to be subservient to male figures in three distinct phases of their lives: in her youth, she follows her father; when married, she follows her husband; when her husband is dead, she follows her son.15

The educational opportunities extended to women from middle-upper class families were designed to prepare women for supplementary roles after marriage in men's education.

Attention given to the literary cultivation of females during the Song dynasty continued for centuries without significant change for upper-class families. Dorothy Ko

12 Patricia Buckle y Ebrey, ed., Chinese Civilization and Society: A Sourcebook (New York: Free Press, 1981),33. 13 Ebrey, ed., Chinese Civilization, 34. 14 Ebrey, ed., Chinese Civilization, 34. 15 Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in Seventeenth-Century China (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1994), 6.

23 demonstrates in Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in

Seventeenth-Century China that women from literati families in seventeenth-century

Chinese society were exceptionally learned in the Confucian canon, and were often talented poets whose works rivalled or excelled those of their spouses.16 Under ce rtain circumstances - such as behaving as a devoted and supportive wife by accompanying her husband on a long trip to governmental assignments - women were able to see the outer world and reveal this world to their female friends and relatives in letters.17 Susan

Mann's monograph Precious Records: Women in China's Long Eighteenth Century discusses the life courses of elite women, who, within the boundaries of the inner quarters, could read, write, paint, practice calligraphy and music, sew, embroider, and enjoy the company of other female family members. A woman's high education level would also make her an attractive match in the marriage market, establishing marital ties with favourable families.19 Reg ional differences made for alternate experiences; however, for the most part in marriage little or no contact with the bride's natal family was common

16Ko, 219-250. 17 Ko, 219-250. 18 Susa n Mann, Precious Records: Women in China's Long Eighteenth Century (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1997), 56. 19 Mann ,58.

24 and strict familial responsibilities would be observed. A woman was expected to

exemplify the Confucian wifely virtues, and personal hobbies developed during a

woman's youth were allowed to continue as long as they did not hinder other more

important domestic duties.21 These works d emonstrate that beneath the stereotypical

depiction of women as suppressed and subordinate wives, leeway could exist within the

private domain of women to continue hobbies and to establish social networks. Most

importantly, aside from fulfilling her responsibilities as a wife, daughter-in-law, and

mother, a middle-upper class woman's interest in literary studies was not curtailed in any

way since the Song dynasty.

Study of the pedagogical protocol for females from the Song dynasty to the Qing

period demonstrates the impact of Confucian and Neo-Confucian teachings on 'proper'

. gender roles for women. These ideals are illustrated in the imperially-commissioned

Extended Rules. The table of contents reveals sections on the proper observation of filial

piety, respect for the husband, educating and advising husband and children, conducting

proper rituals, demonstrating modesty, showing benevolence and compassion to others,

being diligent, and continuing studies even after marriage.22 The following s ections

20Mann, 61. 21 Mann, 61. 22" Table of Contents," to Yuding Neize yanyi, 16 juan [Imperially Commissioned Extended Rules for the

25 discuss the preface of the Extended Rules, written by the Shunzhi emperor, and how the promotion of this text connected with dominant Confucian norms, which the Qing state adopted before and promoted even further after gaining power in China proper.

Additionally, commentaries in the compilation regarding proper conduct of imperial daughters in antiquity will be examined to show that the text was published and printed for the purpose of educating Qing imperial daughters on carrying out 'proper' gender roles after marriage.

Extended Rules for the Inner Quarters

The Extended Rules, published in sixteen volumes, is an instructive text of the proper ways a woman should behave during her life course. Like many Confucian texts for females that had been circulating for centuries, this text was written for a female audience and aimed at conveying messages that women should fulfil the roles of domestic overseer and caretaker. Since this text was meant to re-examine messages on ideals of womanhood contained in the chapter "Rules for the Inner Quarters" from the

Confucian text Liji [Classic of Rites], the compilers begin every volume with lines taken from the "Rules for the Inner Quarters" and commentaries follow immediately after.23

Inner Quarters, 16 Volumes], comp. Fu Yijian (Taibei: Shang wu yin shu guan, 1977), 1-5. 23 A lthough Shunzhi prefaced this compilation, it was actually drafted by his court officials, particularly Fu Yijian.

26 Finally, the compilers provide stories on virtuous deeds conducted by exemplary women from various social classes in history. The Shunzhi emperor explains in the preface that by studying and emulating the display of extraordinary virtues of womanhood, women could perfect and regulate the inner sphere, their designated place, and compliment the outer sphere of laws and politics dominated by males in order to achieve the ideal

Confucian harmony.24

The Preface to the Extended Rules is significant in three ways. First, it states that the

Extended Rules is a commentary to the "Rules for the Inner Quarters", a chapter within the Classic of Rites, that extends messages in the "Rules for the Inner Quarters" even further by adding examples of virtuous women - rich and poor - from history. By re-addressing the importance of the "Rules for the Inner Quarters," and hence the Classic of Rites, the Empress Dowager and Shunzhi situated the Manchu court as the successor of a Confucian heritage that dates back to the Spring and Autumn era (ca. 8 -5 century

BCE). In spite of a steppe cultural background, the linkage of this text with a Confucian classic allowed the Manchus to trace connections to the Han Confucian ('civilized') tradition. Moreover, the exemplary female individuals recorded in the text include noblewomen and commoners from other conquest dynasties (Khitan Liao, Jurchen Jin,

24 " Preface," to Yuding Neizeyanyi, I6juan, 1-3; For a full translation of the Preface, see Appendix II.

27 and Mongol Yuan), and this gesture diminished the fine line traditionally placed between the 'civilized' Han culture and 'barbaric' foreign cultures. By downplaying the foreign background of Manchu people and openly displaying an acceptance of Confucian cultivation, the claim to rule a Han population in China proper could be justified. This reflects what Mark C. Elliot has termed "Manchu ethnic insecurity," in which the fear of being thought of as just another group of uncivilized and barbaric trespassers propelled efforts to both adopt and appear as a proper Confucianized state.25 B y creating connections between the Qing state and the long tradition of Confucian ideologies, the

Manchus sought acceptance from and legitimacy in ruling the Han population in China proper regardless of their cultural affinity with Confucianism.

Second, the preface acknowledges the interdependence and co-existence of female and male forces, which echoes ideas proposed by Confucian thinkers that designate gender roles in order that a tightly-knit hierarchical society might function. Unlike the

Instructions for the Inner Quarters, composed by Empress Xu of the Ming dynasty for her peers, the Extended Rules was prefaced by the Shunzhi emperor upon the order of the

Empress Dowager Xiaozhuangwen. That a male took charge, albeit upon orders by the

25 Mark C. Elliot, "Manchu Widows and Ethnicity in Qing China," Comparative Studies in Society and History 41.1 (Jan 1999): 34.

28 Empress Dowager, of a book project aimed at a female audience suggests the embracing of Confucian ideologies by the emperor and echoes the female-male interdependence of

Confucian ideology. Being literate, however, was not meant to provide a chance for women to seek a career in writing; women were expected to utilize this literary talent in assisting their husbands and sons to officialdom. Thus, two of the eight major teachings outlined in the preface of the Extended Rules - regarding those who are respectful [to husband] and those who instruct [the sons] - explain the advisory position of women in the education of men in the family. Shunzhi also credited the pacification of an empire to a harmonious and upright household, which was the responsibility of women, making them a necessary component within a family structure.

Third, by giving credit for the Extended Rules to his mother, Shunzhi presented the

Empress Dowager as the exemplary Qing female role model. In the first paragraph,

Shunzhi explains that sagely empresses and virtuous consorts in the past cultivated the inner administration in order to help promote the wangdao (kingly way) and to perfect social customs. The emperor ends the paragraph by stating in modesty that he is not virtuous enough to undertake this project on his own. Finally, the emperor introduces his mother, who assisted his father in building a foundation to a prosperous empire, as the promoter of the compilation project. Shunzhi argued that the Empress Dowager

29 Xiaozhuangwen was just as wise and virtuous as historical sagely empresses and consorts.

Additionally, the Empress Dowager's assistance to her husband in enforcing rules and building a solid foundation for the empire illustrates that she carried out her important role as the supplementary inner force to the outer, 'men's world.' This gesture not only revealed the imperial household as an upright and correct one deeply immersed in the century-old Confucian norms, it subtly re-emphasized the Qing's rightful position in receiving the Mandate of Heaven and ruling 'civilized' China proper.

The Extended Rules outlines the virtues expected of palace women pertaining to ideal Confucian gender roles. Exemplary stories of imperial daughters are not mentioned in every volume, but wherever they do appear commentaries are provided, discussing the significance of their stories.2 This indicates what v irtues were expected of Qing imperial daughters, and the commentaries effectively emphasized the Confucian female virtues even more. In Volume One and Two, on serving the elders (birth parents and in-laws), the commentators of the text disapproved of elite women who refrained from carrying out filial duties as daughters-in-law due to the sense of being socially superior to the in-laws. " Daughters of the officials of this world often failed to respect and serve the

26 The volumes examined in this section of the thesis contain commentaries that direct at imperial daughters specifically. Other volumes that do not contain similar commentaries are not investigated. 27 Y uding Neize yanyi, 16juan, Vol.1, 11.

30 in-laws due to a sense of social superiority. If one is born in the imperial family but knows to cultivate herself with proper etiquette observance, one is indeed respectful, sincere, and wise." B y singling out and praising imperial daughters from past dynasties for their filial piety, the commentaries speak directly to the Manchu imperial daughters on the importance of serving their in-laws according to proper social etiquette. Volume Two demonstrates that filial piety to birth parents is also important. "The physical body is provided by birth parents, whose kindness is as endless as the sky; how do both men and women repay them? It is understandable that those [women] whose lives centre on the marital family are unfree to devote time to the natal family. But to use this as an excuse of becoming lax in serving their birth parents, is this not foolish?" Imperial daughters who demonstrated affectionate feelings to their parents were especially favoured by the emperor. Kangxi praised his second daughter, Princess Rongxian (1673-1728), for her displays of filial piety in caring for the emperor consistently for over forty-years, and that her considerate and mild personality ranked above other daughters. Superior social background was not to be used as an excuse for elite women, especially imperial daughters, to neglect their roles as filial and dedicated daughters and daughters-in-law,

28 Yuding Neize yartyi, 16 juan, Vol.1, 11. 29 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16 juan, Vol.2, 6. j0 Du Jiaji, Qingchao McmMeng lianyin yanjiu [Study of Manchu-Mongol Intermarriage During the Qing Dynasty] (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2003), 192.

31 attending to the needs of both the birth parents and in-laws.

The Extended Rules also lectures on the loyalty required of a wife. In Volume Three, the commentary stresses that, although from a prestigious background, imperial daughters should be wholeheartedly devoted to their husbands, and support their husbands through difficulties as loyal companions.31 " [Princess Lanling of the Sui dynasty] vowed to stand by [her husband] through difficulties and presented a memorial [to the emperor] stating her wish to be buried with her husband. What heartfelt loyalty and righteousness!"32

However, in Volumes Seven and Eight, on keepin g chastity after the death of the husband, no mention of imperial daughters occurred. Whether or not this virtue was expected of palace and elite women due to their status is unknown; however, after occupying China proper in the Shunzhi reign, remarriages for Manchu imperial daughters after the death of the first husband ceased to take place, suggesting a certain degree of

Han cultural influence.34 This contra sts with the general view on Manchu widow remarriage held by the Qing court; Elliot notes that despite a virtual ban under the Qing on widow remarriage pertaining to women from all levels of society, Manchu women

31 YudingNeizeyanyi, 16juan, Vol.3, 9. j2 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16juan, Vol.3, 9. j3 Volumes Four, Five, and Six do not pertain to imperial women. j4 Ding Yizhuang, Manzudefunii shenghuoyu hunyin zhiduyanjiu [Study on the Lives of Manchu Women and Marriage System] (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1999),104.

32 were excluded from this ban and were free to remarry if they wished. Imperial daughters likely observed widowhood due to status: limitation of the number of marriages contracted with imperial daughters made this type of imperial marriage especially prestigious and uncommon, and financial stability provided by the imperial family allowed their lifestyles to continue even after the death of their husbands.36

In the next sections, Volumes Nine, Ten, and Eleven, on the practice of committing suicide for honour in loyalty to a deceased husband, the commentary commemorates the courageous act of committing suicide performed by palace women - imperial consorts and daughters - from past dynasties.37 " The higher one's social ranking is, the more important it is for one to maintain the goodness of one's name. Upon facing hardship and

in danger, it is the duty of the imperial consorts and daughters to commit suicide."

However, the commentators only acknowledge women who committed suicide upon threat of being physically raped or molested, and did not in any way encourage this practice to be observed on a regular basis. No Manchu imperial dau ghters were recorded conducting such an act, possibly because of two reasons beyond the physical

"Elliot, "Manchu Widows," 54. 36 See Table 2 in Appendix I for the number of remarriage and widowhood observed by imperial daughters. 3 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16 juan, Vol.9, 7. 38 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16 juan, Vol.9, 7. 39 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16 juan, Vol.9, 7.

33 security offered by their position. First, a substantial number of imperial daughters from the reigns of Nurhaci (r. 1616-1626) and Hong Taiji (r. 1626-1643) had more than one marriage, after the death of or separation from a first husband. Imperial daughters of marriageable age were especially crucial in the initial stage of Qing rule, because their marriages to ally forces often provided a stable force to the uncertain political situations.

Second, the Manchu practice of following a deceased husband to the grave, explained by

Elliot as an Altaic practice common among the steppe societies, was slowly phased out after the Manchus settled in China proper.40

In Volume Fourteen, on displaying kindness to family members of lesser status, particularly lesser wives and concubines, the compilers of the Extended Rules stress that the kindness given to lesser wives and concubines should be extended to the children they bear, and that these children should be treated as the principal wife's own. " A concubine's son regards the wife as his mother, thus a son borne by the concubine is to the benefit of the wife."42 The text also concludes: "The Yijing [Classic of Changes] states that the earth [kun, often referred to women] gives birth to the myriad of things in the universe. If imperial women were compassionate [to youths] and follow the Earthly

40 Elliot, " Manchu Widow," 49-54. 41 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16juan, Vol.14, 24. 42 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16Juan, Vol.14, 13.

34 Way (kun dad), they could assist their husbands and together they will prosper future generations ceaselessly."43 Records show that it wa s quite common for Manchu and

Mongol aristocrats, even for imperial efu (title given to husband of Aisin-Gioro clanswomen with princess titles), to have a principal wife, lesser wives, and other minor concubines.44 Li Jingping believes that as a result of the irregular status reversal in this kind of imperial marriage, where the wife ranks above her husband, a husband-wife relationship was far removed from the idealized affectionate and loving bond; cold and distant husband-wife relationships often led to the taking in of various lesser wives and concubines by the efu, and Qing elite men in general.45 Perhaps for this r eason, the

Extended Rules cautions its readers (namely the imperial consorts and daughters) against behaving irrationally and cruelly toward their husband's other wives and concubines.46

Imperial daughters were taught to accept their husbands' lesser wives, concubines, and children borne by these women, and to show humanity in treating these women and children in order to help establish and maintain a harmonious household.

Personal cultivation in everyday words and deeds, womanly skills in sewing and

4j Yuding Neizeyanyi, 16juan, Vol.14, 24. 44 Ding, 55-61,82-101. 45 Li Jingpi ng, DaQing gongzhu de shengsi mozhou [The Life and Death of Qing Princesses] (Taibei, Zhibenjia wenhua shiye yuxiangongsi, 2007), 12-13. 46 Yuding Neize yanyi, I6juan, Vol.14, 24.

35 embroidering, and literary study were also avidly promoted by the Extended Rules. In

Volume Twelve, the commentators note that it was difficult for imperial daughters to have correct character when it comes to material goods because they were used to the luxurious lifestyle of the palace and were generally unaware of worldly affairs.47

"Correct character and austere life style is hard to cultivate within a wealthy livelihood."48 The compilers consider ed that imperial daughters from past dynasties who refrained from wearing extravagant clothing and indulging in riches to be women with honourable and upright characters worthy of praise.49 Fru gality is also stressed in the text.

Later in the same volume, the compilers again emphasize the difficulties for imperial daughters in practicing a frugal lifestyle because of the material comfort the palace had to offer.50" It is the norm for imperial daughters, who live among wealth and luxury, to pursue great material comfort."51 These two sectio ns on cultivating the self, particularly directed at imperial daughters, demonstrate that although a high social status was something imperial daughters were born into and could not choose, it should not get in the way or become an excuse for these women to veer away from behaving as proper

47 Yuding Neizeyanyi, 16juan, Vol.12, 7-8. 48 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16 juan, Vol.12, 7-8. 49 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16 juan, Vol.12, 8. 50 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16 juan, Vol.12, 17. 51 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16 juan, Vol.12, 17.

36 Confucian women. The basic virtues, such as the ones promoted in these two sections,

were still attainable despite material comfort and superior status, as imperial daughters of past dynasties had shown.

Excellence in womanly skills was encouraged as these were traditionally considered

as a part of domestic work. Moreover, women who excelled at sewing and embroidery were considered diligent and hardworking. "There is a big difference between diligence

and laziness when it comes to womanly skills. Those who are diligent are respectable; those who are lazy are spoiled." Diligen ce in literary cultivation was also highly praised, as Volume Sixteen illustrates. A commentary in Volume Sixteen contains similar

messages to previous volumes, in that a prestigious social background often resulted in

fickle characteristics and emotions of imperial daughters, and that correct personality and

self-control were virtues achievable only through literary study and learning. " Princess

Weiguo [of the Song Dynasty] excelled at writing, studying history, womanly skills and

composing poetry; [she is] naturally intelligent and refined. Her wisdom is especially

evident through her advice for her sons to be loyal and patriotic."54 Althoug h living in the greatest material comfort, imperial daughters were expected to understand the

52 Yuding Neizeyanyi, 16juan, Vol.15, 23, 25. 53 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16 juan, Vol.16, 9-10. 54 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16 juan, Vol.16, 9-10.

37 importance of upright and correct behaviour and speech, skilled womanly work, and deep

insight into literary compositions that helped prepare them better as ideal Confucian

daughters, daughters-in-law, and wives.

By listing examples of virtuous imperial daughters from past dynasties and

providing commentaries on these women in the Extended Rules, it seems clear that the

Qing court held high expectations for Manchu imperial daughters, who were to embody

ideal Confucian gender roles despite their social status. The Extended Rules not only

advocates the importance of a proper education for palace women; it also demonstrates

that all women, regardless of social background and status, have a common goal to aim

for - becoming ideal daughters, daughters-in-law, and wives. In this sense, the Extended

Rules not only served as a successful tool in the state agenda of embracing Confucian

ideology, but also educated imperial daughters on behaving modestly and humanely after

marriage to help build friendly relations between the Manchu imperial house and its elite

subjects.

Education Curriculum of Manchu Imperial Daughters

The Extended Rules suggests that the influence of Confucian teachings on ideal

womanhood and proper role as a wife helped contour lives in the upper echelon of

Manchu society. Yet, aside from these 'orthodox' Confucian teachings, did imperial

38 daughters learn anything else prior to marriage? Was the Confucian curriculum only part of their educational program? Did they learn the Manchu and Mongol languages, and if so, how? How should scholars explain inconsistencies between what was preached in these texts and what actually took place - for instance, the reversal of marriage protocol in imperial marriages, when the in-laws and husband were required to kneel to the new bride?

These questions reflect deficiencies in the study of the education of Manchu women.

Unlike books on literacy and literary talents of Chinese women since the Song dynasty by scholars like Ko and Mann, no thorough studies have been conducted on the education system and literary levels of Manchu women. Even scholars such as Frederick W. Mote and Lawrence Krader, who agree that women from the steppes enjoyed higher social status and recognition than their Han counterparts, concentrate their observations on gender inequality of steppe and Han women, and the impact of this inequality on their familial, social, and legal status.55 For the most part, the gender roles of steppe women are still unexplored by historians.

The only recent substantial work that examines the education of Manchu imperial daughters, by Yang Zhen in Kangxi huandi yijia, juanxia [The Family of the Kangxi

55 See n.2.

39 Emperor, Vol.2], observes that imperial daughters of early generations often excelled in archery and equestrianship, continuing steppe nomadic customs.5 Later generations, from the Kangxi reign (r. 1662-1723) onward, grew up within the confines of the imperial palace and were accustomed to carrying out the intricate social etiquette and acting according to their positions within the court hierarchy, suggesting a certain degree of

Confucian influence. Athleticism seemed ra re for imperial daughters from the Kangxi reign onward; the only exception is Princess Hexiao (1775-1823), the tenth daughter of

Qianlong, who was a legendary archer and hunter, and accompanied Qianlong on hunts in various occasions, dressed in male attire.58 From the case of Princess Hexiao, it is clear that despite a general observance of the ideal Confucian social etiquette and womanhood based on passivity, imperial daughters were not, at least until the Qianlong era

(r. 1735-1796), prevented from excelling in traditional steppe practices such as equestrianship and/or hunting. This illustrates the acceptance of both steppe and Han traditions within the education curriculum, even if it had a strong Confucian orientation.

56 Y ang Zhen, Kangxi huandiyijia, juanxia [The Family of the Kangxi Emperor, Vol.2] (Taibei: Yuanliu chubanshe, 1999), 484. 57 Yang, 484. Confucian ideology promotes the idea that all human beings must observe specific social etiquette and gender roles to ensure the stability and smooth-running of an intricate social network based on hierarchies. See also de Bary and Bloom, ed., 820. 38 Zhaolia n, Xiaoting za(xu)lu, Wjuan [More Notes from the Whistling Pavilion, 10 Volumes] (Taibei: Wenhai Chubanshe, 1967), Vol. 10, 1119-20.

40 It is unlikely that imperial daughters were denied the opportunity to be educated in literary studies when various Qing imperial consorts were recorded to have been avid painters and calligraphers.59 These include the Em press Dowager Cixi (1835-1908), the

Yu Consort (1856-1932) of the Tongzhi emperor (1856-1875), the Jin (1874-1924) and

Zhen (1876-1900) Consorts of the Guangxu emperor (1871-1908), and most recently the

Empress Wanrong (1906-1946), wife of the last emperor of China.60 These women are representative of the education level of late-Qing upper-class females in Manchu elite families, as the consorts of Qing emperors were elected from a small group of Mongol aristocrats and Manchu nobles through a triennial draft. l The female liter ary cultivation of Qing elite households is also well-represented by the unmarried girls of the Jia

The literary talen t of imperial consorts from late-Qing are more well-known than consorts from earlier reigns as a result of a greater number of available sources, such as personal notes written by scholars like Zhaolian. 60 For examples of such publications, see Wang Jinglun, Gugong baojuan [Previous Records of the Forbidden City] (Taibei: Shixueshe, 2003); Zhoujin, Modai huanghou de caifeng [The Tailor of the Last Empress] (Taibei: Shiying chubanshe, 2007); Jin Yi and Shen Yiling, GongniX tan wanglu: Wozai Cixi shengbian de rizi [Maid-in-waiting Speaks of the Past: My Days in Attendance to Cixi] (Taibei: Zhiku chubanshe, 2001). Autobiographical accounts written by Yu Deling and Yu Rongling, female court officials and translators for Cixi from 1902 to 1905, are not included due to their erroneous nature, as proven by Chinese scholars like Zhu Jiajin and Qin Shou'ou. See Zhu Jiajin, "Deling, Rongling suo zhushu zhongde shishi cuowu [Errors of Historical Facts in the Books of Deling and Rongling]," Gugong bowuyuan yuankan 2 (1982): 24-43; Qin Shou'ou, "Yuxiangpiaomiaolu zhongyiben ji zuozhe Deling benren [The Chinese Translation of Imperial Essence and the Author Deling]," Gugong bowuyuan yuankan 2 (1982): 43-46. 51 Guocha o gongshi [History of the Qing Palaces], edited by Ortai and Zhang Tingyu (Beijing: Beijing guji chubanshe, 1987), 256-7.

41 household in the Qing dynasty novel, Dream of the Red Chamber, who formed a poetry club along with their sisters-in-law.62 The autobiog raphical nature of the work indicates that the author and descendent of Han banner elite, Cao Xueqin (17157-1763), likely witnessed the poetry gatherings of his female siblings and cousins, if not participated in them himself. Another Qing novel, Flowers in the Mirror, depicts hundreds of girls from different kinds of family backgrounds who are exceptionally talented in literary composition. Since nove Is can reflect contemporary society, it is shown that cultivating literary talents was not a rare occurrence in a Qing elite household. If elite women were allowed access to such high literary training, it is highly unlikely that imperial daughters were excluded from this learning culture. Further, Volume Sixteen of the Extended Rules examines various learned women (such as Ban Zhao, Song Ruohua, and Lady Zheng) from the past, including imperial daughters from previous dynasties. This further suggests that Manchu imperial daughters most likely were given the opportunity to pursue literary studies.

When examining the familial status of imperial daughters, however, the superior social status of these women to their marital families contradicts the proper gender

62 See Cao Xueqin, Hongloumeng [Dream of the Red Chamber] (Taibei: Lianjing chubanshe, 2000). 63 See Li R uzhen, Jinghuayuan [Flowers in the Mirror] (Taibei: Lianjing chubanshe, 1983).

42 behaviour instructed by the Extended Rules. Unlike the conventional view of a new and dependant wife starting her marriage life in an unfamiliar household, the next chapter demonstrates that an imperial daughter acted as the head of her household after marriage.

This is in opposition to the traditional Han patriarchal custom of a woman marrying into her husband's family and lessening ties with her natal family - a common social etiquette for eighteenth-century elite women. Also, because an imperial daughter outranked her husband and his family, ordinary family superior-inferior relationships were inverted.64

Hence, the in-laws and the husband would greet the imperial daughter with formal rituals, and were not attended and served by imperial daughters as an ideal Confucian daughter-in-law/wife would do. The reversal of traditional family hierarchical ordering countered the filial devotion and servitude a 'good' Confucian daughter-in-law ought to show her in-laws. Additionally, the efu received imperial grace mainly through his marriage with the imperial daughter,63 which contr adicts the traditional Confucian dictate that the wife be dependent on her husband and his family. These distinctions raise an important query: If there were so many unique traits to the marriage of imperial daughters, what would be the purpose of the Extended Rules, an instruction text filled with

64 Du 348; Ra wski, Last Emperors, 149. 63 Evel yn S. Rawski, The Last Emperors: A Social History ofQing Imperial Institutions (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1998), 153-6.

43 Confucian messages, especially when the stories of various virtuous imperial daughters from previous dynasties were incorporated?

Unfortunately,, no study on the pedagogy of Qing imperial daughters has been produced to answer this question. However, if the education curriculum of imperial daughter was similar to that of imperial sons, in that a heavy emphasis was placed on learning the Manchu and Mongolian languages, the purpose of th e Extended Rules was to teach imperial daughters how to maintain harmonious relationship with the husband and the in-laws, even if proper court etiquette prevented them from actually serving and tending to the husband and his family. Indeed, scholars have observed that numerous imperial daughters were noted for their success in carrying out the roles of a proper

Confucian daughter-in-law, wife, and mother.67 The Extended Rules is strong evidence that the education of Manchu imperial daughters was an integral part of the preparation for marriage, as demonstrated by its instruction on how to carry out gender roles after marriage ideally.

66 Yang, 294; Leung Man-Kam, "Mongolian Language Education and Examinations in Peking and Other Metropolitan Areas During the Manchu Dynasty in China (1644-1911)," Canada Mongolia Review {Revue Canada-Mongolie) 1.1(1975): 36. 67 Princess Aohan (1621-1654) was noted in her eulogy for an upright character, filial reverence, developing an affectionate relationship with her husband, and raising a virtuous son. Princesses Shuhui (1632-1700) and Kejing (1679-1735) also received similar praise. Princess Rongxian was remembered by Kangxi for her filial piety, and was recorded to have been close to her in-laws. See Du, 343-4; Yang, 442.

44 Chapter 2: Imperial Daughters and Marriage

As argued in Chapter One, marriages of Qing imperial daughters served importance political purposes, as these alliances were made in order to advance political interests.

The significance of the study of their marriage practices is two-fold. First, imperial marriages represent alliances between political entities as a result of common political interests. For the Aisin-Gioros of the Qing dynasty, establishing amicable relationships with Inner-Asian Mongol aristocrats became a priority in the conquest period of Qing rule. In this chapter, discussion of the marriages of the Aisin-Gioro imperial daughters and lesser princesses refers specifically to marriages contracted with the Inner and Outer

Mongols (neifan and waifari), henceforth "Mongol aristocrats." The Aisin-Gioros forged close alliances with Mongol aristocrats, especially the Borjigit clan that claimed ancestry to Genghis Khan's brother,1 to help establish legitimacy for their rule, since the Borjigits claimed distant connections with the Yuan dynasty (1271-1638), and the right to continue that imperial line. Moreover, owing to a much smaller population and manpower base than the Han, the Manchus needed Mongol military aid in pacifying China proper.

Friendly relations with the Mongols also prevented the Manchus from being sandwiched

Du Jiaji, Qingchao ManMeng lianyinyanjiu [Study of Manchu-Mongol Intermarriage During the Qing Dynasty] (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2003), 3.

45 by two enemy forces, lest the Mongols decided to join the Han forces in annihilating the

Manchus and establishing power themselves.

Connections to the Yuan dynasty for legitimacy and enlistment of the military assistance of the Mongols suggest the need for Mongol allies, yet a second significance of the study of imperial marriages is also of value: in terms of symbolism. Recurrent marital ties between the imperial house and Mongol aristocrats demonstrate the desire of the imperial house to define a clear boundary between those who were the most prestigious, and those who were not. In other words, the Aisin-Gioros and their marital kin (Mongol and Manchu aristocrats) wished to maintain a strict social hierarchy not only with the mass Han civilians, but also among the Manchu people. This gesture suggests a shift away from the common clan-based, communal rule seen in steppe traditions,2 and toward the adoption of the Mandate of Heaven ideology employed by native-Han regimes, in which one individual (one family line) was bestowed with the right of absolute rule.

The adoption of the Mandate of Heaven ideology also illustrates the emphasis placed on observing a strict social hierarchy in the Confucian tradition, in which people embraced social etiquette assigned to their status.3 In these ways the imperial marriages provided

2 David Mor gan, The Mongols (Maiden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007), 30-48. 3 Wm. Theodore de Bary and Irene Bloom, ed., Sources of Chinese Traditions, Vol. 1 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 820.

46 political advantages by allying the Manchus to Mongol forces and helped maintain the exalted and unchallenged position of the Aisin-Gioro clan.

Marriage Arrangements

The entries on imperial women in Qing huangshi sipu [Four Genealogies of the

Qing Imperial Family] make clear that three major rites of passage are especially important in the lives of the imperial daughters: birth, marriage, and death. Marriage appears to be the most important rite of passage and life accomplishment for these women. The primary role of imperial daughters, regardless of which dynasty, consists of

assisting the dynasty in establishing peaceful ties with allies through marriages. As

demonstrated in Chapter One, these women likely received suitable education that teaches on the 'proper' behaviour prior to marriage in order to successfully fulfil this

diplomatic role. Although these marriages are of an exogamic nature, Aisin-Gioro women,

including the imperial daughters, are recorded in these genealogy charts along with the

name of their spouses (but not their children).4 This practice d emonstrates that the

women were not completely detached from their natal families after marriage: wives

could not be ".. .lax in serving their birth parents."5 In fact, they helped bring new

4 S tevan Harrell, Susan Naquin, and Deyuan Ju, "Lineage Genealogy: The Genealogical Records of the Qing Imperial Lineage," Late Imperial China 6.2 (1985): 39. 5 Yuding Neize yanyi, 16 juan, Vol.2, 6.

47 members (the spouses) into the family clan.6 Aisin -Gioro daughters had no power over whom they wished to marry; their marriage partners were decided by the reigning emperor. Although some scholars believe that steppe women held higher social and familial status than their Han counterparts,8 elevat ed status does not mean that in arranging marriages steppe women were free to choose their own spouses. The practice of Qing emperors appointing marriage partners for the Aisin-Gioro daughters seems to be a residuum of the traditional power of steppe clan leaders over the marriage fate of their elanswomen, which also accorded with major Confucian doctrines.

The common perception of arranged marriages, especially ones conducted between the imperial house and its subjects, positions the women as helpless and unhappy individuals, because they could not in any way object to marrying someone they did not like or could not leave a marriage even when abused. However, in certain conditions the

6 Evel yn S. Rawski, The Last Emperors: A Social History of Qing Imperial Institutions (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1998), 145. 7 Ra wski, Last Emperors, 146. 8 For exa mples of such studies, see Mark C. Elliot, The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2001), 250-1; Frederick W. Mote, Imperial China 900-1800 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999), 75-76; Lawrence Krader, Social Organization of the Mongol-Turkic Pastoral Nomads (The Hague, Mouton, 1963); Karl A. Wittfogel and Feng Jiasheng, History of Chinese Society: Liao (907-1125) (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1949), 17, 199-202. 9 Ding Yizhuang, Manzudefunu shenghuoyu hunyin zhiduyanjiu [Study on the Lives of Manchu Women and Marriage System] (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1999), 187-208; Du, 241 -257.

48 imperial family could intervene. In 1612, upon hearing that his fourth daughter, Mukushi

(1595-1659), was mistreated by her husband Buzhantai (d.1612?), Nurhaci (1558-1626) led his army to bring his daughter back home to safety.10 Howeve r, it should also be understood that there were successful marriages. In the eulogy for Princess Aohan

(1621-1654), daughter of Hong Taiji (1592-1643), she is recorded as having enjoyed a close and affectionate relationship with her husband, a testimony that was not a required element of an imperial eulogy.11 The c ases of imperial daughters enjoying happy marriages and living a long life on the steppes challenges the stereotype of a sharp transition of a helpless woman's lifestyle from one of comfort and luxury provided by her original life in the capital city, to one of incomparable living standards and cultural practices in a backward, foreign land. Owing to their responsibility as intermediaries between the imperial throne and elite subjects, contact between Qing imperial daughters and the emperors continued, and even strengthened, after marriage. Analysis of imperial daughters as more than just political victims, and the roles of these women after marriage, allows for a greater understanding of the experiences of imperial women in Qing history.

10 T ang Bangzhi, Qing huangshi sipu [Four Genealogies of the Qing Imperial Family] (Taibei: Mingwen shuju, 1985), 181. 11 Du, 343-4.

49 Quantitative Analysis of the Marriages of Imperial Daughters

In Table 1, information drawn from the Qingshigao and Qing huangshi sipu, illustrates the different ethnic groups with which the imperial daughters married.12 As is apparent from the statistics, female infant mortality rates were quite high during the Qing dynasty. After the reign of the Xianfeng emperor (r. 1850-1861), no more imperial daughters were born or adopted, thus intermarriages with Mongol aristocrats ceased. The general decrease in imperial births of both female and male infants may have been, and was interpreted to be, a reflection of imperial decline. As the figures in Table 1 indicate, not only did the percentage of imperial daughters who lived long enough to marry decrease from 100% in Nurhaci's reign (r. 1616-1626) to 22% in the Jiaqing reign

(r. 1796-1820), average life spans dropped alarmingly as well, from 52.8 years in

Nurhaci's reign to 9.8 in the Jianqing reign. Although the percentage of daughters living to marry and the average life span seem to have increased again in the subsequent reigns of Daoguang (r. 1820-1850) and Xianfeng, this trend was short-lived, and does not indicate a real resurgence in imperial births and life span. Although the number of imperial daughters who lived until adulthood decreased, the practice of contracting marriages with Mongol aristocrats persisted for eight imperial reigns, from Nurhaci to

12 See Table 1 in Appendix I.

50 Daoguang (from the first marriage to Mongol aristocrat in 1625 to the last one in 1841).

Out of 62 marriages recorded (a handful of daughters had second marriages), over 50% were contracted with Mongol aristocrats. Despite a general decrease in the number of marriages throughout the Qing, and fluctuations in the percentage of Manchu-Mongol marriages per reign, the tradition of marrying imperial daughters to Mongol aristocrats continued as the primary method of maintaining political ties to, and showering imperial favour on, Mongol aristocrats, especially after the later emperors ceased to marry Mongol noblewomen on a regular basis.13

The three Manchu-Han marriages in the reigns of Shunzhi (r. 1644-1661) and Kangxi

(r. 1662-1722) are worthy of attention, because they also served important political purposes. In 1653, Shunzhi married his sister, Grand Princess Gechun (1642-1705), to

Wu Yingxiong (7-1675), the son of Wu Sangui (1612-1678). In recognition of his loyalty to the Manchu regime, Wu Sangui, an ex-Ming general who famously switched allegiance to the Qing dynasty, was given the title of a Prince of the First Degree.14

Along with the other two Han-Chinese ex-Ming generals, Shang Kexi (1604-1676) and

Geng Zhongming (1604-1649), who were also awarded the same princely status, the

13 Tang, 33-109, 173-220. 14 This was a remarkable privilege, since Wu was not Manchu.

51 three princes ruled over the Three Feudatories. The Qing court understood that the military power of these three Han princes could not be overlooked, and so opted for marriage alliances to secure a friendly relationship while Manchu forces could concentrate on pacifying the rest of China proper.16 Howeve r, the peace resulting from these marriages was disturbed by the Revolt of the Three Feudatories in 1674, led by Wu

Sangui and supported by Shang Zhixin (7-1680) and Geng Jingzhong (7-1682). This incident aroused such ill-sentiment from the emperor that Wu Yingxiong was put to death despite his status as an efu (title given to husband of Aisin-Gioro clanswomen with

1 7 princess titles). Despite t he punishment accorded Wu Sangui and his son, Grand

Princess Gechun suffered no ill treatment by the court. She continued to be looked after by Kangxi (her nephew), and died thirty years after her husband's death without a

to , remarriage. It is clear that these three Manchu-Han marriages were contracted out of

The Three Feudatories were territories in southern China bestowed by the early Manchu rulers on the three generals. In 1674, Wu, Geng Jingzhong, the grandson of Geng Zhongming and successor of the princedom, and Shang Zhixin, a son of Shang Kexi revolted against the Manchu Qing Dynasty. See Mote, 844-8. 16 I n 1660 Shunzhi married his adopted daughter, Princess Heshun (1648-1691), to Shang Kexi's seventh son Shang Zhilong (7-1718), and in 1663 Kangxi married his adopted sister, Princess Roujia (1652-1673), to Geng Juzhong (the brother of Geng Jingzhong, successor and grandson of Geng Zhongming). See Mote, 824-848. 17 The other efu, Geng Juzhong (7-1687), fell into imperial disfavour for a year as a result of his brother's decision to rebel against the emperor. See Tang, 189-90. 18 Re marriages of imperial daughters are not seen in the records since Shunzhi's reign; Tang, 189-90.

52 political necessity and no similar marriages occurred for the rest of the dynasty.

In spite of a Confucian-based education provided for the imperial daughters before marriage, examination of the ethnicity of imperial efu suggest that Han elites were still excluded from marrying imperial daughters. In the words of Mark C. Elliot, "...the cultural distance between Manchus and Han Chinese was progressively reduced but the

ethnic boundaries between Manchu and Han in most cases remained or were even

strengthened."19 In terms of Qing imperial daughters' marriages, ethnic boundaries were maintained by marrying Mongol and Manchu aristocrats and by excluding the Han elites

from this marriage circle even as steppe-Han cultural bonds tightened.

Why the Mongols?

Records of Qing imperial consorts suggest that, toward the later reigns,

Manchu-Mongol intermarriages shifted downward in terms of the social ladder, where

Qing emperors were no longer involved in these intermarriages and ceased to marry

Mongol consorts on a regular basis like the early emperors. ° The marital ties were now

maintained by marriages of imperial daughters and other Aisin-Gioro clan members (both

19 Elliot, Manchu Way, 18. 20 The p ractice of taking in Mongol consorts began in Nurhaci's reign and peaked during Hong Taiji's reign, from 14% to 47%. In the subsequent Shunzhi and Kangxi reigns, the percentage decreased first to 33% and then 5%. See Tang, 33-109.

53 female and male),21 where marriages of imperial daughters became the most prominent form of marital alliance with the state, symbolizing imperial favour. Zhang Jie argues that a continuous intermarriage system with Mongol aristocrats was the key to the safety of the Qing northern border and the stronger loyalty of the Mongol nobility.22 Moreover,

Holmgren suggests that as the Mongols became much more integrated (and also subjugated) into the centralized Qing government bureaucratic system, they posed less military and political threat to Qing rulers.23 The strength ened loyalty of the Mongols and a secure dynastic foundation explain why the emperors no longer married a large percentage of Mongol consorts, and the marriages of imperial daughters and Mongol spouses continued at a high frequency as the most prominent form of intermarriage.

Manchu domination of China proper was based on what Chan Hok-lam terms

"coercive legitimation," in which the ruler ascends the throne based on military success.24

According to the Chinese preference for, and concept of, a continuous, correct succession of rulers and dynasties, genealogical linkage, rightful succession, moral qualities,

21 Du, 594-681. 22 Zha ng Jie, ManMeng lianyin: Qingdai gongting hunsu [Manchu-Mongol Marriage Alliances: The Qing Palace Marriage Traditions] (Shenyang: Liaoning chubanshe, 1997), 99. 23 Zhang, 71. 24 Cha n Hok-lam, Legitimation in Imperial China: Discussions Under the Jurchen-Chin Dynasty (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1984), 44.

54 political unification, and intellectual and cultural achievements are all important factors to consider when establishing rightful rule.25 The Manchus, formerly the Jurchens, could claim an important genealogical linkage to their ancestors, the rulers of the Jurchen Jin

(1115-1234) dynasty. Yet, to further their political authenticity, they were keen on establishing ties with the Mongols as a way of linking to the Mongol imperial past in the thirteenth century.26 Pamela K. Crossle y furthers this notion by stating that the subdued

Mongol tribes, which later become incorporated into the Mongol Eight Banners, became the tie between the Manchus and the imperial house of Genghis, and Khubilai Khan, and helped the Manchus to establish themselves as successors to Mongol rulers.27 This desire for a strong legitimate claim to the throne is also expressed by Dorgon's (1612-1650) act of acquiring the Yuan dynasty imperial seal upon defeat of the Chakhar tribe in 1632.28

"Chan, 42-3. 26 The tradition of linki ng a new dynasty to one in the past is fairly common in the history of China. For instances, Li Zicheng changed the name of his capital city from Xi'an to Chang'an to associate with the grandeur of the Tang dynasty; Wu Sangui claim to be "revenging for the fallen Ming dynasty" when he established his equally short-lived dynasty. See Mote, 800, 846. Also, James A. Millward asserts that the Manchus were keen on linking their own dynastic line to that of the Mongol Yuan (Chinggisid members) in order to compete for the position of khan in Inner Asia. See James A. Millward, New Qing Imperial History: The Making of Inner Asian Empires at Qing Chengde (New York: Routledge, 2004), 96. 27 Pamela K. Cros sley, Orphan Warriors: Three Manchu Generations and the End of the Qing World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), 97. In particular, the Borjigit clan, descendents of Genghis Khan's brother, Jochi Khasar, enjoyed the most marital ties with the Manchu imperial family, possibly as a result of their close affiliation with the Mongol imperial past. 28 Mill ward, 98; Chen Jiexian, Qingshi lunji [Collection of Studies on Qing History] (Taibei: Dongda tushu

" 55 The desire to affiliate with the Mongol imperial past for legitimization purposes is reflected in the frequent intermarriage of the Manchu imperial house and Mongol aristocrats in the reigns of Hong Taiji and Shunzhi, when emperors and their sisters and daughters married frequently to Borjigit nobles.

The emphasis placed in establishing strong ties and gaining military support through marrying Mongol consorts under Nurhaci and Hong Taiji ceased during the Shunzhi reign.

There are two reasons for this: first, with a stabilized political condition and the growing subjugation of the Mongol nobles, the initial need to engage in frequent marriage contracts became less urgent; and second, the Qing ethnic makeup, in addition to

Manchus and Mongols, now included the Han majority, whose allegiance needed to be won diplomatically. This is demonstrated by records of Han consorts entering into the palace during the Shunzhi reign.30 The second reason is most clearly shown in an edict issued in 1648 that allowed Manchu-Han intermarriage. Finall y, during the Kangxi reign, the emphasis shifted from relying on Mongolian support to the need to consolidate

gufeng youxian gongsi, 1997), 20. 29 Liu Lu, "HouJin yu Qingchu sidi hunyinde zhengzhi tedian [The Political Significance of the Four Emperors of Later Jin and Early Qing]," Gugong bowuyuan yuan/can 54 (1991): 82. 30 Tang, 50-1. ol Alt hough Manchu-Han intermarriage of the commoner class in society did not actually take place as the Manchu rulers had hoped, marriages between Manchu and Han banner families did occur. See Liu, 82; Ding, 324.

56 Manchu-Han relations. T he decrease in the number of marriages between the Manchu emperors and Mongol noblewomen parallels the gradual control and subordination of the

Mongol aristocrats,33 in which acquirin g the manpower and symbolic importance of the

Mongols was no longer a top priority. Thus, the change in marriage trends placed the greatest importance on marriages of imperial daughters and Mongol aristocrats.

Shared cultural origins of the Manchus and Mongols also help to explain why

Manchus chose to ally closely with the Mongols even after the pacification of China proper. Yan Chongnian suggests that the cultural similarities and influences of the

Manchu and Mongol peoples in the early years of Qing rule are reflected in commonalities such as close geographical location, similar linguistic roots, and the common tradition of horseback riding.34 A s the Qing state secured itself in China proper, the resemblance of the Manchu and Mongol cultures was further observed in consanguinity through frequent intermarriage, mutual understanding of each other's languages, structure of the bureaucratic system, the establishment and maintenance of a banner system, and shamanistic religions. Y an concludes that Manchu-Mongol

32 Liu, 84. JJ For the percentage of Mon gol consorts from the reign of Nurhaci to Kangxi, see n. 19. 34 Yan Chongnian, "Manzhou chuqi wenhua ManMeng eryuanhuaxing jiexi [The Analysis of the Manchu-Mongol Cultural Duality in the Early Periods]," Gugong.bowuyuanyuankan 79 (1998): 34-5. 35 Yan, 35-7.

57 relations provided a strong basis for the establishment of the Later Jin government (name of the Manchu regime before it was changed to Great Qing by Hong Taiji in 1636).

Manchu-Mongol relations also provided Manchu rulers a powerful army by organizing the Mongols into the Mongol Eight Banners, and a stable and peaceful northern frontier.3'

The tight link between Manchus and Mongols is further shown by the practice of continual intermarriages. Mongol aristocrats were selected as primary marriage partners of the Aisin-Gioro imperial clan, and not members from the Han elite class, indicating that aside from political purposes it is possible that Manchus identified more with the

Mongols, and indirectly acknowledged more fundamental differences - ethnically, as proposed by Elliot - between the Manchus and the Hans.

Lifestyle Transitions of Imperial Daughters, From Palace to Palace

After marking the most important rite of passage in her life, a newlywed imperial daughter would embark on a trip to her new home in the steppe feudatory with her efu, following intricate wedding ceremonies and lavish celebrations. Traditional distinctions between the "steppe life" and the "capital life" seem to suggest that a person's lifestyle would alter dramatically, that culture shock would be felt upon contact with the. new

Yan, 37-8.

58 lifestyle, andsacrifices and efforts would be made to adapt to the new lifestyle. Several measures were taken by Manchu rulers to decrease the discomfort of imperial daughters upon arriving at a new home, beyond the education outlined in Chapter One. The state was responsible for supporting these women through their dowries, which usually included a new mansion consisting of anywhere between three hundred to four hundred and five jian ("room"; measure of an establishment's size by the number of rooms), interest income from pawn shops, rental income from land and estate properties, stipends calculated in rice, and quantities of clothing, everyday utensils and jewellery, personal

in entourage of servants, and other luxury items. When an imperial daughter could not support herself and her family with her income, she could appeal to the Privy Purse and receive extra funds to help support her household financially.39 Although esta te properties (shops, houses, land, and staff) had to be returned to the Imperial Household

Department upon the death of the imperial daughter,40 at times the emperor would simply transfer ownership of pawnshops or mansions to the deceased daughter's

j7 Li Jingpi ng, DaQing gongzhu de shengsi mozhou [The Life and Death of Qing Princesses] (Taibei, Zhibenjia wenhua shiye yuxiangongsi, 2007), 8-14. 38 Ra wski, Last Emperors, 150-2. 39 Ra wski, Last Emperors, 151. 40 Ra wski, Last Emperors, 152-6.

59 husband.41 But these tr ansfers were based upon imperial grace, and were not the norm.

Personal wealth, such as clothing and jewellery would be distributed freely upon the wish of the deceased.42 Finan cial support by the Aisin-Gioros allowed these women to be independent - financially - from their husbands, and supplied these imperial daughters with considerable authority in their own mansions.

Imperial daughters remained members of the imperial family, as is evidenced by their exclusion from punishment when their husbands and in-laws faced political persecution, with the exception of two cases during Hong Taiji's reign.43 Th e incident of

Princess Geshun's exemption from the persecution and execution of Wu Sangui and Wu

Yingxiong has already been noted in an earlier section of this chapter. But the most famous and cited example is the case of Princess Hexiao (1775-1823), who was exempted from the persecution and execution of her father-in-law, Heshen (1750-1799) during the Jiaqing reign.44 In fact, because she was the most favoured daughter of

Qianlong (1711-1799), Princess Hexiao's husband retained his official post on her behalf

41 Ra wski, Last Emperors, 155-6. 42 Ra wski, Last Emperors, 154. 43 Mang uji (1589/1590-1636) and Mukushi, the third and fourth daughters of Nurhaci, were both stripped of their princess titles due to political persecutions of their own families. Manguji was accused of treason, and was ordered to death by Hong Taiji. Mukushi was involved in the punishment of her biological daughter, who claimed to have given birth when the baby was in fact borne by a house maid. 44 Tang, 207-8.

60 and was not influenced by his father's demise. 3 An imperial dau ghter's financial independence and political exclusion demonstrate her unchanging position as a member of her natal family, which was rarely the case for women outside of the immediate imperial family.

Strong ties between imperial daughters and their natal family are also illustrated by frequent interactions between the two parties after marriage. As mentioned above, an imperial daughter received, as part of her dowry, a newly constructed or renovated mansion from the emperor. These mansions were meant to be the permanent residence of an imperial daughter once she left the imperial palace, and thus would be built wherever she would live after marriage. The architectural designs of these mansions emulated the homes of princes in the capital, and were staffed by the imperial daughter's own team of ladies-in-waiting, eunuchs, and body guards. Aside from material comfort, these mansions also received the emperor and his entourage when he toured the northern part of the empire. On various occasions Kangxi (1654-1722) appointed his sons and high officials to visit Grand Princess Shuhui (1632-1700) in the Barin tribal territory.46

Kangxi himself personally visited these feudatories as well; in 1698, he accompanied the

T.ang, 208. Du,331.

61 Empress Dowager Xiaohuizhang (1641-1717) on tour to pay tribute to the mausolea of

Nurhaci and Hong Taiji near Mukden (the old capital at present-day Shengyang). The party stayed with two imperial daughters en route to the mausolea: Princess Duanjing

(1674-1710) of the Karachin tribe and Princess Chunxi (1671-1742) of the Khorchin tribe. A dditionally, whenever the emperor, the imperial women, and the imperial sons traveled to the Summer Palace at Chengde to avoid the summer heat in the capital, the

imperial daughters and other lesser princesses, along with the family, would travel to meet the imperial entourage. These imperial visits illustrate the close tie of the imperial daughters to the emperor (and clanswomen to the imperial throne), where father and daughter, grandmother and grandchildren, brothers and sisters joined together in family

gatherings.49

Mongol marital relatives visited the capital on a yearly basis. The husbands, sons, and father-in-law of these Aisin-Gioro women were required to pay homage to the emperor in the capital according to a pre-assigned schedule.50 On the other hand, restrictions were placed on personal visits of imperial daughters to the capital city, which

47 Da Qing S hengzu Ren (Kangxi) Huangdi Shilu [Veritable Records of the Kangxi Emperor] (Taibei: Xinwenfeng, 2004). 48 Kangxi Qijuzhu [Imperial Diaries of the Kangxi Period], (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984), 2088-2440. 49 Du, 332-333. 50Du,320.

62 took place infrequently and only according to specific time intervals. Imperial daughters and lesser princesses (daughters of princes; Aisin-Gioro clanswomen) were to report to the Lifanyuan (governmental department that administered affairs in Tibet and Mongolia) if they desired a visit to the capital, and any other private trips were strictly prohibited.51

Since the primary responsibility of these women was to assist the court in establishing a friendly relationship with Mongol aristocrats, time was to be spent on settling into the steppe lifestyle and marriage life rather than visiting relatives in the capital.52 This rule was first altered to allow the women one visit to the capital every ten years, but was abandoned in 1823 during the Daoguang reign. In 1656, four daughters of Hong Taiji arrived in Beijing from the Mongol feudatories after an average of twelve years away from the capital.54

Strict rules outlined where imperial daughters and their husbands could live. These could only be broken upon special grant. During her first visit to the capital after seven years of marriage, Princess Bayuete (1590-1649) and her husband of the Chalkha tribe

51 Du, 320. 52 Du, 320-1. 3j Da Qing X uanzong Cheng (Daoguang) HuangdiShilu [Veritable Records of the Daoguang Emperor] (Taibei: Xinwenfeng, 2004). 54 Tang, 182-7.

63 were given special permission by Nurhaci to reside in the capital. Normally, imperial daughters had to travel back to their homes on the steppes after visiting the capital, and the special permission granted to Princess Bayuete was not a common occurrence.

Although personal visits were not allowed on a frequent basis, sometimes emperors would summon the imperial daughters, lesser princesses, and Mongol marital relatives to the capital, normally at the end of the lunar year to celebrate the new year with the imperial family.56 These gatherings consisted of various banquets in different halls and palaces within the Forbidden City, and are recorded in the Qingshilu every year in the twelfth and first months.57 During th e Qianlong reign (r. 173 5-1796), the Empress

Dowager held a grand banquet in her palace residence every sixteenth day of the first month, where ".. .the princesses who married to various parts of Mongolia met with their aunts, nieces, sisters and other ladies of rank in one hall; one can imagine what it was like at these gatherings."58 Even after ma rriage, imperial daughters continued to be important members of their natal family and, by extension, the marital families of the daughters were also incorporated within the family circle by the throne.

"Tang, 173-220. 56Du,335. 57 D u, 336. 58 Du, 336.

64 Beginning in the Qianlong reign, imperial daughters were granted the right to live in the capital with their husbands. Qianlong first bestowed onto his third daughter, Princess

Hejing (1731-1792), and her Mongol husband (and later the children as well) the permission to reside in the capital, and this practice became the norm.59 The same permission was given to Qianlong's seventh daughter, his adopted daughter, the Jiaqing emperor's (1760-1820) third and fourth daughters, and the Daoguang emperor's

(1782-1850) fourth daughter.60 Additionall y, more and more Mongol aristocrats began to live permanently in the capital city rather than in the tribal homeland, since many took up important official posts in the court. These aristocrats intermarried with other Manchu and/or Mongol nobility in the capital, which provided more reasons to reside in the capital rather than in the steppes.61 In these cases, Aisin-Gioro clanswomen were able to stay in the capital after marriage. However, for other clanswomen whose husbands made their residence in the northern frontier, travelling to the Mongol feudatories post-marriage was still a much-followed practice.

Interaction between the Aisin-Gioro daughters and their natal family was also

Tang, 204. Du, 283. Du, 284.

65 maintained through exchanging letters, messages, and gifts. At the end of the year 1677,

in consideration of the cold weather, Kangxi ordered winter garments and leather readied

and sent to Grand Princess Shuhui of the Barin tribe along with a letter in which he

greeted the princess respectfully and proceeded to describe the gifts for her.63 Care for

Aisin-Gioro clanswomen was also shown by the Qing court's deployment of physicians and vaccinations to the steppe territories to look after the family of the imperial daughters and lesser princesses.64 Also, imperial dau ghters in old age or sickness were sometimes brought back to the capital by the reigning emperor: Grand Princess Shuhui lived out her last years in the capital, and Princess Chunxi was brought back to the capital after she became critically ill; she passed away in the capital within the year.65 These cases demonstrate that despite the distance, care provided by the imperial house and the state of these women continued after marriage.

Contrary to the Confucian norms of the time, in which a wife would normally be

interred in her marital family's ancestral tomb,66 in death the imperial dau ghters

62 Du, 336. 63 T his gesture is unusual, considering Kangxi's tremendous schedule of activities as the emperor; Du,338-9. 64 Du ,339-340. 65 Tang, 184-5,200-1. 66 Du, 327.

66 continued as the responsibility of their natal family, and not their marital family. The expenses for an imperial daughter's funeral and burial were paid by the emperor, from the deceased's income, or the Imperial Household Department.68 Imperial daughters from the first five reigns of the dynasty tended to be buried in their husband's homeland on the steppes, because they were expected to take up permanent residence in the Mongol feudatories. These women, along with lesser princesses, tended to be buried in their spouses' homeland even if they passed away in the capital.69 The efu of imperial

70 daughters were clearly buried with their wives, as archaeological evidence suggests.

Owners of such tombs include Princess Duanmin (1653-1729), Princess Duanrou

(1714-1755), Princess Rongxian (1673-1728), and Princess Wenge (1687-1709). Burials of imperial daughters on the steppes suggest that the prestige and honour embedded in

Manchu-Mongol marriages continued and were maintained on a symbolic level.

Beginning in the Qianlong reign, imperial daughters resided in the capital despite marrying Mongol spouses, and as a result after death they would be interred in tombs 71 situated on the outskirts of the capital, and not in the tribal land of their spouses.

67 Ra wski, Last Emperors, 153. 68 Ra wski, Last Emperors, 153. 69 Du, 328-9. 70 Du, 174-214, 325-7. 71 Du, 324-8.

67 Imperial daughters buried just outside of Beijing and near imperial mausolea include

Princess Chunchue (1685-1710), Princess Hejing (1756-1775), Princess Zhuangjing

(1784-1811), and Princess Shou'an (1826-1860). For the Mongol aristocrats whose wives were buried outside of Beijing, some were buried with their wives while the others chose to be buried back in their homeland. The tomb arr angements suggest that in death the imperial daughters were still ranked higher socially than their husbands: the husband, and sometimes children, of an imperial daughter would be buried with her in her tomb, occupying a side chamber. This is a reversal of common social practice, where the wife would be buried along with her marital family, as a member of her husband's - and not her own - family.

Strong alliances with the Mongols were extremely important to the Manchus during the early years of conquest. The Mongols not only provided military assistance, but they also embodied an imperial past to which the Manchus could link to in order to legitimize rule within China proper. Furthermore, similarities in cultural practices, language, and geographical locations were also factors that allowed marriages to take place regularly

72 Du, 327-330. 73 Du, 330.

68 between the two peoples. Frequent intermarriages between the elites of the two peoples in the initial stages of Manchu rule ensured a strong link that continued throughout the dynasty. When emperors, beginning in the Kangxi reign, discontinued the practice of taking large numbers of Mongol consorts, marriages of imperial daughters to Mongol aristocrats became a prestigious form of alliance that symbolized imperial favour and good will. Marriages of imperial daughters to Han efu out of political necessity, as seen in the cases of the three marriages of imperial daughters to male relatives of the generals of the Three Feudatories, were rare occurrences. Mongol aristocrats were still the primary marriage partners for imperial daughters, preferred even to Manchu elites. In this sense,

Manchu imperial daughters acted as crucial intermediaries in establishing and maintaining friendly Manchu-Mongol relations.

To sum up, this chapters shows that several non-Han practices can be seen in the marriages of Qing imperial daughters, despite receiving a Confucian-based education prior to marriage. Imperial daughters maintained unbroken relations with their natal family throughout life, which continued to be the most important familial association even after marriage. Also, instead of marrying out of the imperial family and into the husband's family, marriages of imperial daughters actually drew the efu into the immediate circle of the imperial family. In this sense, interactions between a married

69 imperial daughter and her natal family might be more intimate than commonly perceived.

Despite marrying out to the steppe feudatories, these women remained under the protection and support of the emperor, as shown in their visits to the capital, exchanges of correspondence, and comfortable residences that emulated lifestyles back in the capital.

Furthermore, financial support, medical aid, visits from emperors, visits to the capital city, and permission to reside in the capital after marriage (from the Qianlong reign onward) are all evidence of connections between imperial daughters and their natal family, placing relationship with the marital family as secondary. This counters the teachings of

Confucian ideologies that a woman should place the needs of her in-laws, husband, and sons (hence marital family) as first priority while still observing responsibilities to her natal family. During the course of the Qing, Manchu-Mongol intermarriages allowed the traditional steppe-China proper boundary established in the past to be dismantled, at least at the highest level of society, as peace was maintained by good relations through

intermarriages.

70 Chapter 3: Imperial Daughters and the Imperial Marriage System

Marriage customs of the Manchu imperial house are one aspect of the cultural hybridization that occurred during the Qing dynasty. Manchu imperial daughters also participated in this cultural transition, although their experiences differed from those of the men. As discussed in Chapter Two, marriage was one of the most, if not the most, important rites of passage in life for the women. Manchu-Mongol intermarriages are suggestive of Manchu self-identification in terms of ethnicity.1 C ontinued intermarriage with the Mongols was still favoured in comparison with the indigenous Han population, which suggests that an identification with the steppe heritage persisted through the course of Qing. However, Han cultural influences existed simultaneously with the Manchu effort of maintaining a separate ethnic identity, as demonstrated by an abandonment of key steppe marriage customs, such as the levirate, widow chastity and remarriage, bride price system, cross-generational marriages, and polygyny. This abandonment parallels the efforts in adopting and promoting Confucian thoughts as state ideology, in particular the teachings of ideal Confucian womanhood to imperial daughters prior to marriage.

Jennifer Holmgren, in "Imperial Marriage in the Native Chinese and Non-Han state,

1 Mark C. Elliot, The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2001), 18.

71 Han to Ming," asserts that a Han model of marriage traditions was never fully adopted by any conquest dynasty;2 ra ther, "individual elements of the model were selected, modified, and integrated with the steppe tradition."3 In the case of the Qing, a mixture of Han and steppe marriage traditions, beginning with various measures of adopting Confucian ideology (in terms of the ideal Confucian womanhood) in the reigns of Hong Taiji

(r. 1626-1643) and Shunzhi (r. 1644-1661), indicates that marriage practices of the

Manchu imperial house in the initial stage of the empire differed dramatically with that of the later years. The promotion of the ideal Confucian woman during the reigns of Hong

Taiji and Shunzhi continued until the end of Qing rule, even when the Qianlong emperor

(1711-1799) avidly encouraged and pushed for a Manchu cultural revival in the eighteenth century. This chapter will demonstrate how some of the steppe marital customs listed above disappeared from the Manchu imperial house over the course of the

2 Jennifer Hoi mgren lists the following traits for a Han marriage model: (1) surname exogamy; (2) serial monogamy with concubinage; (3) the wife as titular or legal mother to all offspring; (4) a ban on status mobility between wife and concubine; and (5) a ban on cross-generational alliances. These are in opposition to the non-Han model: (1) brideprice as opposed to dowry; (2) polygyny arrangement where all wives share same status; (3) cross-generational alliances; (4) separate residence for married sons; and (5) an exogamous system in which intermarriage with the paternal line was permitted after a given number of generations (five, seven, or nine). See Jennifer Holmgren, "Imperial Marriage in the Native Chinese and Non-Chinese State, Han to Ming," in Marriage and Inequality in Chinese Society, ed. Rubie S. Watson and Patricia Buckley Ebrey (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1991), 60, 77. 3 Hoi mgren, "Imperial Marriage", 77.

72 Qing dynasty. By educating the imperial daughters on the ideal Confucian womanhood, the Manchu imperial house was not a victim, or passive subject, of the process of

"Sinicization" - it was an active participant.

Han Marriage Rituals of Dowry and Monogamy-Concubinage

The transfer of considerable wealth between two families upon marriage was a

common practice for both steppe and Han societies. Brideprice, typically a sum of money

given to the bride's family by the groom's family upon marriage, was a common practice

of the steppe peoples. In contrast, Han society recognized receiving gifts from the

groom's family before marriage as a ritualistic gesture equivalent to an engagement, and

no amount of wealth would be shifted from the groom's family to the bride's family upon

marriage.4 A Han bride family would commonly supply the bride with an unfixed

amount of wealth, usually in the form of material goods, which she could bring to the

groom's family and would remain in her personal possession. Both bridepr ice and

dowry were present in the marriages of Manchu imperial daughters. These marriages

were personally appointed by the emperor, and thus were initiated by the bride's natal

family rather than by the groom's family. In other words, the bride's family would supply

4 Patricia Buckle y Ebrey, "Shifts in Marriage Finance from the Sixth to the Thirteenth Century," in Women and Family in Chinese History, by Patricia Buckley Ebrey (New York: Routledge, 2002), 97. 5 Ebrey ,97.

73 financial support and material goods, while the groom's family did not return anything in material form. Much like the Han practice, these dowries remained in the possession of imperial daughters but they were taken back by the state upon their death.

At the same time, a different form of brideprice was paid by the Manchu imperial efu (title given to husband of Aisin-Gioro clanswomen with princess titles), suggesting that marriages of imperial daughters and efu embodied both sets of cultural marriage practices. In steppe culture, if the prospective groom did not have the financial means to pay a brideprice, it was an accepted practice that he would substitute the brideprice with labour for several years in his future wife's family. Manchu imperial efu exchanged servitude for a prestigious marriage with an imperial daughter; these men often devoted a lifetime of service to the emperor, staffing civil and military posts during the course of the dynasty. One famous example is the career of Celing (?-1750), who married the

Kangxi emperor's (1654-1722) tenth daughter, Princess Chunque (1685-1710). Celing, from the Khalka Borjigit clan, became famous for his militaristic prowess and successes in pacifying the western and northern revolts of rebelling Mongol tribes, especially the

6 Bettine Birge, "Levirate Marriage and the Revival of Widow Chastity in Yuan China," Asia Major 8.2 (Fall 1995): 114; Jennifer Holmgren, "Observations of Marriage and Inheritance Practices in Early Mongol and Yuan Society, with Particular Reference to the Levirate," Journal of Asian History 19-20 (1985-86): 132-4.

74 wars against the Dzungar Galdan in 1732.7 Althou gh Princess Chunque passed away after only four years of marriage and before his military career began, Celing remained in service to the throne as an imperial efu? He w as awarded a princedom for his devotion, and his wife was posthumously awarded the gurun (highest rank) princess title because of him.9 Although no financ ial transaction from the groom's family to the bride's family took place, a lifelong servitude and loyalty of an imperial efu was expected in exchange for marrying an imperial daughter.

Polygynous marriage was also a common trait in early steppe cultures: a man could wed as many wives as he could afford, and each occupied equal family status. This kind of marriage was unseen in Han culture, which promoted monogamous marriage with concubinage. The Manchu imperial house initially practiced polygyny, although the practice slowly transformed into a hybrid of polygyny and monogamy after settling in

China proper. Official genealogies and biographies often designate one woman as a man's chief wife among other women, and this is most likely because the standard histories and

7 T ang Bangzhi, Qing huangshi sipu [Four Genealogies of the Qing Imperial Family] (Taibei: Mingwen shuju, 1985), 197. 8 Du Jiaji, Qingchao ManMeng lianyinyanjiu [Study of Manchu-Mongol Intermarriage During the Qing Dynasty] (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2003), 145. 9 Gurun princess title, the highest rank of Aisin-Gioro daughters, was normally reserved for imperial daughters borne by the empress. This is an honour for Princess Chunque because her mother was just a minor consort. Du, 312.

75 other documents were drafted long after the initial conquest period, when the Confucian

ideology of monogamous marriage with concubinage became the norm of the Manchu

elites. The important distinction between different statuses is also explained in the

Extended Rules: "Status is what differentiates between the myriad of things in the

universe. If the status was not upheld, everything will not be in harmony."10 For example,

although Empress Xiaocigao (1575-1603) was listed as the principal empress of all the

women in Nurhaci's (1558-1626) harem, she was actually not the first nor the only wife

of Nurhaci. She was recorded as the empress of Nurhaci because she was the birth mother

of Hong Taiji (1592-1643), the next Manchu ruler,11 but her impo rtant position in the

harem of Nurhaci was the result of her Manchu elite background, not her harem

ranking.12 Theor etically, all wives were of equal status, although a man's first wife

would usually be recognized as his principal wife. The practice of unofficially

recognizing one wife as the principal wife was formalized during the reign of Hong Taiji

in 1636; not only did Hong Taiji inaugurate an empress and established a structured

I Yuding Neizeyanyi, 16Juan, Vol.13, 3. II Ding Yizhuang, Manzude funii shenghuoyu hunyin zhiduyanjiu [Study on the Lives of Manchu Women and Marriage System] (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1999), 173. 12 Other wives of similar importance included Hahanazhaqing and Gongdai. At this stage a multi-tiered harem hierarchy was not present, but a clear distinction of wives (fei), lesser wives (cefei), and minor consorts (shufei) is evident. Tang, 35-7.

76 harem system, he issued orders that the primary wife and lesser wives of princes were to be clearly identified.

A similar formalization of wife status took place in the marriages of the imperial daughters.14 Ding Yizhuang notes that many Mongol aristocrats already had wives at the time of their marriage to Nurhaci's daughters in the initial stage of Manchu rule.15

Nurhaci was willing to let his daughters become lesser wives of these Manchu and

Mongol aristocrats for two possible reasons. First, at this stage of power expansion,

Nurhaci urgently needed to make allies through marital alliances. Second, in the initial stage of Manchu power, many Mongol tribes had yet to be subjugated; thus, the social status of the Manchus, including the daughters of Nurhaci, did not surpass the Mongols.1'

Although these aristocrats married the daughters of Nurhaci, the leader of the Manchu people, these marriages did not have the same prestige at this time when compared with similar marriages in later years.

13 Ding, 58-67. 141 n this study, daughters of Nurhaci and Hong Taiji have been referred to as "imperial daughters" to avoid confusion. At this stage in Manchu history, they were actually daughters of the khan, and not 'imperial.' 15 These aristocrats included Heheli, who married Princess Dongguo; Buzhantai, from the Ula Nara tribe, who married Mukushi; Aoba, from the Khorchin Mongol tribe, who married Princess Chunzhe; and Suonomuduling, from the Aokhan Mongol tribe, who married Manguji. See Tang, 174, 177, 180; Ding, 59, 315. 16 The Mongols have traditionally enjoyed high social status in steppe societies, as a result of their imperial past and long-term leadership in the steppes, even after the fall of the Yuan dynasty.

77 In the genealogy chart of imperial daughters, from Hong Taiji's reign (r.1626-1643) onward the women were no longer recorded as having married men who already had wives (and thus would occupy the position of lesser wives). This is likely the result of the stronger and more elevated status of the Manchu people among Mongol allies during

Hong Taiji's time, as most Mongol tribes had been subdued, and Hong Taiji officially declared the birth of the Qing dynasty in 1636 and became the emperor.17 As a result, imperial daughters were elevated in status, as they now represented the Qing imperial house, and not just a powerful Manchu clan. The elevated social and personal status of imperial daughters no longer allowed them to occupy (or to be recorded as occupying) positions of lesser wives; from this time frame onward imperial daughters were normally recognized in sources as the principal wife of the Mongol aristocrats they married, although it is also known that most of these men had more than one wife and concubine at the same time.19 Manchu view on pol ygyny had shifted early in the reign of Hong

17 Du, 346-7. 18Du, 312-4. 19 Ding, 59 -67; In Manchu elite families, aside from the fujin and cefujin (Ma. fujin, women of wifely status), and xiaofujin or shufei (Ma. ajige fujin, "lesser wives," women who were below the wives in status, but above the concubines), there were also buya sargan, ("concubines"), and sula hehes and gucihi ("maid"). This shows that the Chinese titles of "wife" and "concubines" are simplifications of this intricate female family hierarchy in the elite households. For more information, see Ding, 70-3.

78 Taiji to a monogamy-concubinage system influenced by, and similar to, Han traditions.

Han Moral Principles on Strict Family Hierarchy

Another marriage custom common in steppe societies but hardly seen in Han culture was cross-generational marriage, in which aunt-nephew and uncle-niece were the most practiced combination. This custom, a prominent occurrence in the marriage systems of the Liao (916-1125) and Yuan (1271-1368) dynasties, was observed by the Manchus in the initial stages of Qing rule, but was quickly phased out in the Shunzhi reign. One example often cited by scholars is the case of Empress Dowager Xiaozhuangwen

(1613-1688), who married her paternal aunt's husband Hong Taiji. Other e xamples can be found in the consort biographies of Hong Taiji, and the Shunzhi (1638-1661) and

Tongzhi (1856-1875) emperors. In contrast, cross-generational marriage in native Han dynasties, particularly between the heir to the throne and his aunts or nieces, was forbidden. The disappea ranee of such a practice in the Manchu imperial marriage system likely suggests Han cultural influence, where a practice once considered to be a common marriage trait became something to be avoided. A few cross-generational marriages did take place for Manchu imperial daughters, although they all took place

20 Ding, 82. 21 Tang, 41. 22 Hoi mgren, "Imperial Marriage," 60.

79 within the first two reigns of Manchu rule. Mukushi (1595-1659), the fourth daughter of

Nurhaci, married the uncle of her father's wife, the Xiaolie empress (1590-1626).23

Princess Duanjing (1628-1686), third daughter of Hong Taiji, married a Borjigit aristocrat from a descending generation.24 Hong Taiji married his adopted daughter (his niece) to his wife Empress Xiaozhuangwen's brother, who was both Hong Taiji's nephew-in-law and brother-in-law. In terms of imperial marriages, it appears that the early practice of cross-generational marriages, combined with levirate, were meant to maintain population strength so frequently disrupted by a militant nomadic life. Imperial daughters of later reigns, however, did not enter into such marriages; although younger generations of imperial daughters frequently married the descendents of imperial daughters from earlier generations, cross-generational marriage was abandoned beginning in the Shunzhi reign.

Levirate, another characteristic of steppe marriage culture, was a practice based on the same concept as cross-generational marriage in that marriages of steppe societies were between tribes and clans, and not individual families. Levirate is the practice of

23 Tang, 177. 24" Descending generation" means a generation younger than one's own; Tang, 183. 25 A s a nephew-in-law, the marriage of this Borjigit man and the adopted imperial daughter would be considered a cousin marriage. As a brother-in-law, however, this would be a cross-generational marriage; Tang, 190.

")ft Karl August Wittfogel and Feng Jiasheng, History of Chinese Society: Liao, 907-1125 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1949), 211. 80 marrying the widow of an older clansman/tribesman, such as father, uncle, or older brother. Since women were accepted into their marital family as clan members, it was customary for them to marry older clansmen after the death of their first husbands to prevent these women from leaving the clan.27 Thre e levirate marriages have been recorded in the genealogy chart of Manchu imperial daughters, although this practice was highly uncommon and quickly disappeared in the reign of Hong Taiji. Mukushi married for a second time to Eyidu (1562-1621), a Manchu aristocrat from the Niuhuru clan, and after his death she married again for the third time to his son (by another wife)

Tu'erge (1596-1645). The omission of the mania ge to Eyidu in the genealogy chart indicates that the Qing wished to erase the existence of this steppe practice in Qing history, in exchange for a Confucian outlook that the Qing court had been trying hard to construct in the reigns of Hong Taiji and Shunzhi.30 In fact, Hong Taiji issued an edict in

27 Ding, 12. 28 Princess C hunzhe (1612-1648), the adopted daughter of Nurhaci, married a fellow clansman of her first husband after his death. Princess Wenzhuang (1625-1663), second daughter of Hongtaiji, first married Ejei, the son and successor of Lingdan Khan, and upon Ejei's death she married his younger brother. Tang, 180-2. 29 Muk ushi's entry in Tang's genealogy chart does not mention her marriage to Eyidu, but Li Fengmin's research shows that this marriage did exist before the one to Tu'erge. See Li Fengmin, "Heshuo gongzhu Mukushi de hunpei wenti [The Issues to the Marriage Arrangements of hosoi Princess Mukushi]," Gugong bowuyuan yuankan 2 (1984): 26. 30 Li, 26.

81 1631 banning this steppe marriage tradition; in 1632 he re-issued another edict containing the same message.31 Li Fengmin believes the edicts resulted from a heavy influence of

Han social norms on Manchu cultural development, where levir ate was considered immoral and a form of incest. Despite these edicts, Princess Chunzhe's (1612-1648) remarriage to a fellow clansman of her first husband took place in 1632, and Princess

Wenzhuang's (1625-1663) remarriage to a younger brother-in-law took place in 1645, both after the edicts of Hong Taiji banning levirate. This contradiction indicates a difference between political agenda and what was actually practiced. It also shows that the disappearance of levirate was not an unintended consequence of the integration of

Manchu and Han cultures, but a state agenda carried out purposely to alter the image of

Manchu people from 'barbaric' to 'civilized.'

Han and Steppe Concept of Chastity

Like imperial daughters of previous dynasties, Qing imperial daughters did not have freedom in choosing their own marriage partners, and consequently had no choice to leave an unhappy marriage or remarry someone else. The Extended Rules argues: "A

31 Ding, 27. 32 Li, 26. 33 Ding, 5.

82 woman's duty is to serve her husband; her responsibility is to manage the household."

No matter what her personal preferences may have been, her duty and responsibility were in fulfilling the obligations to her marital family. Only one successful case of divorce occurred among the Manchu imperial daughters, although it is hard to identify from sources whether this was a forced order or the personal choice of the princess. In 1637,

Mukushi was divorced from her third husband, Tu'erge, and lived the rest of her life with her brothers.35 A recorded petition for divorce came from Nurhaci's younger sister,

Princess Zhanhe (7-1623), who deeply disliked her husband, Changshu (d. Tianming reign, 1616-1626) and considered him a malevolent person. Nurha ci rejected her plea, and out of spite Princess Zhanhe refused to be with or see her husband ever again until her own death.37 In spite o f these episodes, the two imperial efu, Tu'erge and Changshu, continued to enjoy the good favour of Nurhaci and Hong Taiji, and established significant political careers. It is interesting to note that Mukushi was most affected by her family's mishap; her expulsion from the immediate imperial family and becoming the liability of

34 YudingNeizeyanyi, I6juan, Vol.3, 5. 35 Muk ushi's daughter could not bear children, but faked pregnancy and birth of a child that was actually borne by a maid. For this crime her family was persecuted, and Mukushi and her husband were inculpated as well; Tang, 177-178. 36 Tang, 173. 37 Tang, 173.

83 her brothers after divorce suggest that she was perhaps punished more severely than her husband. This punishment mandated that Mukushi was detached from both her natal family and marital family, which would traditionally be the two families to which a woman belonged. Though it is recorded in the genealogy charts that both her hosoi

(second highest rank) princess title and Tu'erge's officialdom were removed on behalf of their daughter's misdemeanour, Tu'erge returned to service under the emperor merely three years after the punishment while Mukushi remained an Aisin-Gioro clanswomen without a proper title. It seems the priority was placed on securing the loyal servitude of these men, rather than the happiness or livelihood of the imperial daughters.

In terms of remarriage upon widowhood, five cases can be identified, all within the first two Qing reigns. However, in subsequent reigns no more imperial daughters remarried. This could be an indirect result of the fact that 54% of the imperial daughters born in and after Shunzhi's reign died before their first marriage; but of the remaining

imperial daughters who lived to be married, many lived through decades of widowhood.

Traditionally, the popular trend of widow chastity in the Qing times was interpreted as a

direct result of Han cultural influence, where the Confucian virtues of female chastity and

loyalty to one husband were highly valued. However, the prevailing trend of observing

38 Tang, 173-184.

84 widowhood contrasts with the encouragement of widow remarriage for bannerwomen from the Qing government. The old Altaic practice of following the deceased husband to his grave, based on the steppe concept of loyalty in master-servant relationships, was first discouraged and later banned by the Qing court to ensure that there was a ready supply of Manchu women in the marriage pool.40 The idea of a widow remaining faithful to her deceased husband was a new concept that the Manchus came into contact with after the conquest, and the traditional practice of widow remarriage persisted until the early twentieth-century.41 Despite the popularit y of widow chastity in Han culture, this practice actually appeared in the Yuan dynasty; widow chastity was observed by women who did not wish to remarry after the death of their husband but were discouraged to remarry to men outside their first husband's clan.4 This point shall be expl ained below.

For the Manchu court, promoting widow chastity over widow suicide served two useful purposes: first, the court appeared to encourage a 'proper' Confucian virtue, and this virtue was also taught to imperial daughters by the Extended Rules; and second, by encouraging widow chastity among the general population, excluding bannerwomen, and

39 Mark C. Elliot, "Manchu Widows and Ethnicity in Qing China," Comparative Studies in Society and History 4\.\ {Ism \999): 54. 40 Elliot, "Manchu Widows," 49-57. 41 Elliot, "Manchu Widows," 55. 42 Birge, "Levirate Marriage," 115; Holmgren, "Observations of Marriage," 146-167.

85 the abandonment of widow suicide, the Qing court made sure that bannerwomen of marriageable age became available for remarriage.

Perhaps because of the custom of taking more than one wife at the same time, bannerwomen of marriageable age were limited in number, and becoming available for remarriage meant that more Manchu men could find wives.43 Imperial daughters

refrained from remarriage for three possible reasons: (1) marriage with the daughter of the reigning ruler was too prestigious to be conducted in large numbers, lest the value and

imperial privilege placed upon the selected imperial efu (and his lineages) be diluted; (2) daughters from the imperial family who chose to remain faithful to a deceased husband

(at least on a superficial level) were fitting political propaganda to demonstrate how the

Qing court adopted and promulgated Confucian ideologies for the females; and (3) the

need to establish alliance-through-marriage with Mongol aristocrats diminished, as

Manchu power had been consolidated in China proper in the seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries and Mongol aristocrats no longer posed a threat to political stability.

The shared notion of discouraging widow-remarriage on the part of the Khitans and

Mongols was not reciprocated in early Manchu marriage practices. Traditional views on

the history of conquest dynasties would conclude that the shared rejection of

43 Elliot, "Manchu Widows," 56.

86 widow-remarriage felt by the Khitans and the Mongols was influenced by Confucian notions of wifely chastity, but research by Bettine Birge demonstrates that this rejection in fact sprang from the economic and financial situations of Mongol widows and Khitan religious belief of the afterlife. As Birge points out in "Women and Confucianism from

Song to Ming: the Institutionalization of Patrilineality," the societal chaos from the end of the Song dynasty until the beginning of the Ming dynasty, when social and cultural customs were violently shaken by the intrusion of the Mongol people and their traditions, provoked many new Han ideas regarding the status and roles of women that did not exist during the Song. One of these ideas includes the emphasis on a widow remaining chaste and continuing to look after her deceased husband's family. The hesitation of remarrying someone outside the husband's clan, combined with social and cultural upheaval, resulted in a newfound ideology emphasizing the chastity not only of unmarried girls, but of widows as well. As can be seen in the instances outlined above, the Aisin-Gioros recognized that political advantage could be gained from the adoption of such practices.

Bettine Bir ge, "Women and Confucianism from Song to Ming: The Institutionalization of Patrilineality," in The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition in Chinese History, ed. Paul Jakov Smith and Richard von Glahn (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2003), 212-3.

87 Information within the Qingshigao and Qing huangshi sipu of Qing imperial daughters shows that various steppe marriage customs both took place and disappeared within the early reigns of the dynasty. This disappearance parallels the promotion of the various

Confucian female virtues contained within the Extended Rules. As Qing imperial daughters remained life-long members of their natal families, the financial transaction at the time of a marriage shifted away from the brideprice custom of the steppe people to a dowry system embraced by Han culture. Another shift took place in the form of the polygynous nature of marital relationships between a Manchu husband and his wife or wives; from Hong Taiji's reign, the Manchus were required to distinguish between a chief wife and other lesser wives, and the family structure was more like the Han monogamy-concubinage tradition. Also, in terms of cross-generational and levirate marriages, Hong Taiji expanded effort in terminating these practices that were once common for Manchu people. Finally, practices like divorce and widow-remarriage also became extinct for imperial daughters even when the Qing court imposed measures on bannerwomen to encourage such remarriages. Manchu imperial daughters began to observe widowhood, despite the fact that most of them predeceased their husbands. The

Confucian-based education imperial daughters received prior to marriage on observing widowhood and chastity might have made some impact on imperial daughters and their

88 expected behaviour in marriage life.

In comparison to examples found in other foreign conquest dynasties like the Khitan

Liao and Mongol Yuan, the steppe nature of the Manchus appear weaker. Hong Taiji displayed an urge to shed such steppe cultural traits that the Manchus took with them into

China proper, since steppe marriage customs began to disappear during his reign. Hong

Taiji's measures in regards to abandoning the old traditions and embracing Han ideals no doubt assisted the Manchu people's adaptation to life in China proper; at the same time, a consistent connection with the Mongols demonstrate that the degree to which the

Manchus adopted Han cultural traits was carefully handled. By accepting new cultural ideas from the Han while hanging onto the steppe heritage through continuing marriages with Mongol aristocrats, a unique Qing identity was forged through selective integration of Manchu (steppe) and Han (Confucian) cultural values and practices.

89 Conclusion

Despite limitations in the number of primary sources containing information on

Qing imperial daughters, this study examines the educational practices that lay at the heart of the most important rite of passage for these women, marriage. Chapter One focuses on the adoption of the Confucian feminine virtues in the Qing imperial court, as demonstrated by the Extended Rules. The chapter reveals key elements of the kind of education given to imperial daughters prior to their marriages, and how a

Confucian-based education might have helped the women prepare for marital life in the steppes. Studies in recent decades have shown that upper-class women during the Song dynasty were largely literate, possessed impressive literary talents, and were encouraged to cultivate this talent for various reasons. In particular, a woman was considered in most cases as the first teacher to her sons, and thus her understanding and interpretation of

Confucian classics were important in initiating her sons into the world of learning. The seventeenth century witnessed even greater increases in female learning cultures, as the boom caused by expansion of the printing press industries helped promote publications, and by extension, the quest to increased literacy rates. Qing upper-class women were not only familiar with the classics, but took interest in calligraphy, poetry, writing, playing musical instruments, and painting in addition to traditional "womanly activities" like

90 sewing and weaving. Female literacy was expected to help a woman perform her proper

gender roles after marriage, and not for private literary pursuit.

Publication of the Extended Rules supplemented female learning cultures at the

imperial level. Palace women, including imperial daughters, studied this compilation, demonstrating that these women were literate and learned to a certain degree. In fact,

many palace women in the Xianfeng, Tongzhi, and Guangxu reigns are known to have been in sources as talented individuals who practiced in calligraphy and painting, and possessed a high level of literary appreciation. Since Manchu palace women were

selected from upper-class banner families, this literary cultivation was probably not

uncommon in the elite class. If Manchu upper-class women were given this opportunity,

it is hard to imagine the exclusion of the imperial daughters from this trend, especially

when emperors like Kangxi and Qianlong, were avid educators and accomplished

scholars themselves. Extended Rules was used to educate imperial daughters, preparing them to become better daughters-in-law, wives, and mothers.

When comparing ideal Confucian womanhood with the actual superior social ranking of an imperial daughter to her marital family, social etiquette required the

imperial efu and his parents to bow to the imperial daughter, which reversed ideals of the obedient wife to her husband and in-laws. That only the imperial efu, and not his parents,

91 moved into his wife's mansion after getting married countered the dominant practices of women living with the husband's family. The gap between what was taught and what actually took place suggests that promotion of virtuous womanhood was part of state propaganda in adopting and advocating Confucianism. It could also indicate that an imperial daughter was still able to manage a household and maintain amicable relationships with her marital family despite her superior social status. Such positive relationships were no doubt crucial for the Manchus in enlisting the help and support of the Mongols. Clearly, the co-existence of a Confucian education on ideal womanhood given prior to marriage and the actual authoritative and gender-reversal roles carried out by imperial daughters after marriage was not a point of conflicting ideas, but demonstrates a blend of Confucian and non-Confucian cultural values. Moreover, the superior family status of imperial daughters challenges the stereotypical view of Chinese women as the weaker and subservient individuals within the household.

In Chapter Two, the political aspects of the intermarriage of Manchu imperial daughters and Mongol aristocrats were revealed to convey the essential roles these women played in continuing and ensuring the loyalty of the Mongol nobility. The frequency of intermarriages between the two peoples reflects the contemporary political situation: the greater number of intermarriages contracted in the early reigns of Hong

92 Taiji and Shunzhi mirrored the necessity of including the Mongol people into the Manchu force in order to campaign against, conquer, and solidify China proper. While maintaining order within by befriending Mongol aristocrats, the Manchus eliminated another potential antagonistic force in addition to Ming-loyalists. There were legitimate and strategic reasons for associating with Mongols rather than indigenous Han populations. Scholars like Yan Chongnian and Zuo Buqin have demonstrated resemblances of Mongol and Manchu cultures, in which they shared consanguinity, language, bureaucratic system, banner system, and religion. The Aisin-Gioros were proud of their historical heritage, and their willingness to establish marital kinships with the

Mongols illustrates a continued identification with steppe culture, in addition to Han culture, as many early scholars like Ho Ping-ti have suggested. The adoption of

Confucian state and social ideology by the Qing court cannot be brushed aside, yet continuous marriages contracted with steppe aristocrats, and efforts put forth by emperors

like Qianlong in refreshing a strong cultural identity of the Manchu people suggest ;a reluctance to let go of, and a desire to maintain, the steppe heritage.

Qing imperial daughters, through their marriage experiences, became important participants within this political and cultural linkage between the steppe and Han societies. Marriage for these women did not equal a sharp transition from the imperial

93 palace to a tent on the steppe land. The elite status of these women continued to be

recognized in the Mongol feudatories as it had behind the imperial palace walls. This is

not to suggest that cultural differences did not exist; rather, the unbroken ties of the

imperial daughters and their natal family situated these women somewhere in-between the capital and the steppe. Financial support from the state, including stipends, mansions, pawn shops, and estate properties, meant that these women were capable of living

independently from their marital family. The superior social status of an imperial

daughter also implied that she joined her husband's family as an authoritative figure with

a far higher status than as a new, commoner wife. Frequent interactions between a

married imperial daughter and the Qing court, such as visits by the emperor, exchange of

correspondence, visits to the capital to see her family or for festivals, and medical care

provided by the state, also demonstrate that her origins in the capital still continued to

influence the course of her life even after marriage. The overshadowing influence of the

wife's natal family undercuts the norm of a new bride becoming a member in living, and

a ghost in death, of her marital family.

From the Qianlong reign onward, many imperial daughters and their husbands were

given permission to reside in the capital instead of returning to steppe feudatories. This

measure drastically decreased the need for these women to adapt to living in a foreign

94 land and pressures to respect foreign customs. In this sense, an imperial daughter's life did not change after marriage. Rather, aspects of her pre-marital lifestyle carried on to some degree no matter where she lived. Although unhappy marriages were not an uncommon occurrence in these political marriage arrangements, at the same time it should be acknowledged that marriage problems or premature deaths were not always associated with the inability to adapt to a marriage life on the steppes. On the other hand, happy and harmonious marriages also existed, where imperial daughters got along amicably with her husband's family and clan members, and lived long lives without difficulties in adapting to the ways of life on the steppes.

Chapter Three examines traces of steppe marriage customs in the early reigns of

Qing rule. Common steppe marriage traditions, such as brideprice, polygyny, cross-generational marriages, levirate, divorce, widow-remarriage, and widow chastity, show a steady pattern of decline during the reign of Hong Taiji is clearly shown. The disappearance of steppe marriage traditions in his reign ties in smoothly with the dominance of Confucian ideology in terms of gender roles and womanhood during

Shunzhi's reign, as discussed in Chapter One. During these two reigns, the Qing needed to legitimize its claim to be the chosen receiver of the Mandate of Heaven, and to consolidate control in China proper after Manchu forces moved into the area in 1644.

95 Imperial daughters were much affected by the political necessity, as demonstrated by the

Confucian teachings before marriage, regardless of the actual roles they assumed after marriage. However, the disappearance of steppe marriage traits cannot be used as evidence of 'Sinicization.' Continued marriages with Mongol and Manchu aristocrats demonstrate the Qing state's obdurate connection to their steppe heritage, although Han cultural influence was accepted. By accepting cultural influences of the Han, while maintaining ethnic purity as best as they could, the Manchus deployed a system of hybridizing steppe and Han cultural traits during the course of the empire.

In this thesis, Manchu imperial daughters have been studied according to prescribed gender roles. At the same time it has been my intention to provide a study of these women that situates them as central characters and not the peripheral players they have long believed to have been in Qing history. The same set of examination and questions that have been applied to women might also be applied to men to better understand their roles and experiences. In other words, how were gender roles specified for the men in

Chinese history? What about men who could not meet the 'proper' male gender roles?

When trying to assess the status of women in imperial China, perhaps a similar approach can be applied to the study of scholars who continuously failed examinations throughout their lives, or the "bare sticks" who were too poor to even get married. The secondary

96 status of Manchu imperial efu in their marriages, much like the unaccomplished scholars and poor bachelors, certainly problematizes the common perception of the dominant and superior gender role of men in Confucian ideology and Chinese history.

When examining the marriages of the Qing imperial daughters, the abandonment of steppe marriage traits before entering China proper perhaps cannot be explained adequately by the Sinicization theory posed by early scholars like Ho Ping-ti. Instead of thinking of the loss of Manchu cultural identity as an inevitable, Social Darwin-esque theory of the stronger Han culture taking over the weaker Manchu culture, perhaps one could also question the degree to which the Manchus willingly abandoned their steppe cultural essence in the initial stages of the empire. Is it possible to determine a static

Manchu cultural identity by how they identified themselves before the conquest? Should historians also incorporate the cultural changes of the Manchu people after they settled in

China proper as part of the Manchu cultural identity? These questions reflect an important dilemma in studying cultural history: how should one study the history of a culture if cultural traits continuously change over time? In other words, how should one set the boundaries to the study of a culture in question? Satisfactory answers of a best approach to studying a culture will most likely vary accordingly, as boundaries are set by individuals based on their personal interpretations of cultural studies. Certainly, this

97 thesis has shown that the study of Manchu people and identity cannot just be based on militaristic and political events. The experiences of Manchu imperial daughters provide a different understanding of the cultural aspects of Qing history, and contribute to a diverse understanding of Manchu cultural identity. In uncovering and contributing women's experience to a larger thematic narrative, works of different depth and interpretation on women will continue to enrich future historical understanding and thinking.

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105 Table 1 Reign Name Number of Survival Mongolian efu Manchu efu Han efu Percentage of SUIT iv in g Percentage Mongolian efu Tt aiming (Nurhaci) 10 <10) 100 4 8 0 33.30% Tiancong'Chorjgde (Hone 15 (15) 100 14 3 1 77.50% Shunzh 4 (9) 44 1 1 i 25%

Kangsi 9 (21) 43 -! ••) 0 77.80% Yongzheng 4(7) 57 1 0 75% Qianlong 6(11) 55 3 3 0 50% Jiaqmg 2 m i"? 2 0 0 100% Daoguang 5 (10) 50 1 4 0 20% Xianfeng 2(2) IOCS 0 ? 0 0% Total 57(94) 61 35 24 3 56.40%

Table 2 Reign Name Avg Years of Age AT g M arriage Age Remarriage Divorce L evirate Widowhood Tt aiming (Nurhaci) 52.8 16.6 T 1 1 6 Tiancong'Cfaongde (Hong 36.7 13.4 1 0 1 7 Shunzfi 22.7 14.5 0 0 0 1 Kangsi IS J 19.2 0 0 0 4 Yongzheng 23.4 17.5 0 0 0 1 Qianlong 20.5 ' IS 0 0 0 1 Jiaqing 9.S 20 0 0 0 0 .£2 Daosuans 18.8 IS.2 0 0 0 1 s Xianfeng • 39 W 0 0 0 1 Total 2:5 J 16.8 1 2 23 Appendix II

Preface to the Extended Rules for the Inner Quarters.

The twenty-seventh day, eighth month, in the thirteenth year of Shunzhi [October 14, 1656]

The Emperor received from above the maternal instructions of the Sage-Mother Empress Dowager to compile the Extended Rules for the Inner Quarters and [he] respectfully presents this preface.

The preface of the Emperor: Your humble Subject [Shunzhi] has heard that the art of rulership is based on great standards of laws and principles, and that an empire must have exemplary inner administrations and regulations within the palace walls. Thus the virtue of the palace women is the origin of the Kingly Way. The principles of heaven [qian; male] and earth [kun; female] are first in the Book of

Changes. The sage instructs that there hasn't been anyone who isn't aware of the [great ability of an]

individual behind the door [to the inner chambers]. Three generations ago the sagely empress and virtuous consort cultivated the inner administration to promote the Way and to perfect the social customs, as recorded in texts. I do not consider myself as one particularly blessed by Heaven or one who possesses the most virtue; how can I assemble the great deeds of the pure and intelligent and the commendable way of women?

In honour of the Sage-Mother Empress Dowager, who assisted my Imperial Father in prospering the

Way and enforcing rules: your character is reverent and majestic. To the maternal instruction on drafting a detailed and complete compilation on [those individuals with] exemplary deeds as a teaching model for eternity, your Subject humbly complied. The maternal decree has directed me to collect the great words and worthy deeds in history into one volume.

The "Rules for the Inner Quarters" [a chapter included in the Classic of Rites] records those who are respectful and filial, and those who are humane and yielding behind the door to the inner chambers. The

107 first line of the text reads: 'The Ruler orders his subject to bestow virtue onto the people.' Because this is the personal experience of the ruler, his wife and sons, it thus enacts as the law. Thus, the Ruler did not say to teach, but said to bestow virtue [onto his people]. The Sage says: 'Those who wish to rule an empire first must have an ordered family.' He also says: 'If the household is correct, all under Heaven would be pacified.' The only way to an ordered and correct household is [within] the Rules for the Inner Quarters.

There have been many records of stories that have been transmitted for generations, biographies of empresses and consorts, biographies of women martyrs, household regulations, and inner regulations in the past; yet they have not acknowledged the origin of these texts: the Rules for the Inner Quarters. Thus, in reverence to the classics this present text is to extend its messages even further. Less on what can be seen on the appearance of an individual, the text emphasizes her words, actions, demeanour, and literary cultivation. The text strives to fulfil one's heart and brew strong will, and therefore is brief in discussing kitchen chores and embroidery works. Hence, those who have the intention and are able to self-reflect are all suitable for the teachings of this text, and all within the four seas could learn from its lessons.

The text has eight major points: Those who are filialmus t obey the elders. There are two issues within this category: serving the in-laws and serving the parents. Those who are respectful must be inner helpers. There are five issues within this category: serving the husband, encouraging his studies, aiding him

loyally, taking care of household matters to alleviate him of concern and worry, and placing value upon his virtue. Those who instruct must prosper the future generations. There are three issues within this category: teaching one's son(s), encouraging study, and lecturing on good deeds. Those who are decorous must know how to conduct good behaviour. There are nine issues within this category: performing proper rituals and

offerings, managing the household in an organized manner, handling matters in critical situations, keeping

chastity, following the dead, showing a correct and upright demeanour unfazed by material luxury,

upholding frugality, carefully choosing one's words, and presenting oneself with appropriate demeanour.

Those who are yielding must get along harmoniously with relatives. There are four issues within this

108 category: displaying modesty and yielding, getting along with sisters-in-law, befriending those from the same clan, and treating marital kin kindly. Those who are compassionate must display kindness. There are five issues within this category: showing kindness to others of inferior social status, displaying love and care to youth, acting in a friendly and humane manner, extending love to the people, and forgiving those who have faulted. Those who are diligent must study continuously. There are two issues within this category: devotion to needlework and preparation of food and drinks. Those who are learners must choose good examples. There are two issues within this category: being studious and composing works.

For every category there is evidence to prove the sagely texts and records to be true. The women who demonstrate exemplary deeds differ in social status, but are similar in their morality. The entries within the text consist of different degrees of literary writing, but the moral lessons are as one. The main points are taken from the Rules for the Inner Quarters, and brief commentaries follow immediately, thus the text is named the Extended Rules for the Inner Quarters. I believe that those who take away valuable lessons from the text will be firstmove d by the moral messages, then gradually a change of the personality will occur.

The moral messages will become widespread and perfect the social customs. In this case, the exemplary deeds and womanly way of the palace [the inner] and the great standards of laws and principles [the outer] will co-exist for eternity.

The Sage-Mother Empress Dowager, whose virtue shines like the sun, the moon, and the stars, will continue to be the role model for millions of generations to come.

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