Political Organizations and Social Media Scott Thomson – May 9Th, 2012

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Political Organizations and Social Media Scott Thomson – May 9Th, 2012 Political Organizations and Social Media Scott Thomson – May 9th, 2012 Senator Claire McCaskill was one of the first politicians to join Twitter. In 2009, the news site Politico called her one of the most popular Twitterers on Capitol Hill: “No one else tweets with the regularity and honesty of this Missouri Democrat”.1 Back then she had 5,700 followers. Now she has more than 10 times that. She continues to send out almost daily updates, and although she doesn’t follow anyone, she occasionally replies to tweets sent to her and says she direct messages even more. Chuck Grassley is another prominent Capitol Hill tweeter. With a sometimes confusing mix of abbreviations, typos, and attacks on President Obama, he’s made himself one of the more entertaining users to follow in DC. Politico even ran an entire story called “12 of Sen. Chuck Grassley’s best tweets”.2 One that made the list was: When is PresO going to start running agsf DoNothing Democrat Senate i e no budget for 1060 days. No nrgBill Far fewer bills and votes But it turns out that these social media-savvy politicians are the exception rather than the norm. Although there’s been a lot of hype about how social media has changed politics, in most ways things are still the same. It’s become de rigueur for politicians from local mayors up to the president to have their own twitter feed, but few actually use their accounts to engage with their constituents in any meaningful way. It’s usually the press offices, not the officials themselves, which operates the social media accounts. The Obama campaign started regularly tweeting from the handle “@barackobama” back in 2007, but it wasn’t until Father’s Day 2011 that the now-President actually sent a tweet himself. This trend has only gotten worse after the 2011 “Weinergate incident”. Popular but controversial New York City congressman Anthony Weiner personally operated his Twitter account, tweeting back and forth with followers and posting the same kind of updates that normal users typically do. However, the married Weiner was also using his account to flirt with some of his female followers, and one day he accidentally tweeted an inappropriate picture onto his public feed that was intended to be a private message. He quickly deleted the tweet and blamed it on a “hacker”, but his story didn’t check out, and the damage was done. He resigned shortly afterwards. Since then, party leaders have strongly discouraged members from operating their own accounts. Most of the person-to- person interactions with constituents still happen in person at town halls and local meetings. When grassroots interest groups try to influence policy, they still use traditional avenues like meeting their congressman in person, sending a letter, or calling their office. The Internet has been held up as a great melting pot, one that can improve discourse by bringing people with different opinions together in a way that was never possible before. While there is certainly that potential, it hasn’t been borne out in reality. If anything, the Internet has made it easier for people to self-select who they associate with and what news they see. On Twitter, users usually choose to follow the people whose views they already agree with. Facebook will dynamically adjust the posts it shows you based on how you interact with them. If you consistently ignore everything your conservative friends post, Facebook will be less likely to show you things from them in the future. Wait long enough, and your news feed will turn into an echo chamber that could give you the impression of peer consensus when it doesn’t actually exist.3 Google, considered to be an independent authoritative search source, will personalize your results based on previous actions. But again, this may indirectly filter out results that contain views you disagree with, since you were less likely to click on them in the past. In an illuminating TED talk entitled “The Filter Bubble”, researcher Eli Pariser discussed the dangers of these algorithms and how they can subtly influence perception of what public opinion is.4 Some political figures even take active steps to achieve this effect. Former Alaska Governor and current Fox News contributor Sarah Palin is especially ruthless about curating her Facebook profile to remove any post that could be construed as negative. One time, as an experiment, I made a short but respectful comment on one her posts stating my belief that she drew the incorrect conclusion from the data she cited. My post was deleted within 60 seconds. What was left were hundreds of comments along the lines of “You go girl!!” And it wasn’t just me, others have tried this too.5 By reducing the cost of participation to a single mouse click, social media has lowered the bar for what it means to participate in a campaign. Some of these campaigns are just silly. When I was coming back from winter break in 2010, I noticed that my Facebook feed had been taken over by a very strange trend. Women, young and old, were updating their statuses to be just a single color. “Red” said one. “Blue”, said another. “Polka dot!”, said a third. I asked my roommate if he knew what it was about, and noticed the same thing but was equally clueless as to the point. After a quick Google search, I discovered that this was apparently a grassroots campaign to raise awareness of breast cancer. The women were posting what color their bra was, without explanation, and this was somehow supposed to educate Facebook users about the dangers of breast cancer. And it wasn’t limited to just my social circle. This had become a worldwide phenomenon. The Susan G. Komen foundation tried to track down the original source of the trend, to no avail. This struck me as a strange way to raise awareness of breast cancer since I had to look up what it was about, but I thought it was pretty cute. But then the same thing happened in October. I came back from class one day to find my feed taken over with posts like “I like it on the floor.”, “I like it in the backseat of the car”, and “I like it on the counter when I come home from work.” Again my roommate was clueless. My next-door neighbor - who I later found out “liked it on her desk” - informed me that these women were not broadcasting to the world their favorite place to “get it on” (as one immediately assumes), no, what they were actually posting was where they liked to put their purse. Like the last case, this double entendre was somehow supposed to raise awareness about the dangers of breast cancer. But did this really do anything raise awareness of breast cancer? It certainly got people talking about it, and it was discussed on a number of prominent news sites. Some women who participated said it made them feel connected and part of the larger movement. But instead, it may have actually done damage to the cause. Hundreds of thousands of women took part in this, and they may have gone to sleep thinking that they did their share in the fight to end this disease. But discussion doesn’t end breast cancer. Donating money towards research, or volunteering at a clinic does. When people sign an online petition or “Like” a politician’s Facebook page, do they actually support that cause, or do they simply wish to appear to support that cause? Anders Colding-Jorgensen, a psychologist and lecturer on social media at the University of Copenhagen, conducted an experiment on this phenomenon. He created a Facebook group entitled “No to Demolition of Stork Fountain”, which said opposed the demolition of the Copenhagen fountain and the construction of an H&M clothing store in its place. There was, of course, no such proposal being discussed. But within a few days, 300 people joined the group, which was clearly labeled as fake. By the end of the week it was 10,000. When it reached 27,000 he shut it down.6 Colding-Jorgensen concluded that the group was “in no way useful for horizontal discussion”. The Washington Post said of the experiment, “Users wanted not to educate themselves or figure out how to save the fountain, but to parade their own feelings of outrage around the cyber-public.”7 A similar real-world version of this from earlier in the decade was the Livestrong bracelets, first sold in 2004. Although distinctive yellow bracelets became just as much a fashion statement as a contribution to the fight for cancer, they still raised a significant amount of money for the Lance Armstrong Foundation, which contributes to cancer research organizations. But online movements have not been so fruitful. Malcolm Gladwell reported in 2010 that the Facebook page of the Save Darfur Coalition has 1,282,339 members, and its members have donated, on average, nine cents each. The 22,073 members of the next biggest Dafur charity have given thirty-five cents each. Help Save Darfur’s 2,797 members have donated fifteen cents, on average. He concluded, “Facebook activism succeeds not by motivating people to make a real sacrifice but by motivating them to do the things that people do when they are not motivated enough to make a real sacrifice.” This doesn’t have to be the case. Social media has huge potential for political organizations, campaigns, and social causes, but like the Civil War generals that lost battles by using Napoleonic tactics, these organizations are trying to use 20th century communications strategy in the new world of social media.
Recommended publications
  • Invisible Children's Social Media Response to the Kony 2012 Campaign
    Public Relations Review 42 (2016) 38–48 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Public Relations Review The double-edged crisis: Invisible Children’s social media response to the Kony 2012 campaign a,∗ b c Stephanie Madden , Melissa Janoske , Rowena L. Briones a Department of Communication, University of Maryland, 2130 Skinner Building, College Park, MD 20742, United States b Department of Journalism, University of Memphis, United States c Richard T. Robertson School of Media & Culture, Virginia Commonwealth University, United States a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t Article history: Using the ideas of social media activism and organizational learning to guide analysis, this Received 15 March 2015 paper explores Invisible Children, Inc.’s social-mediated response to the humanitarian cri- Received in revised form 7 July 2015 sis in Central and East Africa, the organizational crisis these responses created, and how Accepted 1 October 2015 the organization responded to these different types of crisis via social media. Key findings Available online 29 October 2015 include describing their humanitarian crisis response as a “social experiment,” Invisible Children’s personalization of response on social media to their organizational crisis, and Keywords: the increased transparency Invisible Children demonstrated during and after the crisis. The Crisis communication results of this study demonstrate how social media have the ability to play a key role in Invisible Children increasing awareness about an important humanitarian cause, yet can also threaten the Organizational learning reputation and legitimacy of the organization behind the social-mediated message. Social media © 2015 Elsevier Inc.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Download
    Socialist Studies / Études socialistes 10 (1) Summer 2014 Copyright © 2014 The Author(s) Article POORNOGRAPHY AND THE ENTRENCHMENT OF WESTERN HEGEMONY: DECONSTRUCTING THE KONY 2012 VIDEO FRANCIS ADYANGA AKENA Ph.D. University of Toronto. Toronto, Canada Biographical Note Francis Adyanga Akena completed his Ph.D. from the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE), University of Toronto in 2014. His teaching/research interests include Indigenous knowledge, anticolonial education, spirituality, education in emergencies and post emergencies contexts, social/environmental justice education, and global citizenship education. He has been key note speaker at various conferences/gatherings in Canada focusing on education of children in developing societies. He has special experiences working with NGOs in provision of education for disadvantaged children. He is currently a course instructor at the University of Toronto and also, a teacher with York Region District School Board Ontario, Canada. Dr. Akena’s recent publication is titled African Spirituality & Traditional Justice system: Pedagogical Implication for Education. In Wane, Akena and Ilmi (eds). Spiritual Discourse in the Academy: A Globalized Indigenous Perspective (2014). His other publication is titled: Critical Analysis of the Production of Western Knowledge and its Implications for Indigenous Knowledge and Decolonization (2012). [email protected], [email protected] Abstract In March 2012, Invisible Children, a California-based humanitarian organization, created uproar when it posted and promoted Kony 2012, an online video depicting the suffering of Acholi children in northern Uganda at the hands of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), a Ugandan rebel group. The stated aim of the video was to make Joseph Kony, the leader of the LRA, known, thereby resulting in his apprehension by the end of 2012.
    [Show full text]
  • The Antidote to Willfulness: Manufacturing Dissent, Kony 2012, and Propaganda As a Technology of Governance
    THE ANTIDOTE TO WILLFULNESS: MANUFACTURING DISSENT, KONY 2012, AND PROPAGANDA AS A TECHNOLOGY OF GOVERNANCE BY JOHN WESLEY JONES JR. DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Educational Policy Studies in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2018 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Cameron McCarthy, Chair Professor William Cope Associate Research Professor Anita Chan Associate Professor Pradeep Dhillon ABSTRACT This dissertation presents a new definition of propaganda using the massively viral internet video KONY 2012 as an example. KONY 2012 was produced by the nongovernmental organization (NGO) Invisible Children, which was founded by three young Americans in order to inform the American public about the crimes of the Ugandan warlord Joseph Kony. Within a few days of its release on the internet, KONY 2012 had become the most viral video of all time up to that point, garnering almost 100 million views on the popular video sharing website YouTube. Contrary to the concept of propaganda as simplistic lies, this dissertation argues that KONY 2012 demonstrates that propaganda is a sophisticated technique for governing and managing the behavior of individuals towards political ends in a literate, information-saturated, liberal democratic society. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE: ........................................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION: PROPAGANDA: THE ANTIDOTE TO WILLFULNESS .......... 14 CHAPTER 1: THE HISTORY OF PROPAGANDA .............................................. 48 CHAPTER 2: DEWEY AND LIPPMANN: PROPAGANDA AS A TECHNOLOGY OF GOVERNANCE AND THE PLACE OF EDUCATION ......................................... 76 CHAPTER 3: ANALYZING KONY 2012: AUGMENTING STUART HALL’S EN/DE- CODING MODEL WITH A MULTIDIMENSIONAL MODEL AND LOTMAN’S SEMIOSPHERE .................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Acholi of Northern Uganda and Invisible Children, Inc. Bodies in Pain, Misrepresentation, and the Construction of "Africa" within American Imaginaries Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5h77x38p Author Dick, Laura Publication Date 2014 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Acholi of Northern Uganda and Invisible Children, Inc. Bodies in Pain, Misrepresentation, and the Construction of “Africa” within American Imaginaries A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in African Studies by Laura Dick 2014 © Copyright by Laura Dick 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS The Acholi of Northern Uganda and Invisible Children, Inc. Bodies in Pain, Misrepresentation, and the Construction of “Africa” within American Imaginaries by Laura Dick Master of Arts in African Studies University of California, Los Angeles, 2014 Professor Allen F. Roberts, Chair Part One of this thesis explores how the non-profit organization Invisible Children, Inc. misrepresented the conflict between the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Acholi victims in Northern Uganda. This analysis of misrepresentation within the organization’s films and ephemera was mainly concerned around the historical evidence and deliberate silencing of opposing opinions. Part Two illustrates how the use of pain can be employed as props in the American portrayal of “Africa”, and how this portrayal can be, in turn, used to further subjugate the "idea of Africa" in American imaginaries, subsequently reinforcing Western hierarchy. ii The thesis of Laura Dick is approved. Allen F.
    [Show full text]
  • Kony2012.Pdf
    WEAR THE BRACELET Sign THE PLEdgE Wear this bracelet for the rest of 2012. Joseph Kony is one of the world’s worst war criminals and I support Use the unique ID number to register online and track your impact. the international effort to arrest him, disarm the LRA and bring the child soldiers home. GOAL: 200,000 people wearing the bracelet Sign the pledge online if you haven’t already, and get all your friends and family to do the same. The more people on board, the better. WWW.kony2012.Com GOAL: 200,000 SIGNATURES BY MAY 1ST WWW.kony2012.Com SHARE THE fiLm: kony 2012 fAmE And PoWER Share the link. Burn a DVD. Show it to everyone you know. We’ve chosen 20 culturemakers and 12 policymakers who have little GOAL: in common except the scope of their influence. They represent diverse 500,000 online views cultural and political perspectives. But this is one thing they can all agree on. Lady Gaga and George W. Bush may be unlikely allies, but that is what KONY 2012 is all about. WWW.kony2012.Com It can feel like celebrities and politicians tell us what to do and how to live, but in reality they owe their fame and power to us. Whether in ticket sales or ballot counts their success is measured by our approval. WE ARE THE MASSES. If our leaders know that we want to see Kony stopped, they will make it a priority. We will make them notice. We will find common ground. And we won’t quit until LRA atrocities have ended.
    [Show full text]
  • Kony 2012 and Humanitarian Virality Written by Nathan Olsen
    Morality, Media and Memes: Kony 2012 and Humanitarian Virality Written by Nathan Olsen This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Morality, Media and Memes: Kony 2012 and Humanitarian Virality https://www.e-ir.info/2020/03/26/morality-media-and-memes-kony-2012-and-humanitarian-virality/ NATHAN OLSEN, MAR 26 2020 This essay looks at the Kony 2012 campaign, which emerged as a response to the ongoing violence perpetrated by Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda, and how this campaign went viral on social media. The essay focuses on the use of networks and images by Invisible Children, the charity behind the Kony 2012 campaign, to “go viral” and whether humanitarian virality is a positive or negative status for NGOs to achieve. Firstly, however, it is important to outline the context of the crisis in Uganda. Context of the Crisis: Uganda and the Lord’s Resistance Army The Lord’s Resistance Army, which Joseph Kony leads, have been active in Uganda since 1988 (Al Jazeera, 2014). Seeking to establish a system of governance based on the biblical “Ten Commandments”, Kony’s group are known for their use of child abduction as a political strategy in the hope of achieving their aims (ibid). In addition, the LRA also practice torture on unarmed civilians, destroy communities and use the children they have abducted as child soldiers (The Atlantic, 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Análisis Sobre La Naturaleza Videoactivista De KONY 2012
    Facultad de Ciencias de la Comunicación Universidad Rey Juan Carlos Videoactivismo: la acción política cámara en mano Análisis sobre la naturaleza videoactivista de KONY 2012 Resumen: Este informe es el resultado de un proyecto de investigación descriptivo donde, a través de los rasgos característicos de la actividad video activista, se analizará la campaña “KONY 2012”. Nuestro objetivo es enfrentar la pieza “KONY 2012” a rasgos básicos del videoactivismo, determinado así si pertenece o no a esta práctica comunicativa. TRABAJO FIN DE GRADO Autor: Adrián Martín Aranda Director: María Concepción Mateos Martín Doble Grado en Periodismo y Comunicación Audiovisual Curso: 2013/2014 – convocatoria: marzo Facultad de Ciencias de la Comunicación Universidad Rey Juan Carlos Autor: Adrián Martín Aranda Director: María Concepción Mateos Martín Videoactivismo: la acción política cámara en mano Análisis sobre la naturaleza videoactivista de KONY 2012 ÍNDICE CAPÍTULO 1: INTRODUCCIÓN ............................................................................. 4 CAPÍTULO 2: MARCO CONCEPTUAL .................................................................. 6 2.1 Redes Sociales .................................................................................................... 6 2.1.1¿Qué son? ............................................................................................................................ 6 2.1.2 Confiabilidad/comunidad en las redes sociales ...................................................................... 7 2.1.3 Importancia........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Let's Keep It About Kony, Not Kony 2012
    MPC MAJOR RESEARCH PAPER “Let’s keep it about Kony, not Kony 2012” Exploring the shifts in language around a user generated hashtag during the Kony 2012 movement Liane Coulahan Dr. Wendy Freeman The Major Research Paper is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Professional Communication Ryerson University Toronto, Ontario, Canada Friday, September 6th 2013 Table of Contents Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... i Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... ii Author’s Declaration ................................................................................................................... iii Introduction .................................................................................................................................. 1 Theoretical Orientation ............................................................................................................... 5 Literature Review ........................................................................................................................ 10 Methods ......................................................................................................................................... 19 Findings ........................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Kony 2012 Through a Prism of Video Advocacy Practices and Trends
    Kony 2012 Through a Prism of Video Advocacy Practices and Trends SAM GREGORY* [email protected] Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jhrp/article/4/3/463/2189429 by guest on 27 September 2021 Keywords: advocacy; drillability; social media; spreadability; transmedia Kony 2012 is the most rapidly disseminated human rights video ever (Visible Measures Blog 2012), and has fuelled significant policy and practical momentum in the United States and internationally around the situation of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA).1 In this review I consider Kony 2012 through the prism of video advocacy principles. How does it function as video within a campaign, and how does it function as storytelling driven by audience and providing a space for action? I then consider how this model is challenged/enhanced by the possibility of more diverse voices around a human rights issue, and a potential balance of the spreadability of a single narrative with a drillability that facilitates a diverse, deep range of voices. Principle 1: Video Should be Part of a Campaign, Complementing Other Forms of Activism Human rights video in a campaign context is most effective when it comple- ments other forms of organizing, mobilizing and advocacy – people taking to the streets, lobbying their elected representatives, using ‘boomerang’ strat- egies to engage distant publics to action, collating and mobilizing powerful evidence for justice. Much initial criticism of Kony 2012 occurred in the absence of discussion about the organization behind it, Invisible Children (IC for short) and the organizing work they have done to create a broad, committed community of student activists in the United States (US) (dis- cussed in Kligler-Vilenchik, 2012).
    [Show full text]
  • Kony 2012 E Comunicação Estratégica Nas Mobilizações Sociais: O Espetáculo, a Festa E a Argumentação
    UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO PARANÁ TIAGO CESAR GALVÃO DE ANDRADE KONY 2012 E COMUNICAÇÃO ESTRATÉGICA NAS MOBILIZAÇÕES SOCIAIS: O ESPETÁCULO, A FESTA E A ARGUMENTAÇÃO CURITIBA 2013 TIAGO CESAR GALVÃO DE ANDRADE KONY 2012 E COMUNICAÇÃO ESTRATÉGICA NAS MOBILIZAÇÕES SOCIAIS: O ESPETÁCULO, A FESTA E A ARGUMENTAÇÃO Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso de graduação apresentado como requisito parcial à obtenção do título de Bacharel em Comunicação Social com habilitação em Relações Públicas, no Curso de Comunicação Social, Setor de Ciências Humanas, Letras e Artes, Universidade Federal do Paraná Orientadora: Prof. Dra. Kelly Prudêncio Curitiba 2013 TERMO DE APROVAÇÃO TIAGO CESAR GALVÃO DE ANDRADE KONY 2012 E COMUNICAÇÃO ESTRATÉGICA NAS MOBILIZAÇÕES SOCIAIS: O ESPETÁCULO, A FESTA E A ARGUMENTAÇÃO Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso aprovado como requisito parcial para obtenção do grau de Bacharel no Curso de Comunicação Social, habilitação em Relações Públicas, Setor de Ciências Humanas, Letras e Artes, da Universidade Federal do Paraná, pela seguinte banca examinadora: Banca examinadora: Kelly Cristina de Souza Prudencio (orientadora) Regiane Regina Ribeiro (membro Decom) Celsi Brönstrup Silvestrin (professora convidada) Curitiba, dia de dezembro de 2013. RESUMO No dia 21 de abril de 2012, a organização não governamental (ONG) Invisible Children publicou no portal de vídeo Youtube.com o vídeo intitulado Kony 2012. Com aproximadamente trinta minutos de duração, o vídeo obteve cerca de cem milhões de acessos em apenas seis dias, sendo considerado o “viral mais rápido do mundo”. Como o vídeo em questão apresenta uma causa, ele acabou por suscitar algumas questões a respeito de quais seriam as potencialidades políticas de um vídeo online e do fenômeno da política na internet.
    [Show full text]
  • How Social Media Are Changing Nonprofit Advocacy
    NVS43110.1177/0899764012471585Nonpro 471585fit and Voluntary Sector QuarterlyGuo and Saxton Article Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 2014, Vol. 43(1) 57 –79 Tweeting Social Change: © The Author(s) 2012 Reprints and permissions: How Social Media Are sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0899764012471585 Changing Nonprofit nvsq.sagepub.com Advocacy Chao Guo1 and Gregory D. Saxton2 Abstract How are nonprofit organizations utilizing social media to engage in advocacy work? We address this question by investigating the social media use of 188 501(c)(3) advocacy organizations. After briefly examining the types of social media technologies employed, we turn to an in-depth examination of the organizations’ use of Twitter. This in-depth message-level analysis is twofold: A content analysis that examines the prevalence of previously identified communicative and advocacy constructs in nonprofits’ social media messages; and an inductive analysis that explores the unique features and dynamics of social media-based advocacy and identifies new organizational practices and forms of communication heretofore unseen in the literature. Keywords nonprofit advocacy, social media, Twitter, Facebook, new media, Internet, organiza- tional communication, public relations In March 2012, Invisible Children, a San Diego-based nonprofit advocacy organiza- tion dedicated to bringing awareness to the activities of indicted Ugandan war crimi- nal Joseph Kony, started an Internet video campaign called “Kony 2012.” The goal 1School of Social Policy & Practice, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA 2Department of Communication, University at Buffalo, SUNY, Buffalo, NY, USA Corresponding Author: Chao Guo, School of Social Policy & Practice, University of Pennsylvania, 3701 Locust Walk, Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA. Email: [email protected] 58 Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 43(1) was to make Kony internationally known in order that he be arrested by year’s end.
    [Show full text]
  • Kony 2012: Taking a Closer Look at the Social Media Sensation
    REGIONALREPORT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. SÜDAFRIKA CHRIS ROPER March, 22nd 2012 Kony 2012: Taking A Closer Look www.kas.de At The Social Media Sensation EXCLUSIVE: CHRIS ROPER ON THE ACTIVIST ONLINE VIDEO THAT MADE GLOBAL HEADLINES & AND THE AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE The bare facts of the Kony 2012 video and price) that include campaign buttons, post- social media campaign are simple, if stag- ers, stickers and the inevitable bracelets. gering. As Jason Russell, the mastermind of the campaign and founder of Invisible Chil- The tactic of featuring easy to use auto- dren, tells us in the video, “The game has matic tweets to celebrity accounts paid off new rules. But in order for it to work, you handsomely, according to SocialFlow.com. have to pay attention.” And millions have There “were tens of thousands of mentions paid attention. As of time of writing, there generated by users of the site and targeted have been over 137 million views of the 30 at celebrity accounts. Ellen Degeneres minute video in two weeks (over 84 million (@TheEllenShow), for example, saw over on YouTube, over 16 million on Vimeo, and 36,000 mentions from different users plead- various numbers on other platforms such as ing her to respond to the cause. So did the Invisible Children website). It’s the fast- Justin Bieber, Lady Gaga, Oprah and Taylor est campaign to reach 100 million views (six Swift, amongst many others. Both Oprah days), beating Susan Boyle (nine days) and and Bieber chose to respond and amplify Lady Gaga’s Bad Romance (eighteen days).
    [Show full text]