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U.S.-South Korea Alliance: Issues for Congress
December 10, 2019 U.S.-South Korea Alliance: Issues for Congress Overview of Alliance Agreement (CMA). The CMA establishes land, sea, and air South Korea (officially the Republic of Korea, or ROK) is buffer zones in the heavily armed Demilitarized Zone considered one of the United States’ most important (DMZ) that separates the two Koreas and around the strategic and economic partners in Asia. The U.S.-ROK maritime border, called the Northern Limit Line. Mutual Defense Treaty, signed in 1953 at the end of the Implementation of the CMA required U.S. military officials Korean War, commits the United States to help South to modify practices in the DMZ, including removing land Korea defend itself, particularly from North Korea mines and guard posts. While observers point to a marked (officially the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or reduction of tension in the DMZ, some critics maintain that DPRK). South Korean troops have fought in U.S.-led the CMA-mandated changes reduced alliance readiness conflicts, including in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. The with little sacrifice in return from North Korea. United States includes South Korea under its “nuclear umbrella,” otherwise known as extended deterrence. Figure 1. U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) Bases The U.S. military has maintained a large troop presence in South Korea since the end of the Korean War. Currently, approximately 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK, predominately Army personnel. Camp Humphreys, which will host most of the troops when completed, is the largest U.S. overseas military base in the world. -
Greening Recovery Efforts for People, Planet and Prosperity
Greening Recovery Efforts for People, Planet and Prosperity UN Development Group Task Team on the Socio-Economic Response to the Covid-19 Pandemic 9 April 2021 1. Why a Green Recovery? 2. A Future Possible - Country Examples 3. Navigating Forward - possible UN Responses 2 Overview of a ‘Once in a Generation’ Crisis 3 Source - World Bank Why a Green Recovery? • Spending on clean energy has an impact on GDP that is about 2x – 7x stronger—than spending on non-eco- friendly energy. (IMF, 2021) • Investing in nature conservation has multipliers of up to 7x over five years. Spending to support unsustainable land uses has negative returns. (IMF, 2021) • investments in renewable energies, building efficiency and green transport would add 20.5 million jobs by 2030, compared to 3 million jobs under BAU (ILO) • Green R&D spending has high growth and positive climate/nature/pollution multipliers. Source: Hepburn et al. 2020 4 Global Green Recovery Response to Date USD 14.6 trillion (excl. EC) USD 1.9 trillion USD 341 billion 5 Source - UNEP-Oxford Smith School, 2021 // *data for 2020 - does not cover spending announced in 2021 Global Green Recovery Response to Date … Green recovery spending as a percentage of total Total debt stock for 19 EMDE countries over time recovery spending, versus recovery spending as % GDP (AE spending 17x higher than EMDE spending) Source - UNEP-Oxford Smith School, 2021 // *data 6 for 2020 - does not cover spending announced in 2021 …and limited options for many with looming debt vulnerability Source: UNDP, April 2021. Sovereign 7 Debt Vulnerabilities in Developing Economies A Future Possible - Country Examples The Self Starters Some Green Recovery Examples GREEN ENERGY Argentina – USD 390K to finance the incorporation of renewable energy into the fishery industry Colombia – USD 4.3 million funding for 27 strategic renewable energy and transmissions projects, including the generation of 55 thousand jobs, include 9 wind, 5 solar, 3 geothermal and one hydrogenation, as well as 9 energy transmission lines. -
A Green Economic Recovery: Global Trends and Lessons for the United States
A Green Economic Recovery: Global Trends and Lessons for the United States Jonas Nahm Assistant Professor for Energy, Resources, and Environment School of Advanced International Studies Johns Hopkins University Statement before the House Foreign Affairs Committee Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, Energy, and the Environment Hearing on Green Recovery Plans for the COVID-19 Crisis The economic recession caused by efforts to contain the global Covid-19 pandemic has, in the short- term, led to a drop of global greenhouse gas emissions. Yet three factors caution against optimism that the economic recession could trigger substantial shifts toward long-term decarbonization. First, emissions reductions during the current economic recession have been small and are unlikely to have a lasting impact on efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Past recessions have been followed by rapid increases in emissions that have offset much of the downturn and the 2020 recession has begun to follow a similar pattern. Second, while economic stimulus spending in the recovery offers an opportunity to invest in long-term climate policies that also create jobs and deploy capital in the economy, G20 economies have thus far spent far less on programs with environmental co-benefits than in the aftermath of the 2009 recession. Third, the Covid-19 pandemic has further strained economic and political relationships with China, a key producer of technologies urgently needed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in the global economy. This is detrimental to short-term efforts to address the global climate crisis. The United States is uniquely equipped to be at the global frontier of clean energy technology innovation. -
Green Stimulus Index an Assessment of the Orientation of COVID-19 Stimulus in Relation to Climate Change, Biodiversity and Other Environmental Impacts
Green Stimulus Index An assessment of the orientation of COVID-19 stimulus in relation to climate change, biodiversity and other environmental impacts The Green Stimulus Index (GSI) assesses the effectiveness of the COVID-19 stimulus efforts in ensuring an economic recovery that takes advantage of sustainable growth opportunities, and is resilient to climate and biodiversity. It provides a method to gauge the current impact of the COVID-19 responses, to track countries’ progress over time, and to identify and recommend measures for improving the effectiveness of those responses. This assessment is updated regularly – please use the latest version. This note is part of a series looking at economic responses to COVID-19. Other notes relate to corporate bailouts, international assistance flows into developing countries and job-creating fiscal stimulus. This work was undertaken by the Finance for Biodiversity Initiative (F4B) and funded by the MAVA Foundation. Spokesperson is Mateo Salazar. Contact email: [email protected] Executive summary Across 17 major economies, announced economic stimulus packages will pump approximately USD 3.5 trillion directly into sectors that have a large and lasting impact on nature. These flows present an opportunity to support these sectors through the current COVID-19 crisis, while increasing their sustainability and resilience in the face of the parallel climate and biodiversity crises. So far, government responses have largely failed to harness this opportunity, disregarding the broader sustainability and resilience impacts of their actions. In 13 of the 17 countries considered, potentially damaging flows outweigh those supporting nature. Of the more developed countries, the United States stands out as the largest scale risk, with $479 billion USD providing unrestricted support to sectors proven to be environmentally harmful in the past amidst several rollbacks on environmental regulation. -
The Pathway to a Green New Deal: Synthesizing Transdisciplinary Literatures and Activist Frameworks to Achieve a Just Energy Transition
The Pathway to a Green New Deal: Synthesizing Transdisciplinary Literatures and Activist Frameworks to Achieve a Just Energy Transition Shalanda H. Baker and Andrew Kinde The “Green New Deal” resolution introduced into Congress by Representative Alexandria Ocasio Cortez and Senator Ed Markey in February 2019 articulated a vision of a “just” transition away from fossil fuels. That vision involves reckoning with the injustices of the current, fossil-fuel based energy system while also creating a clean energy system that ensures that all people, especially the most vulnerable, have access to jobs, healthcare, and other life-sustaining supports. As debates over the resolution ensued, the question of how lawmakers might move from vision to implementation emerged. Energy justice is a discursive phenomenon that spans the social science and legal literatures, as well as a set of emerging activist frameworks and practices that comprise a larger movement for a just energy transition. These three discourses—social science, law, and practice—remain largely siloed and insular, without substantial cross-pollination or cross-fertilization. This disconnect threatens to scuttle the overall effort for an energy transition deeply rooted in notions of equity, fairness, and racial justice. This Article makes a novel intervention in the energy transition discourse. This Article attempts to harmonize the three discourses of energy justice to provide a coherent framework for social scientists, legal scholars, and practitioners engaged in the praxis of energy justice. We introduce a framework, rooted in the theoretical principles of the interdisciplinary field of energy justice and within a synthesized framework of praxis, to assist lawmakers with the implementation of Last updated December 12, 2020 Professor of Law, Public Policy and Urban Affairs, Northeastern University. -
Background, Brexit, and Relations with the United States
The United Kingdom: Background, Brexit, and Relations with the United States Updated April 16, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33105 SUMMARY RL33105 The United Kingdom: Background, Brexit, and April 16, 2021 Relations with the United States Derek E. Mix Many U.S. officials and Members of Congress view the United Kingdom (UK) as the United Specialist in European States’ closest and most reliable ally. This perception stems from a combination of factors, Affairs including a sense of shared history, values, and culture; a large and mutually beneficial economic relationship; and extensive cooperation on foreign policy and security issues. The UK’s January 2020 withdrawal from the European Union (EU), often referred to as Brexit, is likely to change its international role and outlook in ways that affect U.S.-UK relations. Conservative Party Leads UK Government The government of the UK is led by Prime Minister Boris Johnson of the Conservative Party. Brexit has dominated UK domestic politics since the 2016 referendum on whether to leave the EU. In an early election held in December 2019—called in order to break a political deadlock over how and when the UK would exit the EU—the Conservative Party secured a sizeable parliamentary majority, winning 365 seats in the 650-seat House of Commons. The election results paved the way for Parliament’s approval of a withdrawal agreement negotiated between Johnson’s government and the EU. UK Is Out of the EU, Concludes Trade and Cooperation Agreement On January 31, 2020, the UK’s 47-year EU membership came to an end. -
Climate Change: Green Recovery and Trade
UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT CLIMATE CHANGE, GREEN RECOVERY AND TRADE UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT CLIMATE CHANGE, GREEN RECOVERY AND TRADE Geneva, 2021 ii © 2021, United Nations This work is available through open access, by complying with the Creative Commons licence created for intergovernmental organizations, at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/igo/. The findings, interpretations and conclusions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations or its officials or Member States. The designations employed and the presentation of material on any map in this work do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Photocopies and reproductions of excerpts are allowed with proper credits. This publication has not been formally edited. United Nations publication issued by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. UNCTAD/DITC/TED/2021/2 eISBN: 978-92-1-005630-4 iii Contents Note ........................................................................................................................................................iv Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................................iv Acronyms and abbreviations ......................................................................................................................v -
ARE THERE DOWNSIDES to a GREEN ECONOMY? the Trade, Investment and Competitiveness Implications of Unilateral Green Economic Pursuit
UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT ARE THERE DOWNSIDES TO A GREEN ECONOMY? The Trade, Investment and Competitiveness Implications of Unilateral Green Economic Pursuit New York and Geneva, 2013 ii ARE THERE DOWNSIDES TO A GREEN ECONOMY? Note Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with figures. Mention of such a symbol indicates a reference to a United Nations document. The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Material in this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted, but acknowledgement is requested, together with a reference to the document number. A copy of the publication containing the quotation or reprint should be sent to the UNCTAD secretariat. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations. Acknowledgements This paper was prepared by Aaron Cosbey ([email protected]), Associate and Senior Climate Change and Trade Advisor of the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) within the framework of the activities of the UNCTAD Climate Change Programme. The author would like to thank a number of reviewers for their valuable input on this text, including Lucas Assunção, Daniel De La Torre Ugarte, Eugenia Nunez, David Vivas-Eugui and Chris Beaton, as well as the participants of the UNCTAD/UNEP/DESA Ad Hoc Expert Meeting on The Green Economy: Trade and Sustainable Development Implications, Geneva, 7-8 October 2010. -
Determining the Significance of Alliance Athologiesp in Bipolar Systems: a Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE
Wright State University CORE Scholar Browse all Theses and Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 2016 Determining the Significance of Alliance athologiesP in Bipolar Systems: A Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE Anthony Lee Meyer Wright State University Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all Part of the International Relations Commons Repository Citation Meyer, Anthony Lee, "Determining the Significance of Alliance Pathologies in Bipolar Systems: A Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE" (2016). Browse all Theses and Dissertations. 1509. https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all/1509 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Browse all Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DETERMINING THE SIGNIFICANCE OF ALLIANCE PATHOLOGIES IN BIPOLAR SYSTEMS: A CASE OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR FROM 431-421 BCE A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts By ANTHONY LEE ISAAC MEYER Dual B.A., Russian Language & Literature, International Studies, Ohio State University, 2007 2016 Wright State University WRIGHT STATE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES ___April 29, 2016_________ I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION BY Anthony Meyer ENTITLED Determining the Significance of Alliance Pathologies in Bipolar Systems: A Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts. ____________________________ Liam Anderson, Ph.D. -
How Green Is India's Stimulus for Economic Recovery?
1 Vibhuti Garg, IEEFA Energy Economist, Lead India Max Schmidt, IISD Fellow Christopher Beaton, IISD Lead, Sustainable Development March 2021 How Green Is India’s Stimulus for Economic Recovery? How India Can Raise Its Ambition for a Green Stimulus in 2021 Executive Summary As of the beginning of March 2021, no other economy has committed as much money to the energy sector as India has in response to the ongoing global COVID-19 crisis or to meet its long-standing ambitions on other policy objectives, such as energy security, air pollution and climate change.1 But where is the public money commitment going: towards sustainable energy choices? Or towards fuels or sectors with high carbon emissions? Analysis of 70 energy-related policies from the Energy Policy Tracker (EPT), as well as India’s annual budget announcements in February 2021 presents a “mixed bag” picture. More than US$120bn has been committed to the energy sector since January 2020, of which renewable-energy-related measures received almost twice as much funding as fossil fuels. However, both are dwarfed by policies related to other sectors. These policies largely support transmission and distribution companies in the power sector and may disproportionately benefit fossil fuels, depending upon whether the government promotes more fossil fuels than clean technologies under such programs. While the COVID-19 crisis has dominated energy sector discourse over the past year, we estimate that around ~22% of the committed value is primarily intended to deal with COVID-19, while the rest of the support reflects ongoing government policy objectives on energy security, climate change and air pollution. -
Reexamining the US-Turkish Alliance
Joshua W. Walker Reexamining the U.S.-Turkish Alliance The July 22, 2007, Turkish national elections instigated a series of political debates in Turkey about the role of the 60-year-old U.S. alliance and the future orientation of Turkish foreign policy. Does Turkey still need its U.S. alliance in a post–Cold War environment? Particularly after U.S. pres- sure on Turkey in 2003 to open a northern front in the war in Iraq, which the Turkish parliament rejected, and given how unpopular the United States has become in the Middle East and in Europe, is the alliance still valuable to An- kara today? Coupled with the deteriorating situation in Iraq and the constant threat of the Turkish use of force in northern Iraq, these debates have forced U.S.-Turkish relations onto the international scene. The severity of the es- trangement in relations has been consistently downplayed on both sides of the Atlantic, even while external factors such as Turkey’s floundering EU mem- bership process and regional differences over how to deal with Iraq have only exacerbated the problems in the alliance. The fallout from the Iraq war has now gone beyond a simple misunderstanding between the United States and Turkey and casts a dark shadow over future relations and the wider regional security structure of the Middle East. The emergence of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) as a political force in Turkish politics has coincided with this unprecedented estrangement in U.S.-Turkish relations. Although the 2002 elections allowed the AKP to form a single-party government, their legitimacy was disputed. -
Application of Quotas: Legal Reforms and Implementation in Bosnia and Herzegovina”
“Application of Quotas: Legal Reforms and Implementation in Bosnia and Herzegovina” Besima Borić National Gender Task Force Office, Bosnia & Herzegovina A paper presented at the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA)/CEE Network for Gender Issues Conference The Implementation of Quotas: European Experiences Budapest, Hungary, 22–23 October 2004 The ramifications of a long conflict and massive human displacement continue to shape the post-war reconstruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The situation of women in BiH and the evolution of their political rights—and, therefore, the observations of this paper—must be viewed in the context of a country transitioning from the ravages of war to sustainable peace and democratization. This case study examines the political participation of women in BiH and the use of electoral quotas. Background to Women’s Political Participation Women in BiH were granted full suffrage in 1946 immediately after the World War, in the Federative People’s Republic of Yugoslavia. Today, the Constitution of BiH and the Constitutions of the two entities—the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republika Srpska—accord women equal social, political and economic rights, including the right to vote and to stand for election. The latter are recognized in the 1979 international Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). According to Articles 7 and 8 of CEDAW, the state is obliged to respect and protect women’s political rights and to introduce special measures to ensure that they can exercise them fully. Such measures include positive discrimination, mandatory election quotas for women and reserved seats in the legislature.