Analysis of Influence of Taiwanese Hokkien, Japanese and English on Taiwanese Mandarin

Bachelor Thesis

MAREK TYLEČEK

Supervisor: Lu Wei-lun, Ph.D.

Department of Chinese Studies Field: Culture Studies of China Brno 2021

2 Bibliographic Record

Author: Marek Tyleček Faculty of Arts, Masaryk University Department of Chinese Studies Title of Thesis: Analysis of Influence of Taiwanese Hokkien, Japanese and English on Taiwanese Mandarin Degree Programme: FF B-HS Humanities Field of Study: Culture Studies of China Supervisor: Lu Wei-lun, Ph.D. Year: 2021 Number of Pages: 64 Keywords: Taiwanese Mandarin, loanwords, Hokkien, Japanese, English, languages of Taiwan, loanword analysis

3 Bibliografický záznam

Autor: Marek Tyleček Filozofická fakulta, Masarykova univerzita Seminář čínských studií Název práce: Analýza vlivu tchaj-wanského hokkienu, japonštiny a angličtiny na tchaj-wanskou standardní čínštinu Studijní program: FF B-HS Humanitní studia Studijní obor: Kulturní studia Číny Vedoucí práce: Lu Wei-lun, Ph.D. Rok: 2021 Počet stran: 64 Klíčová slova: tchaj-wanská standardní čínština, výpůjčky, hokkien, japonština, angličtina, jazyky Tchaj-wanu, analýza výpůjček

4 Abstract

This work studies the influence of Taiwanese Hokkien (TWH), Japanese and English on Taiwanese Mandarin (台灣國語 tái wān guó yǔ, henceforth TWM) by the means of linguistic quantitative analysis. TWM offers many examples of language influence thanks to its linguistically rich history which inspired this research to investigate this area a bit deeper. The objective of this work is to examine the ability of TWM to absorb outside linguistic influence on the example of chosen loanwords from selected languages. The analysis focuses on how specific words behave in the originating language and in TWM, and how this behaviour changes upon their adoption into TWM, using data from linguistic corpora. The general linguistic background in Taiwan, that can help with understanding the context of these languages, is examined using compilation method. Analysing loanwords from the three selected languages proved that their behaviour differs in some cases. The thesis therefore proposes that syntactic behaviour of a loanword which can be described using the behaviour change categories and the r number, should be considered when talking about factors that influence the extent of usage of that loanword in the recipient language. In the last chapter it is concluded TWM has adapted well to the selected language’s influence, as the loanwords can function in quite complex structures.

5 Anotace

Tchaj-wan a hlavně jeden z jeho oficiálních jazyků, tchaj-wanská standardní čínština (dále TSČ), nabízí mnoho příležitostí ke studiu toho, jak se jazyky navzájem ovlivňují. Tato práce vliv naTSČ zkoumá za použití lingvistické kvantitativní analýzy, kdy předmětem analýzy jsou výpůjčky ze třech jazyků, které v průběhu historie TSČ ovlivňovaly, nebo ji ještě ovlivňují – tchaj-wanský hokkien, japonština a angličtina. Cílem je prozkoumat, jak je TSČ schopna tento cizí vliv absorbovat. Analýza se zaměřuje na chování vybraných výpůjček v TSČ, respektive jak se chování v TSČ liší od chování v původním jazyku. Toho lze docílit za použití lingvistických korpusů. Pro lepší pochopení kontextu jazyků v této práci je v druhé kapitole popsáno lingvistické pozadí na Tchaj-wanu. Analýza výpůjček ze tří vybraných jazyků prokázala, že se jejich chování v některých případech mění. Tato práce tudíž navrhuje, aby se syntaktické chování výpůjčky považovalo za jeden z faktorů ovlivňujících šíři možného použití této výpůjčky v přijímajícím jazyku. Chování výpůjčky může být popsáno kategoriemi změny chování a číslem r, které jsou zde vysvětleny. V poslední kapitole se dochází k závěru, že TSČ se dobře přizpůsobila vlivu třech vybraných jazyků, jelikož zkoumané výpůjčky mohou fungovat v poměrně komplexních strukturách.

6 Formal Declaration

I hereby declare and confirm with my signature that this thesis titled Analysis of Influence of Taiwanese Hokkien, Japanese and English on Taiwanese Mandarin is solely my own work and that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by any other person except where due reference is made in the text of the thesis.

In Brno 14 June 2021 Marek Tyleček

7 Acknowledgements

This work could not have been accomplished without the guidance, comments and recommendations of Dr Lu and the preparatory seminars of Dr Rychetská. I would also like to thank my friends and family who were supporting me throughout the course of studies at Masaryk University.

8 Table of Contents

Table of Contents ...... 9 List of Tables ...... 11 List of Terms and Abbreviations ...... 12 Editor’s Note ...... 13 1 Introduction ...... 14 2 Laying a Theoretical Basis ...... 16 2.1 Taiwan as a Paradise for Linguists ...... 16 2.1.1 Guoyu and Putonghua – Laying a Boundary ...... 17 2.1.2 Taiwanese Hokkien – its Relation to Guoyu and Characteristic Features ...... 18 2.1.3 Japanese – Borrowing Back and Forth Again ...... 19 2.1.4 English – Globalisation and Translation of its Influence...... 20 2.2 An Explanation of How the Research was Conducted ...... 20 2.2.1 Theoretical Framework ...... 21 2.2.2 Steps of the Analysis Itself ...... 23 3 The Research ...... 25 3.1 Looking for the Meaning Behind the Research Findings ...... 25 Taiwanese Hokkien ...... 25 Japanese ...... 27 English ...... 28 3.2 Research Findings – Processing Data from Corpora ...... 30 3.2.1 Taiwanese Hokkien Loanwords ...... 30 愛睏 ài-khùn ...... 30 慢分 bān-hun ...... 30 頭路 thâu-lō͘ ...... 31 走透透 zǒu tòu tòu...... 32 葨迌 chhit-thô ...... 33 死忠 sí-tiong ...... 34 摃龜 kòng-ku ...... 34 龜毛 ku-mo͘ ...... 35 運將 ùn-chiàng...... 36 阿莎力 a-sá-lih...... 36 囝仔 jiǎn zái ...... 37

9 熊熊 xióng xióng ...... 38 在地人 chāi-tē-lâng ...... 38 鐵齒 thih-khí ...... 39 鬱卒 ut-chut ...... 39 蝦米 xiā mǐ ...... 40 黑白 hēi bái ...... 40 雞婆 jī pó ...... 42 3.2.2 Japanese Loanwords ...... 42 催眠 cuī mián ...... 43 抽象 chōu xiàng ...... 43 象徵 xiàng zhēng ...... 44 積極 jī jí ...... 45 見習 jiàn xí ...... 46 寫真 xiě zhēn ...... 46 一級棒 yì jí bàng ...... 47 大丈夫 dà zhàng fū ...... 48 建設 jiàn shè ...... 49 3.2.3 English Loanwords ...... 50 秀逗 xiù dou ...... 50 血拼 xiě pīn...... 51 VIP ...... 52 硬碟 yìng dié...... 53 休克 xiū kè ...... 53 邏輯 luó jí ...... 54 feel...... 55 幽默 yōu mò ...... 56 甜心 tián xīn ...... 56 4 Conclusion ...... 58 Bibliography ...... 60 Data Sources ...... 60 Literature ...... 61

10 List of Tables

Tab. 1 Behaviour change categories ...... 22 Tab. 2 TWH loanwords analysis outcome ...... 25 Tab. 3 Japanese loanwords analysis outcome ...... 27 Tab. 4 English loanwords analysis outcome ...... 28

11 List of Terms and Abbreviations

TWM – Taiwanese Mandarin (see 2.1.1) TWH – Taiwanese Hokkien (see 2.1.2) POJ – Pe̍ h-ōe-jī (see 2.1.2) SE – Sketch Engine, a website with various corpora and many functions that facilitate word analysis MD – moedict, a website with online dictionaries for TWM and TWH donor language – the language from which a loanword originates recipient language – the language into which a loanword was absorbed TT – Chinese Web 2017 (zhTenTen17) Traditional, a corpus GW – Chinese GigaWord 2 Corpus: Taiwan, traditional PoS – part(s) of speech V – verb ADV – adverb ADJ – adjective N – noun GYCD – Guó yǔ cí diǎn 國語詞典 [Guoyu Dictionary], an online dictionary accesible in MD LACD – Liǎng àn cí diǎn 兩岸詞典 [Dictionary of the Two Coasts], an online dictionary accesible in MD MeW – Merriam-Webster online English dictionary CaD – Cambridge online English dictionary McM – Macmillan online English dictionary TBT – Takoboto, an online Japanese-English dictionary JSH – Jisho, an online Japanese-English dictionary NA-adjective – a type of adjective in Japanese that needs the な na particle tâi-bûn – an alphabet used for writing TWH LW, LWs – loanword, loanwords

12 Editor’s Note

In order to be able to work with sources written originally in the Chinese language, such as for the purpose of citing and paraphrasing, the author used his own language skills and, if needed, consulted various dictionaries or sought help of my thesis supervisor, Dr Lu or other native speakers. In different parts of this thesis there are Chinese characters that are essential for the research goal of this thesis, and they appear in their original traditional form, as the part of the world this thesis is focusing on officially uses traditional Chinese characters. Terms and names in Chinese are transcribed using Hanyu Pinyin, the international romanization system for Standard Mandarin Chinese. TWH LWs are written using both Chinese characters and tâi-bûn. Japanese LWs are transcribed using modified Hepburn and hiragana is also provided. The styles in this document have been borrowed from the official thesis template distributed by Masaryk University. The purpose of this thesis is purely scientific. The texts from primary sources used in this thesis serve only as data for analysis.

13 1 Introduction

Taiwan, by being a melting pot of various cultures, presents us with many opportunities to study different aspects of cultures interacting with each other. One of those aspects is language. There are many languages with an established place on the island because of historical reasons, such as the aboriginal languages and the languages of Han Chinese (Hakka, Hokkien, Mandarin), but there are also languages of foreign cultures that have played (or still play) an important role in the development of the Taiwanese society as it is today, such as the Japanese or English language. There have been many linguists studying how these languages affect each other, therefore this work, as its title suggests, focuses on studying the influence of chosen languages – Taiwanese Hokkien (TWH), Japanese and English – on Taiwanese Mandarin (TWM) and it tries to devise new concepts in this area. It was rather difficult to find a gap in this well-explored field of language influence in Taiwan. There is quite a lot of literature available that examines the sociolinguistic aspects of the language situation in Taiwan (e.g., Chang, 2014, Shih, 1997 or Erbaugh, 1995), that focuses on the implementation of language policies in Taiwan (e.g., Li, 1985, Klöter, 2004 or Sandel, 2003), but also literature that analyses LWs from the abovementioned languages. Even despite many resources already being in this field, after reading the articles that focus on LWs (e.g., Chen, 2010, Yen, 2008 or Klöter, 2009) an idea emerged, that none of the authors of these articles concentrated on the syntactical behaviour of LWs in the donor and recipient languages. They would usually write about how they were borrowed into TWM or examine them from the semantical perspective, both of which is actually very useful for the research in this thesis as a basis for further analysis or background information. The objective of the research present in this work is to look for any behaviour patterns shared among different LWs, precisely how their function changes when they enter the recipient language from the donor language, examining them in context taken from corpora available in Sketch Engine – a tool with free access for students at Masaryk University that allows easier analysis of data in language corpora. This work attempts to accomplish this objective by asking how and to what extent did Taiwanese Hokkien, Japanese and English influence Mandarin Chinese in Taiwan? Finding answers to this question could not only provide a new perspective to LW analysis, but in the case of more extensive research it could also help with expanding word entries in dictionaries or anywhere where a concrete definition of that word’s usage is needed. However, when working with the possible results of this research, there are several issues that must be taken into consideration:

14 a) the most recent data available in the two corpora used in this work are from 2017, b) this research relies on the data in corpora – there can be possible usage outside of corpora, for example in spoken form, c) even though the works, from where the words for analysis are taken, sometimes mention multiple variants of a single LW, there can be more variants that the author is not aware of, and lastly d) the results of the analysis in this thesis rely on the author’s choice of LWs, which cannot be always objective, therefore these results will not be used for generalising on a larger scale nor comparing the influences of the chosen languages. Having these issues in mind, we can continue with what this work proposes. By digesting the data that we will obtain from examining LWs in context and how their behaviour differs in the donor language and in TWM we will get categories that the individual LWs fall into and numbers describing how many functions they have. The categories will help with answering the how part of the research question and the numbers with answering the to what extent part. That is because the analysed LWs fall into different categories based on how much their behaviour changed or whether it stayed the same. The r number (the number of syntactical functions of a word in the recipient language) on the other hand represents how many functions a LW has in TWM, and it could be considered as another factor that influences the extent of usage of a LW in the recipient language. Everything is explained in detail in the methodology section further. As for the structure of this thesis, there are four chapters in total. The first chapter is this introduction. It is followed by a theoretical part, where the author describes the background of the languages chosen for this analysis by the means of the compilation method and then how the research itself was conducted. The third part presents findings from the quantitative analysis of LWs and examples of LW behaviour in examined languages. It is in this part where individual words will be sorted into the already mentioned categories and their r number will be determined. The second and third part combined will form a basis on which will stand the proposals that attempt to answer the research question of this thesis. Throughout the course of this thesis, the reader should get a chance to observe both the differences and the similarities between the individual LWs and their behaviour in TWM and it should be possible to understand why this (in the long run) can affect the extent and nature of influence languages can have on each other.

15 2 Laying a Theoretical Basis

This chapter is comprised of brief introductions to each of the languages whose LWs are analysed in this work and methodology, where research details are explained. What follows that section is the LW analysis itself. This theoretical part also contains definitions that are essential for understanding the outcome of the research later in this thesis. The very first term that asks for a definition is loanword. Hsieh and Yeh describe it as “a word used in one language whose origin is in another language” (2004, pg. 3), which means that a LW is a proof of exchange between at least two languages. However, it is not always easy to determine which words are native and which are borrowed, as Hsieh and Yeh also mention the term “dialectal borrowing”, in case of which it is hard to distinguish those two categories, because the differences between related languages and dialects are not as distinct, such as in the case of TWM and TWH (ibid.). We will come across a similar issue when analysing Japanese LWs later. Before we continue with drawing a background picture for the individual languages that have had an influence on TWM, it would be helpful to first have a brief look at the general linguistic situation in Taiwan and then also clearly explain what the recipient language of all the LWs that have been analysed in this work is, because defining TWM might not be as easy as it seems.

2.1 Taiwan as a Paradise for Linguists

Taiwan, even despite its relatively small area, offers us many opportunities to survey how languages affect each other, especially in the case of TWM which thanks to the unique linguistic situation differs from the Beijing standard in various aspects, the most striking one for native speakers being pronunciation (Kubler, 1985, pp. 156–157). Both Kubler (ibid.) and Cheng (1985, pp. 352–353) write about most inhabitants of Taiwan being at least bilingual at that time and that, because of different language groups needing to communicate with each other, there must be language contact, which allows researchers to study the effects of language influence. Some authors also focus on the effects of having multiple languages being used in one area. The need for language standardisation is debated by Cheng (1985). One of the effects of language diversity is having certain stereotypes (Chang and Lu, 2014). Furthermore, there is the interference of politics into language use which can be both oppressing and cultivating

16 (Klöter, 2004). The consequences of an oppressing interference are examined by Sandel (2003). These works provide us with better insight into the unique situation of TWM, that this research builds on. The following sections with brief information about the languages chosen for examination in this thesis, their background and what their connection to Taiwan is.

2.1.1 Guoyu and Putonghua – Laying a Boundary Firstly, it is important to define what TWM is. There are various terms that are used when referring to “Mandarin”. Each of them carries a slightly different meaning: 普通話 pǔ tōng huà, 官話 guān huà, 華語 huá yǔ, 中文 zhōng wén, 國語 guó yǔ and others. This thesis does not aim at discussing these differences, we can therefore focus solely on what we need: guó yǔ and pǔ tōng huà. Both terms refer to Modern Standard Mandarin, though their usage differs regionally: the former is used in Taiwan and the latter in Mainland China. However, as the works that examine the differences of these two Standard Mandarin languages in both areas (such as Cheng, 1985, Shih, 1997, Chang and Lu, 2014, Li, 1985 and others) suggest, they are not completely identical languages now because of different linguistic backgrounds, history, language policies and other factors that influence the development of a language. In 1945 guó yǔ, literally “national language”, replaced Japanese as the official language in Taiwan and it was strictly enforced by the KMT government (Sandel, 2003, pg. 529), whereas the existence of “dialects” (方言 fāng yán) as well as their usage was seen as a threat to the country’s integrity (Klöter, 2004, pg. 56) with the Nationalist government adhering to the restrictive attitude towards local “dialects” up until 1987 (Sandel, 2003, pg. 530). Even though they come from the same standard, the Beijing dialect, there are many noticeable differences between these two variations of Modern Standard Mandarin (Li, 1985, pg. 123; Kubler, 1985, pg. 157). Guoyu also uses a different type of pinyin (Zhuyin, also known as Bopomofo) for writing down the pronunciation of Chinese characters, however for the sake of simplicity this work uses Hanyu Pinyin. Authors mentioned in this section who concentrate on the differences between the Taiwanese and Mainland Chinese language characteristics do not thoroughly study LWs, they rather focus on phonology, grammar, and other aspects of language. For authors examining LWs in TWM we have to move further.

17 2.1.2 Taiwanese Hokkien – its Relation to Guoyu and Characteristic Features TWH is one of the variants of Southern Min (閩南話 mǐn nán huà), a language that belongs to the Sinitic branch of the Sino-Tibetan language family, therefore it is related to Guoyu. Similarly to its relative, there are also multiple options when it comes to referring to TWH in Chinese, such as 台灣閩南話 tái wān mǐn nán huà, 台語 tái yǔ or 台灣話 tái wān huà. The term “Hokkien” itself comes from the TWH pronunciation of 福建 (Fujian province) – hok- kiàn. However, as Sandel clearly points out, TWH and TWM are mutually unintelligible and the two of them being called dialects could be compared to Spanish and French being dialects of Latin (2003, pg. 549). That is also why every time it is described as a dialect in secondary literature that this thesis draws from, the term dialect is written in parentheses to avoid possible confusion from the linguistic perspective. Sandel further writes about more characteristics of TWH, such as its tonal system with more tones than TWM and complicated tone sandhi and mentions that it differs from TWM also in the terms of vocabulary, phonology, and grammar (ibid.). TWH, as a Sinitic language, can be written using Chinese characters. However, it is important to draw attention to what characters are used to write it. In Lin, 2006 the author throughout the course of their paper explains that TWH has its own “original characters” which are called 台語本字 tái yǔ běn zì. Though not all TWH speakers are aware of that, which can be seen when analysing TWH LWs in TWM (section 3.1.1), as it often happens that an “incorrect variant” of a TWH word (錯字 cuò zì) is adopted instead of the correct variant (正 字 zhèng zì) which reflects the běn zì. There is an official list of TWH characters that are recommended for use by the Taiwanese government called 臺灣閩南語推薦用字 tái wān mǐn nán yǔ tuī jiàn yòng zì, information about which are available online, for example at the website (twblg.dict.edu.tw) of the MoE Dictionary of Commonly Used Words in Taiwanese Hokkien (教育部臺灣閩南話常用詞詞典 jiào yù bù tái wān mǐn nán huà cháng yòng cí cí diǎn). However, as the title of this section suggests, it is possible to use the Latin script to write in TWH. TWH has its own alphabet (tâi-bûn) based on the Latin alphabet and there are two main spelling variants: POJ (pe̍ h-ōe-jī) and KIP (kàu-io̍ k-pōo). For the most part, they are the same, although they differ in what letters and diacritics are used to spell some sounds (e.g., POJ: ùn-chiàng, KIP: ùn-tsiàng; POJ: kiáⁿ, KIP: kiánn). As Scott and Tiun point out, there are ongoing debates about what script should be used to write TWH: either only Chinese characters, only Latin alphabet or a combination of both (2007, pg. 67). This work uses the POJ variant of

18 tâi-bûn for pronunciations of TWH LWs in TWM in the case of a zhèng zì spelling of that LW in its source list. Otherwise, Hanyu Pinyin is used. As for the effect of TWH has had on TWM, there are studies for example by Yen (2008) and Hsieh and Yeh (2004). Yen (2008) clarifies how TWH dialectal words appear in TWM and divides them into different categories. Thanks to its revival at the end of the last century, TWH started shaping TWM on a bigger scale again, which is the subject of a study by Hsieh and Yeh (2004, pp. 1–2). The authors examine more recent LWs from various sociolinguistic perspectives and the reason for their adoption into TWM, which is helpful to this research. Although Hsieh and Yeh and Yen already study the influence of TWH and its carriers– LWs, there is no thorough examination of the change of TWH LW behaviour upon adoption into TWM. This creates an opportunity for this work to provide more information in this area.

2.1.3 Japanese – Borrowing Back and Forth Again From the perspective of language families, Japanese is unrelated to TWM, as it belongs to its own family of Japonic languages. Concerning its relation to Taiwan, it is one of the languages not native to Taiwan that was promoted there by a government not originally present on the island (Kubler, 1985, pg. 156). Japanese borrowed on a large scale from Chinese starting from the period of the Tang dynasty and then in the second half of the 19th century Chinese character compounds newly created by the Japanese were used when translating Western academic and abstract ideas (Chung, 2001, pg. 1). It was precisely these words that were then borrowed “back” into Chinese, even though there were attempts by the Chinese to come up with “native Chinese” equivalents of those LWs (ibid., pg. 2). Some of those words are analysed in this thesis, e.g. cuī mián or chōu xiàng (section 3.1.2). One could say that an analysis of the Japanese LWs in TWM which are described in Yao, 1992 as having been first created by the Japanese because of new concepts that came from the West and which were further adopted into Chinese, would only show that they are used the same way because of their high degree of assimilation in TWM, therefore there is a large number of Japanese LWs that do not exhibit characteristics of foreign influence and they pass as native Chinese words (pp. 331-333). Apart from analysing LWs from TWH, this work also concentrates on how Japanese loans behave in TWM. LWs entered TWM from Japanese mainly in two phases: during colonisation (Klöter, 2009, pg. 2) and then during the boom of Japanese popular culture – “Japan Mania” (Hsieh and Hsu, 2006). The introduction of Japanese LWs from the first phase happened indirectly through TWH, though (Chen, 2010, pg. 3). The process of implementation and

19 different types of categorisation of Japanese LWs in TWM is thoroughly studied and clearly explained in these works: Yao, 1992, Chung, 2001; Hsieh and Hsu, 2006 and Xie, 2010. However, these works do not provide us with more detailed data on the syntactical behaviour of Japanese LWs in TWM, which is precisely what this thesis offers.

2.1.4 English – Globalisation and Translation of its Influence The last language whose LWs in TWM were chosen for analysis, English, affects TWM with the help of globalisation (Price, 2014) and its LWs have an essential role in TWM as there is quite a considerable amount of them in TWM. That is because Taiwanese society is quite globalised, especially when compared with Mainland Chinese society and it received more Western influence (Xie, 2010, pg. 3). Price (2014, pp. 568, 572) writes about English being used as a medium of internationalisation in neoliberal doctrines of DDP in Taiwan, as it is seen as a key to making Taiwan more visible and competitive globally. There were plans to make English another official language in Taiwan (ibid., pg. 572). Concerning English LWs in TWM, there are some factors that make borrowing words from English into Chinese harder than for example into Japanese, as English shares more morpheme structures with Japanese than it does with Chinese (Cheng, 1985, pp. 179–180). Cheng in their work studies different characteristics of English LWs adoption into Chinese and Japanese. For example they mention that the process of standardising a LW is much longer in countries which are “socially and linguistically diversified” than in for example Japan, where the society is more homogenous (ibid., pg. 183). Cheng (ibid., pg. 177) also writes about Chinese mostly preferring to translate LWs rather than to transliterate them. Lastly, Cheng (ibid.) argues that the more LWs a language has, the more is the language’s community open to the rest of the world, which would make LWs a proof of contact between two cultures. Even though there are authors who have analysed the influence of English on TWM, none have studied specifically the semantical behaviour of English LWs in TWM, as they focus more on semantical, graphical, and other aspect of LWs. This allows this research to focus on that area and conduct a loanword analysis which sheds light on new concepts.

2.2 An Explanation of How the Research was Conducted

Now that the background of individual languages is explored, the focus shifts to the research itself. This section contains the explanation of the methodology of this thesis. The research

20 question is how and to what extent did English, Japanese and Taiwanese Hokkien influence Mandarin Chinese in Taiwan?

2.2.1 Theoretical Framework The quantitative analysis in this work concentrates on the function (part of speech) and the behaviour of individual LWs in the grammar of TWH which allows further analysis of the PoS variation in the languages involved. The method used in here was invented by the author himself for the purpose of this analysis and it suits the needs of this research – the main one being answering the research question – as two outcomes of this method correspond to the two parts of the research question which is explained further below. There are different possible outcomes of LW analysis in this work, seven in total (i–vii, see Tab. 1) – r stands for the number of functions in the recipient language (TWM, max. 4 in the case of this work), d stands for the number of functions in the donor language and s is the number of shared functions, below is a comparison table with numbers from examples. Not all possible combinations are listed, only those that would be the most probable while conducting a LW analysis: i. the LW behaves completely the same in both languages TWM: N; TWH: N → r=d=s, ii. it functions similarly in TWM (the word in both languages shares at least one function), but it has more functions in the donor language TWM: N; TWH: N and ADJ → s≥1, d>r, iii. it functions similarly in TWM (the word in both languages shares at least one function), plus it has more functions in TWM TWM: N and ADJ; TWH: N → s≥1, r>d, iv. they share n functions (n≥1), and each language has n other functions TWM: N and V; TWH: N and ADJ → s≥1, r>s, d>s, r=d (*), v. it serves completely different functions TWM: N, TWH: V → s=0, r>s, d>s, vi. it serves completely different functions, but there are more of them in the donor language TWM: N; TWH: V and ADJ → s=0, d>r vii. it serves completely different functions, but there are more of them in TWM TWM: N and V; TWH: ADJ → s=0, r>d.

21 Tab. 1 Behaviour change categories

i ii iii iv (*) v vi vii r 1 1 2 2 1 1 2 d 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 s ≥1 ≥1 ≥1 ≥1 0 0 0 The outcomes can be divided into two main groups: (i–iv), where s≥1, and (v– vii), where s=0. The first group shows that TWM can mirror the usage of a word in at least one function. In the case of (i) TWM responds well to the function(s) of the word in the originating language, and it indicates the loan’s complete grammatical implementation. Outcome (ii) shows that grammar-wise there are some obstacles for full implementation, whereas (iii) demonstrates the flexibility and adaptability (more than in (i)) of TWM. (iv) is a special example, where s≥1, but then it is not possible to say whether d or r is bigger, therefore it needs to be a category of its own. However, (iv) still demonstrates a certain degree of flexibility of TWM, though lower than (iii). Words of the s=0 group (v–vii) do not have any shared function in the two languages, which means that there must be an obstacle (just like in ii). Arranged in order of the degree of grammatical adaptability in TWM (descending): iii, iv, i, ii, vii, v, vi. For the latter group, there are no LWs in this analysis that would fall into this category. The majority is either (iii) or (i), two examples of (ii) and (iv) each. - One of the possible obstacles could be that the grammar structure is too different in the two languages, or that in the case of a LW mostly used in spoken form there are not enough usage examples in written text corpora. Concerning the degree of a language’s possible influence on TWM, this thesis proposes that it can be seen on the r number. If a LW has a higher r, that possibly means that it can be used in more places of TWM’s syntax, which increases the potential range of the influence of that LW’s language on TWM. In other words, a LW functioning solely as a noun (r=1, an R1 word) could have a smaller potential than an R3 word (N, ADJ, V). The more LWs with higher r, the wider would be the possible area of influence of the donor language. By using both r and behaviour change categories the research question can be answered as such: behaviour change categories for the “how” part and r for the “to what extent” part. It cannot be said precisely to what extent these languages influenced TWM and compare their influences, but it is possible to propose new concepts for consideration when it comes to their potential of influence. For example it can be said that, out of 36 analysed LWs in this thesis, the most common outcomes are (i) at 52,8% and (iii) at 36,1%, which means the influence of

22 these languages is incorporated smoothly into TWM in most cases. If a LW from TWH functions as in outcome (iii), that shows that the influence of TWH has reached a wider area in TWM, leading to a greater extent of the influence. Another proposal would be to use the r number as another factor which influences the extent of possible usage of a LW (other such factors mentioned in secondary literature are for example: different graphic forms, popularity, or LW type – see Klöter, 2009 for example).

2.2.2 Steps of the Analysis Itself There first needs to be a list of examinable LWs in TWM that will be collected from the works which analyse them (see Yen, 2008, pp. 62–67 for example). To see how a specific word behaves in TWM these linguistic corpora will be used: Chinese Web 2017 (zhTenTen17) Traditional that belongs to the TenTen corpus family (Jakubíček et alii, 2013) and Chinese GigaWord 2 Corpus: Taiwan, traditional available via Sketch Engine (Killgarrif). When using data from the former corpus, the author made sure to use examples of only Taiwanese origin, as there are also data from Hong Kong websites or Mainland websites which use Traditional Chinese. Sketch Engine is a tool with access provided by Masaryk University that allows analysing how words behave by using its functions. Thanks to the function Concordance, for example, we can see the word in a context which permits its further analysis. Like this we are then able to compare it with its usage in its originating language. Word Sketch directly lists the word’s usage in different categories. The author tried to select LWs of different functions and types (such as phonetic or semantic loans). For example, it would not be as effective to pick only 10 nouns, even though their functions seem to change in TWM. To make the research a bit more diverse, the author made sure to select nouns, adjectives, adverbs, and verbs (functions in the donor language). Before typing the selected LWs in SE the author would study their meanings and functions in both languages, possibly even the process of adoption in the recipient language. The dictionaries used in this thesis are such: moedict, through where the Guoyu Dictionary and the Dictionary of Two Coasts for TWM and a TWH dictionary can be accessed; Takoboto for Japanese; Merriam-Webster, Macmillan Cambridge dictionaries for English. If there was no dictionary entry, then the author compared the LW with its TWM counterpart stated in its LW list. The next step was to use the Concordance function of SE that allows to see the context in which the LW is used. After seeing the total number of entries and inspecting a few entries the author would further decide, based on the amount of data, whether to continue in Concordance or shift to Word Sketch. In case of a smaller number (approx. <200), it was possible to continue

23 studying the LW in Concordance, because the author could go through individual entries himself and it would not be too overwhelming. Whereas with a larger number of entries it would be very time-consuming and inefficient in general. Fortunately, the Word Sketch function strips SE users of this inconvenience, where the app displays only the individual words (characters) that the loan is used together with. Therefore in that case the author would first look at few examples in Concordance, and then he would switch to Word Sketch which allows to see different collocations of a word. This permits a faster analysis of its behaviour. The LW and one of its collocates from Word Sketch can be put back into Concordance for more detailed analysis in context. Based on the corpora examples examination which allow determining r, d, and s, the LWs were then sorted into different behaviour change categories, and it was possible to proceed with proposing conclusions.

24 3 The Research

This chapter builds on the information from the previous chapter and provides the reader with a summary (3.1) of the results we get from the quantitative analysis of LWs, examples of which are further in the following section (3.2).

3.1 Looking for the Meaning Behind the Research Findings

After examining the results of LW analysis, we can sort individual LWs into categories that are described in the methodology section and determine their r number. These two outcomes are necessary for formulating any conclusions in this thesis and they will be presented in tables in each of the language’s section. There is a summary of results under each table. The basis for the information in this section can be found in 3.2.

Taiwanese Hokkien Studying 18 TWH LWs gave such results: Tab. 2 TWH loanwords analysis outcome

LW Behaviour change catagory r number

ài-khùn i 2 bān-hun iv 2 thâu-lō͘ i 1 zǒu tòu tòu i 1 chhit-thô i 2 sí-tiong iii 2 kòng-ku iii 3 ku-mo͘ iii 2

ùn-chiàng i 1 a-sá-lih d1 iii, d2 iii 2

25 jiǎn zái i 1 xióng xióng i 1 chāi-tē-lâng i 1 thih-khí iii 2 ut-chut iii 2 xiā mǐ i 1 hēi bái i 1 jī pó iii 3

Prior to deducing anything from these results, here is a summary for better clarity. 1. The majority of TWH LWs analysed belong to the (i) category. 2. The second most common category is (iii). 3. There is only one (iv) example in this list. 4. The average r is 1,6 with most LWs being either R1 or R2. 5. There are two R3 LWs: kòng-ku and jī pó. Judging by the outcome of TWH LWs examination it is possible to say that TWM absorbs TWH influence very well, as the most common category is (i), where the word does not gain any new PoS functions, nor does it lose any. However, there is also a considerable number of (iii) loans, which demonstrates the ability of TWM to work with TWH LWs further and expand their “r-potential” of influence in TWM by them having more PoS functions in TWM than in TWH. This shows even a higher degree of adaptability. Out of the eighteen words analysed, R1 and R2 words are eight each and there are also two R3 words. This shows that from the PoS point of view there is not an incredibly high possibility of a wide extent of influence, although one has to keep in mind that this thesis proposes the r number to be just another factor to be considered when discussing the possible extent of that word’s influence in the recipient language.

In the case of a-sá-lih it would be possible to analyse it both as a TWH (d1) and a Japanese

(d2) LW, though in both cases its behaviour change category is the same. Furthermore, we must not forget about some of the obstacles for TWH LWs to be smoothly incorporated into (written) TWM, such as: a) the problem of zhèng zì and cuò zì (see jiǎn zái for example),

26 b) some tái yǔ běn zì can be hard to write, as they are uncommon or not at all present in TWM (see chhit-thô for example), c) TWH LWs are sometimes in brackets when in more official texts, or that d) there might not be enough information about their correct usage in dictionaries. Lastly, if we have a look at the analyses of all the LWs in this work, it is possible to find examples of TWM borrowing TWH grammatical structures, such as the hēi bái + V and V + tòu tòu structures, whose usage is a bit more grammatically complicated than, for example, a simple N usage of a LW, which hints at a good potential of absorbing TWH influence in general.

Japanese Examining 9 Japanese LWs gave such results: Tab. 3 Japanese loanwords analysis outcome

LW Behaviour change category r number cuī mián iii 2 chōu xiàng i 3 xiàng zhēng i 2 jī jí iii 3 jiàn xí i 2 xiě zhēn i 1 yì jí bàng iv 2 dà zhàng fū ii 1 jiàn shè i 3

Again, a summary of the examination: 1. Similarly to TWH, most Japanese LWs came out as (i). 2. There are (iii) words, too, although not as many. 3. Having a (ii) and (iv) word could be considered rare, as there are only two examples of each in the total of 36 LWs analysed. 4. The average r of Japanese LWs is 2,1 with most of them being either R2 or R3.

27 Though the number of examined LWs is smaller in this section, there is still a variety of results. We can say that TWM has well adapted to Japanese influence, as the most frequent category is (i). As for the extent of influence, there are three R3 words with a wider potential extent of usage and most of the analysed LWs have a r higher than 2. The two special cases of yì jí bàng and dà zhàng fū show that there could be a connection between these words being phonetic loans and their “unusual” behaviour change category, even though there is no such apparent connection in the English section with more phonetic loans. Even though there were no available examples of more complex grammatical structures as with TWH LWs, analysing Japanese LWs in TWM showed us that they are a fundamental part of TWM (such as xiàng zhēng or chōu xiàng), which could have been made possible by their structure which is native to TWM, and that they have a well-established place in TWM thanks to the popularity of Japanese culture in Taiwan, its history and more such factors.

English Analysing 9 English LWs gave such results: Tab. 4 English loanwords analysis outcome

LW Behaviour change category r number xiù dou ii 3 xiě pīn i 1

VIP iii 2 yìng dié i 1 xiū kè i 3 luó jí iii 3 feel iii 3 yōu mò iii 4 tián xīn i 1

To summarise these results, we can say that: 1. The two most common categories are (i) and (iii). 2. Among these selected LWs, there is only one case of (ii).

28 3. The average r of these English LWs is 2,3. 4. There are four R3 loans and even one R4 loan (yōu mò). The number of R1 words is higher than the number of R2 words. The examination outcome demonstrates that even despite English not being that closely related to Taiwan from the historical and linguistic perspective (such as TWH or Japanese, both of which also use Chinese characters), there are still many English LWs in TWM thanks to globalisation. It is worth noting that it seems like the majority of words borrowed into TWM from English are nouns, see the LW list in Yao, 1992 (pp. 338–340) for example. Therefore the LWs in this analysis were selected with respect to PoS diversity, so that the results have a higher potential to be more diverse as well. Regarding the behaviour change categories, most LWs are either (i) or (iii), which means that TWM able to absorb this influence well. In this sample of LWs there are many R3 words with a high potential of having a wider area of usage in TWM. Yōu mò, an R4 word, is a perfect example of a LW well acclimatised in TWM lexicon and syntax, as it functions as a V+N compound even despite being a phonetic loan. Results also show us that a higher r does not necessarily have to be linked with a “higher” behaviour change category – both luó jí and xiū kè are R3 words and phonetic loans, but the category of the former is (iii) and the latter is (i). Lastly, the results of the analysis of “feel” and “VIP” demonstrate the ability of TWM to adopt LWs in a script not native to TWM. This incites further research of the behaviour of foreign script LWs in TWM (the general process of adoption is thoroughly described in Klöter, 2009), as both loans came out as (iii).

29 3.2 Research Findings – Processing Data from Corpora

In this section there are analyses of multiple LWs from each of the chosen languages. Each LW will be shown in context, highlighted, and commented on. The reason for displaying the context here is that to clearly understand the meaning and function of a certain LW, most of the time it is necessary to see the sentence which it is used in. The first and longest list is for TWH, then follows Japanese and this part is closed by English.

3.2.1 Taiwanese Hokkien Loanwords In this section 18 TWH LWs that have been chosen from Yen, 2008 and Hsieh and Yeh, 2004 will be examined. The first three words – ài-khùn, bān-hun and thâu-lō͘ – are from Yen, the rest is from Hsieh and Yeh.

愛睏 ài-khùn The first two analysed LWs are from the section “Accurate and vivid words” in Yen. Ài-khùn is labelled as a verb in MD’s dictionary of TWH. However, as the examples below show, it can also function as an adjective. In the case of ài-khùn, ài means “to want to” and khùn “to sleep”. Together they can be translated as either “sleepy” or “want to sleep”, therefore it is not always easy to tell whether it is an adjective or a verb in a sentence. 1 GW V (…) 我 感冒 了 抽菸 會 加重 病情 、 抽完 菸 會 愛睏 (…) 2 TT tpe-bike.org.tw V (…) 已經 習慣 晚上 約 12 點睡 ， 然後 早上 七點半 起床 ， 過 半夜 12 點 就 愛睏 了 (…) 3 TT blog.liontravel.com ADJ (…) 我 的 眼睛 怎麼 都 睜 不 開來 , 特別的 愛睏 . 4 TT ezgoe.com ADJ 這隻 珍島犬 明明 愛睏 到 不行 卻 仍 坐立 著 打瞌睡 (…)

慢分 bān-hun Yen and one of the ChhoeTaigi source dictionaries both translate bān-hun as 誤點 wù diǎn which has the same usage structure: “to be late/slow” + a unit of time. In examples 1 and 2 bān-hun is followed by an (almost) synonymous expression. Yen explains that bān-hun is more precise, which is why they categorised it as an “accurate word”, when you compare it with its counterpart wù diǎn, focusing on the second character of each expression: hun (TWM: fēn) VS diǎn (2008, pg. 58). This slight difference would explain, why it is used together with another word of similar meaning. Bān-hun is mostly used in the context of transportation, as the following examples show.

30 1 GW N (…) 台鐵 與 捷運 公司 有 責任 提供 安全 的 服務 送 旅客 到 目的地 ， 因 此 若 發生 慢分 、 誤點 ， 甚至 出軌 讓 民眾 受困 (…) 2 TT blog.youthwant.com.tw N (…) 而 台鐵 的 老舊 , 官僚 ， 列車 的 慢分 , 脫班 ， 以及 車上 驗票 , 販賣 食品 (…) 3 TT peopo.org N 2012.2.4 在 板橋 車站 的 這次 慢分 ， 是 我 坐火車 以 來見過 最 久 的 遲到 吧 ！ 4 TT blog.udn.com V 台灣 的 飛機 慢分 了 ， 到 香港 時 就 有 航空 公司 的 人 守 在 通道 上 等候 (…) In the first sentence, bān-hun is preceded by fā shēng, a verb which points at its function as a noun. The second example features bān-hun again as a noun, because it is the object of liè chē, with which it is connected by the attributive de. In number 3 it is used together with a measure word, which is a good proof of it being a noun in this case.

The examination of bān-hun shows us that TWM can incorporate more precise expressions than some already present in the recipient language. Concerning its usage, it can be used both as a noun and a verb, whereas its equivalent wù diǎn is translated in LACD as a verb and an adjective (LACD). Yen further argues that by having absorbed LWs such as bān- hun, ài-khùn, ku-mo͘ and thih-khí, TWM has increased its level of perfection (2008, pg. 58).

頭路 thâu-lō͘ Thâu-lō͘ is from the section of “A vocabulary meaning's shift from monosemy to polysemy” in Yen. MD categorizes thâu-lō͘ as a noun and translates it as 職業 zhí yè and 工作 gōng zuò, “profession” or “job”. While analysing search results in SE, it was necessary to filter out the phrase （走）回頭路 (zǒu) huí tóu lù in GW and TT. 1 GW N (…) 到 目前 為止 還 有 八十五萬 人 找 不 到 頭路 。 It can even be mentioned together with the verb 吃 chī (its TWH counterpart is 食 chia̍ h), see GW N “(…) 對於 部分 公務人員 一直 抱持 「 吃 頭路 」 的 心態 (…)”, where 吃頭路 chī tóu lù (in TWH 食頭路 chia̍ h thâu-lō͘) means “to go to work”, as translated in MD. Otherwise in GW it is usually seen together with verbs such as 沒（有） méi (yǒu) and 找（到） zhǎo (dào) or adjectives 好 hǎo and 新 xīn. Thâu-lō͘ is also sometimes accompanied by 無 bô (TWM: wú) which is normally used in TWH, see GW N “(…) 每 年 學校 大量 畢業生 依舊 無 頭路 ， 到底 問題 出 在 那裡 ？ (…)”. Because of this, one cannot say for sure whether in these cases it should be considered a

31 TWH interjection in TWM text (pronounced as in TWH) or whether a TWM native speaker would pronounce the phrase using TWM. Searching in TT provides more complex structures with thâu-lō͘, such as: 2 TT dow10k.com N (…) 辭掉 了 在 都會 的 頭路 ， 回到 宜蘭 礁溪 老家 (…) 3 TT blog.sina.com.tw N (…) 想要 覓得 好 頭路 的 上班族 當然 要 先 證明 自己 的 好 本領 。 If we compared thâu-lō͘ with gōng zuò in TWM, we could say that the former has fewer functions. However, we should focus on comparing the behaviour of thâu-lō͘ itself in TWH and “tóu lù” in TWM. In that case, thâu-lō͘ does not change its function, but it is still worth noticing how broad its usage is in TWM, which shows a high degree of integration of this LW in TWM. The following TWH LWs are from Hsieh and Yeh, 2004.

走透透 zǒu tòu tòu Zǒu tòu tòu comes from the TWH expression 行透透 kiâⁿ-thàu-thàu which means 走遍 zǒu biàn, “to walk all about” (compare TWH kiâⁿ, TWM zǒu and TWH cháu) (ChhoeTaigi). It is important to note that the relation between zǒu tòu tòu and zǒu biàn is only semantical, not syntactical, as the usage pattern is different. Searching kiâⁿ-thàu-thàu gives no results in corpora, so we can focus solely on zǒu tòu tòu. 1 TT nabt.com.tw (…) 適合 國內 旅遊 全省 走透透 歐洲 進口 及 歐系 旅遊 巴士 (…) Search results show us that it is often used in the structure “全 quán + area + zǒu tòu tòu”, such as in: 2 GW (…) 他 已 完成 三 次 全 市 走透透 (…) Seeing that there are more than few examples of the usage of zǒu tòu tòu in TWM gives an impetus to look for other cases of the thàu-thàu suffix (V+ thàu-thàu) usage in corpora. First, examining the combination with the verb 跑 pǎo (“to run”, compare with TWH cháu) shows us a similar usage pattern with zǒu. 3 TT pchome.com.tw 去年 她 全 台 跑 透透 ， 各縣市 社區 、 賣場 及 度假 景點 都 能 見到 (…) As for the verb 玩 wán “to play”, one of the possible usages is in the following excerpt. 4 TT 全程 司機兼 導遊 ， 帶 您 嘉義 玩 透透 ， 認識 不一 樣 的 嘉義 半 自助式 旅 遊 行程 (…) Interestingly, looking up 看 kàn “to see” gives results only in TWH, such as in: 5 TT times-bignews.com 人情 世事 已經 看 透透 ， 有 啥人 比 你 卡 重要 ？

32 There was not a single example in TWM. One could say that originally TWH grammar would be used with more verbs in TWH than in TWM, but there are still many results with other verbs in TWM that show a deep implementation of this TWH grammar in TWM: in 6 with 騎 qí, 7 with 遊 yóu (again similar pattern with zǒu), also 講 jiǎng, 買 mǎi, 飛 fēi and possibly other. 6 TT backpackers.com.tw 或 許 也 可以 來 一 次 金門 騎 透透 , 我 是 超 喜歡 金門 的 , 去 騎過 幾 次 7 TT 5upan.com (…) 因 為網 路上 大部分 的 資料 都 是 全省 遊 透透 The results of the analysis of V + tòu tòu correspond to what Yen writes in their work (2008, pg. 57).

葨迌 chhit-thô Chhit-thô is both a verb and an adjective in TWH that means 好玩 hǎo wán “amusing” and 游玩 yóu wán “to have fun” (MD). Searching it in GW gives no results – there is a small number of search results in TT, which allows the analysis of some of its usage in TWM. Judging by the search results, the functions of chhit-thô in TWM are also V and ADJ. 1 cheap.com.tw V (…) 館內 75 間 客房 與 附設 的 葨迌 服務 中心 、 中西餐廳 、 書 報閱 覽室 、 自行車 … 等 各項貼 心 設施 (…) 2 asianculture.com.tw ADJ 作者 回想 輕狂 的 歲月 ， 在 艋舺 西門町 、 在 中正 廟 廣場 ， 所結交 的 友朋 弟兄 們 ， 沉淪 黑暗界 、 玩味 葨迌 的 墮落 快感 (…) 3 uutw.com.tw V 民眾 可 上 活 動 網頁 「 葨迌 南 台灣 ， 樂活 享 好 湯 」 掌握 最 新 文章 資訊 ！ In number 3 it is used as a transitive verb which reflects the behaviour of chhit-thô in TWH, as the TWH dictionary in MD provides two translations into TWM: 游玩 yóu wán and 玩弄 wán nòng. The former is an intransitive verb, whereas the latter is a transitive verb. 2016+ iTaigi 華台對照典 2016+ iTaigi Huá Tái duì zhào diǎn also mentions 七逃 qī táo (ChhoeTaigi), but it yields no search results in corpora, maybe because it is a newer phonetically transcribed variant. In the end, it is possible to say that the usage of chhit-thô, at least in its written form, is not very widespread, which could be caused by its unique TWH characters. Furthermore, searching the corpora for any entries with a related expression 葨迌人 chhit- thô-lâng, a noun meaning “a loafer”, gives only one search result in TT:

33 4 blog.udn.com 這種 看 起來不怎麼經過 大腦 、 超憨古 的 犯罪 手法 ， 很 有 葨迌 人 的 風格 ， 而且 光 看 案情 就 可以 想像 每 個 角色 的 個性 ， 立體鮮明 。

死忠 sí-tiong Sí-tiong, according to MD, has the function of an adjective in TWH and in TWM it means 忠 心 zhōng xīn, to be completely devoted. In Yen sí-tiong is marked as a revival LW, a “fossil”, which means that it used to be a part of Mandarin, but then it was preserved only in other Sinitic languages, in this case Hokkien (2008, pg. 54). Sí-tiong has more search results in GW than in TT, maybe because of its frequent use in newspapers, where it is often used in a political context: TT: 0.13 per million tokens, GW: 1.3 per million tokens. Often used in a structure sí-tiong + (optional 的 de) + fans (樂迷 yuè mí, 歌迷 gē mí, 車 迷 chē mí) / supporters (支持者 zhī chí zhě) / voters (選民 xuǎn mín, 票源 piào yuán) etc., where sí-tiong functions as an adjective: 1 GW ADJ 中國 國民黨 提名 省長 候選人 宋楚瑜 台中市 競選 總部 主任委員 張啟 仲 今天 特別 聲明 ， 他 是 宋楚瑜 的 「 死忠 」 支持 者 ， 決不 可能 腳踏 兩 條 船 為 別的 省長 候選人 助選 。 Sí-tiong can be also seen outside the abovementioned structure, while still maintaining the function of an adjective: 2 TT: alin.ar.com.tw ADJ 去年 卡麥拉喬遷 到 建國路 ，老顧客 依然 死忠 ， 但 又 多 了 很多 路 過客 。 Interestingly, this LW also serves the function of a noun in TWM with the meaning of “a devoted fan”: 3 GW N 他 曾 在 皮諾契特 任內 擔任 中級 文官 ， 直到 最近 他 一直 都 是 皮諾契 特 的 死忠 。

Judging from the research results, this LW has more functions in TWM than in TWH.

摃龜 kòng-ku The LWs that will be analysed next (kòng-ku, ku-mo͘ and ùn-chiàng) are mentioned in the “To fill in lexical gap” section in Hsieh and Yeh. Kòng-ku is a verb in TWH (MD). Although Hsieh and Yeh explain the meaning of this LWs as following: “a LW from Taiwanese meaning a failure in catching fish (…) or any kind of failure” (2004, pg. 10), it is said to have come to TWH through Japanese and English via the word “skunk” (スカンク sukanku or スコンク sukonku in Japanese respectively) (Yao,

34 1992, pg. 337) with the meaning of “to defeat overwhelmingly in a game or contest; often, specif., to keep from scoring any points” (collinsdictionary.com). The cuò zì of kòng-ku are 槓 龜 gàng guī. First the results for 摃龜 (the zhèng zì of kòng-ku) will be analysed. Kòng-ku is often seen in 全部 quán bù + kòng-ku structure, where it is usually used in the context of not getting a prize (lottery, sports competition). 1 GW V (…) 總計 中華 男子隊 獲得 一 金 二 銅 ， 中華 女子 選手 則 是 全部 摃龜 。 已 。 Follows an instance where it also functions as a noun. 2 GW: N 張嫌 隨後 拿起 彩券 當場 在 店 內 刮 了 起來 ， 不過 最後 還是 一 張 未 中 的 「 摃龜 」 (…) In the next example, kòng-ku is an adjective. 3 TT epochtimes.com ADJ (…) 其他 11 人 （ 含 摃龜 的 周思齊) 合計 只 佔 54％ 。 Analysing search results for 槓龜 kòng-ku (TWM gàng guī) showed same usage in quán bù, quán shù, tōng tōng etc. + kòng-ku structure, where kòng-ku is a verb: 4 TT news.cts.com.tw V 於是 他 進 了 彩券 行 (…) 結果 卻 是 通通 槓龜 (…) Usage example as a noun: 5 TT ellison.idv.tw N 去年 的 槓龜 的 感覺 又 出現 了 ... Lastly, an instance where kòng-ku functions as an adjective: 6 TT dandilion.com.tw 所以 不 算 妳 終結 了 槓龜 的 命運！ Studying this LW showed that it has more functions in TWM than in TWH.

龜毛 ku-mo͘ Ku-mo͘ is an adjective in TWH which means “picky, indecisive” (MD). It has a lot of search results in TT, which shows that it is a popular LW in TWM. In TWM, it also behaves as an adjective (1, 2) and a noun (3, 4), as it can be seen in the following examples. 1 GW ADJ 他 對 下 決定 可能 很 「 龜毛 」 ， 但 一旦 下 決定 卻 是 全力以赴 。 2 GW ADJ 雖然 錄音 情緒 開竅 、 變快 ， 但 古巨基 對 製作 過程 還是 一樣 「 龜 毛 」 (…) Also, N function in TWM with the meaning of “fussiness”: 3 GW N 金溥聰 則 說 自己 的 「 龜毛 」 早 就 被 磨光 了 。 4 TT N cwyuni.tw 日本人 的 龜毛 真是 世界 無敵 ， 就 連處 女座 的 我 也 完全 無 法 理解 他 們 的 龜毛 世界 。 (…)

35 Ku-mo͘ has more functions in TWM than in TWH.

運將 ùn-chiàng A LW meaning “driver” originally from Japanese 運ちゃん unchan which functions only as a noun in both TWM and TWH. 2016+ iTaigi Huá Tái duì zhào diǎn (ChhoeTaigi) provides a translation into TWM as 駕駛 jià shǐ (a verb), but it was not possible to find an example of that usage. There are more than a few examples of its usage as a noun in TWM. 1 TT N justlaw.com.tw 排擠 其他 非車隊 成 員 排班 ， 很多 「 運將 」 在 後 車廂 都 放置 好 幾個 不同 「 識別標誌 」 的 車頂燈 (…) 2 TT N protour.com.tw 而 這次負責 拉車 人員 是 一 位 女 運將 ， 佩服 她 過人 的 好 體力 (…) Another variant of ùn-chiàng is 運匠. There are no results for 運將 in GW, but searching this variant gives a handful of sentences. 3 GW N 據 這 名 檳榔 西施 說 ， 從 前天 開始 穿 起 這 套 耶誕裝 ， 就 吸引 不少 過路 「 運匠 」 的 目光 (…) Both characters 將 jiàng and 匠 jiàng have the same pronunciation in TWM, though different meaning. Compare the frequency of ùn-chiàng results with 將 jiàng: TT 0.59 per million tokens and with 匠 jiàng: TT 0.05 per million tokens. One could say that the motivation of using the former jiàng in this LW was because of its meaning of “a general”, such as the “commander” of a vehicle, whereas choosing the latter jiàng (“a craftsman”) invokes a feeling of ùn-chiàng being a profession, as this jiàng is one of the profession suffixes in TWM (such as 者 zhě or 家 jiā).

阿莎力 a-sá-lih 2002+ Tái Huá xiàn dǐng duì zhào diǎn (ChhoeTaigi) mentions 乾脆 gān cuì as a translation to TWM with the meaning of “straightforward” (ADJ), whereas the original meaning in Japanese (あっさり assari) is easily and readily – assari functions only as an ADV in Japanese (Takoboto). TWH adopted assari as a-sá-lih and then it was borrowed into TWM from there as 阿莎力 ā shā lì. Not only the meaning, but even the function has shifted according to the information what we get from dictionaries, let us see what we can discover in corpora.

36 Even though according to the dictionary a-sá-lih functions as an adjective, there are also examples of its usage as an adverb in TWH, mirroring its original function in Japanese. Furthermore, in example 2 the adverbial de is missing. 1 TT ADV taichung-house.url.tw (…) 一 戶 空間 不夠 ， 往往 就 阿莎力 地 買下 第 二 戶 拿來 合併 。 2 TT ADV leonaydns.pixnet.net (…) 經紀 人 不會 這麼 阿莎力 告訴 我 會去 跟 劇組 協 商 安排 時間 的 ， 不是嗎 ？ In Japanese, assari can either be used on its own (彼はその問題をあっさり解いた。 “He solved the difficult problem easily”) or with the to particle (彼女はあっさりと答えた。 “She answered easily”), so it is possible that number 2 is an instance of the influence of Japanese grammar. The example sentences in Japanese come from the Tatoeba website (accessed through Jisho, another Japanese dictionary). Examples of a-sá-lih being an adjective in TWH: 3 GW ADJ (…) 劉 議長 是 個 很 「 阿莎力 」 的 人 ， 因此 省府 的 答覆 也 很 「 阿莎力 」 (…) Considering the outcome of the analysis of a-sá-lih, we can say that this LW has combined the functions from both TWH and Japanese, which means that in the end its usage in TWM is the most diverse, serving as an adverb and an adjective.

囝仔 jiǎn zái This LW comes from the “Denotation of solidarity” section of Hsieh and Yeh. Although it is important to point out that this combination of characters, as it is used in Hsieh and Yeh, officially does not exist in TWH, because 囝 kiáⁿ means “a son, a daughter”, whereas 囡仔 gín-á means “a child” (“【囡仔囝】gín-á-kiánn” entry in Tái wān mǐn nán yǔ tuī jiàn yòng zì), therefore these characters are officially not interchangeable. Despite this, the cuò zì variant of this LW, 囝仔 jiǎn zái, (0.5 per million tokens in TT and 0.4 per million tokens in GW) is more common than the zhèng zì variant, 囡仔 gín-á, (0.12 per million tokens in TT and 0.06 per million tokens in GW). In search results jiǎn zái is often preceded by a place name or Taiwan, same function (like 在地人 zài dì rén) – most results show frequent “place name + gín-á” structure, as in examples 1–3. 1 TT vrwalker.net 一 個 在 地 的 澎湖 囝仔 ， 用 最 在 地 的 漁村 生活 、 讓 旅人 放慢 生活 步調 (…)

37 Exceptionally it is used outside of this structure, such as in: 2 TT app2.atmovies.com.tw 等 你 的 囝仔 出世、 阿母 打塊 比 別人 還大 的 金牌 Searching the zhèng zì variant 囡仔 gín-á yields many search results in TWH, however, there are some in TWM, too. 3 GW (…) 馬英九 表揚 穿越 帕米爾高原 的 台灣 囡仔 One could think that the function of the LW was restricted to only "place name + gín-á" structure, but there are other examples of its use in TWM, such as: 4 TT blog.sina.com.tw 認為 自己 是 在地 出生 的 囡仔 (…) The examination of gín-á is a perfect example of the zhèng zì and cuò zì usage problem in TWH which is then also reflected in TWM via TWH LWs. Despite this issue, it is still possible to find enough examples in corpora for analysis and see that it has its place among other TWH LWs.

熊熊 xióng xióng Xióng xióng is one of the LWs in the “Humorous effect” category in Hsieh and Yeh. Xióng xióng, along with kòng-ku and jiǎn zái, is another example of the usage of cuò zì and zhèng zì, the correct characters being 雄雄 hiông-hiông and the incorrect 熊熊 xióng xióng. 熊 is hîm in TWH, though both 雄 and 熊 are pronounced completely the same in TWM: xióng. Hiông- hiông is an adverb which means “suddenly, hurriedly” in TWM (MD). On one hand, the incorrect variant of this LW is usually in its original TWM meaning (either ADJ “raging” or N “a small bear”), not the TWH LW meaning, though there was at least one example of its usage in the TWH LW meaning. 1 TT gamme.com.tw ADV (…) 熊熊 買 了 好幾尊 (…) On the other hand, 雄雄 xióng xióng is more often in the function of a LW, but sometimes it is a reduplication of the ADJ 雄 xióng in TWM, so it was necessary to pay attention to this while analysing the search results in SE. 2 TT ADV zi.media 我 跟 阿良熱 到 一 個 不 行 跑去 吃 冰 客 多時 才 雄雄 想到 這 家 獅子 林 的 中式 早餐 呀。 3 TT ADV cwyuni.tw 我 前幾天 也 是 雄雄 忘記 自己 的 一 堆 密碼 Otherwise, the function is the same in TWH and TWM.

在地人 chāi-tē-lâng Chāi-tē-lâng, together with xióng xióng and thih-khí, comes from the “Humorous effect” category in Hsieh and Yeh. Chāi-tē-lâng (in TWM zài dì rén) means “locals” in TWM, its

38 equivalent expression in TWM is 本地人 běn dì rén (MD). As for its usage pattern in TWM, it is often preceded by place name (more often without 的 de). Even though it is synonymous in meaning to běn dì rén, Hsieh and Yeh argue that using such LWs in either writing or speech lifts the atmosphere and adds a humorous context (2004, pg. 14). 1 TT N iguang.tw 今天 為 大家 精選 出 11 家 彰化 在地人 最 愛吃 的 麵店 (…) 2 GW N 負責人 陳碧蓮 是 土城市 的 在地人 。 Zài dì rén is also frequently used outside this structure, such as in: 3 GW N (…) 讓 在地人 認識 最 本土 的 故鄉 賢人 。

鐵齒 thih-khí Thih-khí (TWM: tiě chǐ) is an adjective in TWH (MD). Hsieh and Yeh translate it as “self- opinionated” (2004, pg. 14), whereas MD offers 倔强 jué jiàng and tiě chǐ itself as translation into TWM, which shows that this LW is already well integrated in the language. It is also listed in the “Accurate and vivid words” section in Yen (2008, pg. 58). Composition-wise, it is a N+N compound. As for the search results, there are examples of adjectival usage, but also possibly adverbial, as tiě chǐ is followed by a verb in sentences 3 and 4. 1 GW ADJ (…) 林繼謨 勸 他 要 接受 詳細 檢查 ， 但是 「 鐵齒 」 的 林明發 認為 只要 吃 藥 就 好 (…) 2 TT stroke.com.tw ADJ 心臟科 專家 建議 ， 運動員 最好 不要 鐵齒 ， 自 認為 身 強力壯 。 3 GW ADV 交通 罰單 人人 怕 ， 但 就是 有 人 鐵齒 不 繳 罰款 。 4 TT cwyuni.tw ADV 鐵齒 沒帶 大衣 去 紐澤 西 州 面試 的 我 ， 回家 路上 凍 的 直 打 哆 (…)

鬱卒 ut-chut Ut-chut (TWM: yù zú) is an example of a LW well incorporated into TWM. Hsieh and Yeh translate it as the adjective “gloomy” and together with xiā mǐ they mention it in the “Touch of fashion” category in their work (2004, pg. 14). Apart from its function as an adjective, it also seems to behave as a verb in some sentences. In number 2 yù zú is followed by the aspect marker 了 le and an expression of duration of time, and in the last sentence it is accompanied by the directional complement xia qu. 1 TT books.com.tw ADJ 這年頭 ， 連 神 都 鬱卒 到 需要 看 心理 醫生 ！

39 2 TT dancers.com.tw V 事後 老朱 也 頗為 懊惱 ， 鬱卒 了 好幾天， 心 裡直 在 嘀咕 著 (…) 3 TT suet1220.mysinablog.com V 因為 我 不 想 再 鬱卒 下去

蝦米 xiā mǐ In this instance, there are many variants of a single LW examples of which can be found in the corpora. Apart from xiā mǐ there are also: 啥米 shá mǐ, 啥咪 shá mī and 啥物 sián-mi̍ h, with the last one being the TWH zhèng zì. This polymorphous LW means “what”, sián-mi̍ h literally means “what thing”. When looking at the search results in SE, the majority of xiā mǐ examples seem to be used in its original TWM meaning (GYCD), but there are also some in the TWH LW meaning: 1 TT blog.roodo.com 我 去 問問 我 的 領路人 好了 ， 看他 知 不 知道 這 是 蝦米 歌 謠 。 Results for shá mǐ, on the other hand, show that this variant of the LW directly corresponds to its TWH meaning. 2 TT dow10k.com (…) 因為 想 玩線 上 遊戲 但 不 曉得 要 玩 啥米 ~ 還請 各位 幫 . The same in the case of shá mī: 3 TT me4child.com 要 吃 啥咪 不 用 擔心 ， 有 中文 菜單喔 ! As for the results for sián-mi̍ h, most entries are in TWH: “(…) 佇冬山 ui 七 點出發 ， 一路 向 北爿 一直 駛 ， 東望 西望 ， 看有 啥物 好 光景 通翕 無 ？(…)” (TT: blog.ilc.edu.tw) However, there are some, though not many, entries in TWM that use zhèng zì: 4 TT laes.ntcu.edu.tw 孩子 出生前 ， 他 們並 不 知道 手機 、 Ipad 是 啥物 ， 因為 父母 總 在 一旁 玩兒 As the analysis of this LW shows, it is preferable for TWM speakers to use a variant that closely resembles the pronunciation in the donor language rather than to use the zhèng zì variant of the LW in the donor language which is not pronounced completely in a similar way in the recipient language (compare 米 mǐ and 物 wù in TWM). Despite this issue, it can be considered as a commonly used TWH LW in TWM.

黑白 hēi bái The last two analysed LWs in the TWH section of this work come from the “Expressiveness” category in Hsieh and Yeh. The first loan, o͘-pe̍ h (or in TWM hēi bái), is mentioned in

40 Hsieh and Yeh in the phrase 黑白講 hēi bái jiǎng, translated as “to talk rot” and compared with TWM expressions 胡説 hú shuō and 亂講 luàn jiǎng. It is important to point out that the colour black in TWH is 烏 o͘, not 黑 hēi, therefore hēi bái is the TWM equivalent of o͘-pe̍ h. However, using hēi bái in TWH would be considered a cuò zì usage. Furthermore, it is necessary to mention that neither Hsieh and Yeh nor Yen mention the zhèng zì variant of this LW.

O͘-pe̍ h itself can be an adverb, an adjective, and a noun in TWH, but only the adverbial function with the meaning of 亂來 luàn lái and 隨便 suí biàn (MD) that suits the aim of this research will be analysed here. To follow the expression used in Hsieh and Yeh, the hēi bái + V structure in TWM will also be studied here. This structure is also mentioned in Yen, where the author writes about such “compound words” (合成詞 hé chéng cí) taking up quite a considerable part in TWM, where they appear in ADV+V structures (2008, pg. 57). Now for the hēi bái search results in combination with various verbs: 1 TT ADV mitsubishi-motors-young.com.tw 等待 之 餘 ， 孩子 們 乾脆 三三兩兩 玩 起 黑白 猜， 或 嘰嘰 喳喳 地 吵鬧 著 ， 氣氛 歡愉 。 2 TT ADV readingtimes.com.tw (…) 美國 仍 有 二十二 個 州 的 法律 明文 禁止 黑白 通婚 (…) 3 TT ADV buzzlife.com.tw (…) 規律 睡眠 時間 ， 不 要 黑白 顛倒， 讓身體 都 無法 跟上 (…) It is intriguing to see that there are also disyllabic verbs (2 and 3) in this structure (compare with monosyllable verb examples in Yen and Hsieh and Yeh). Searching for o͘-pe̍ h usage examples did not yield any entries in GW and the results in TT were only in TWH, therefore they were not suitable for analysis. When focusing on hēi bái jiǎng, it was possible to retrieve instances of usage in corpora, one example below. Similarly to o͘-pe̍ h, there were no results for 烏白講 o͘-pe̍ h-kóng in GW and the entries in TT were only in TWH. 4 GW 連戰 根本 沒有 講 過 金門人 是 暴民 的 話 ， 對方 是 為了 選舉 而 「 黑白 講 」 ， 冤枉 好人 。 In the end, hēi bái is a great example of how not only single LWs can be incorporated by the recipient language, but how even a grammatical structure can be adopted, which proves the close relation of these two languages even despite them not being mutually intelligible.

41 雞婆 jī pó Jī pó (TWH ke-pô), with the meaning of “nosy” (Hsieh and Yeh, 2004, pg. 16), is the last TWH LW examined in this section. Ke-pô is both a verb and an adjective in TWH (MD). Again, we meet a LW with zhèng zì and cuò zì variants. The zhèng zì variant is 家婆 ke-pô and 雞婆 (鷄婆) jī pó the cuò zì variant. One could argue that after a word is borrowed into the recipient language, it should be treated as a vocabulary of the recipient language. However, from the perspective of TWH, jī pó is the incorrect and unofficial “spelling” of this LW. Hsieh and Yeh do not explain the choice of characters for jī pó, although pronunciation-wise both 家 ke (大家 tāi-ke) and 鷄 ke (鷄肉 ke-bah) are the same in TWH, which would justify the cuò zì form. Following are the search results for jī pó with both variants of jī: 鷄 and 雞: 1 GW ADJ 張國榮 形容 自己 是 很 「 雞婆 」 的 演員 ， 在 拍 電影 時 ， 不只 關 心 自己 的 角色 ， 對 導演 及 攝影 也 不斷 提出 意見 。 （ 2 TT N backpackers.com.tw 晚上 在 超市 裡 , 人 很多 , 一 個 人 硬 要 幫 我 插隊 , 他 對 我 前面 的 老太太 說 我 只有 兩樣 東西 , 可以 讓 我 先 過嗎 , 我 又 不 趕時間 , 真是 謝謝 他 的 鷄婆。 3 TT V pedia.cloud.edu.tw 不用 你 雞婆 ， 我 家 的 事情 我 自己 會處 理 。 The usage examples in corpora entries show us that jī pó in TWM behaves not only as a verb (3) and an adjective (1), but also as a noun (2), which demonstrates its high degree of incorporation in the recipient language. In the second example, jī pó is in brackets and this can be seen in other LWs as well, which might be because of their usage in more official texts, e.g. newspapers, as GW has data crawled from journalist texts. Concerning 家婆 ke-pô, searching it in corpora shows that it is most often used in its original TWM meaning and some of the entries are also in Cantonese. There were no instances where it would be used in the TWH meaning.

3.2.2 Japanese Loanwords In this section there is an analysis of Japanese LWs in TWM that have been selected from the following works: Wu, 2013 (cuī mián and chōu xiàng – pg. 107), Hsieh and Hsu, 2006 (xiàng zhēng, jī jí, jiàn xí and xiě zhēn) and Chung, 2001 (yì jí bàng, dà zhàng fū and jiàn shè).

42 催眠 cuī mián The first Japanese LW analysed in this section is cuī mián (hiragana: さいみん saimin) with the meaning of “hypnosis”. It is marked and translated as a noun by both TWM (GYCD) and Japanese (TBT) dictionaries. If we look at the corpora search results, numbers 1-2 show instances of cuī mián being a noun. 1 GW N 他 以 催眠 方式 ， 讓 病人 放鬆 精神 、 意志 ， 催眠 後 的 病患 宛如 進 入 時光 隧道 (…) 2 TT reconnectiontaiwan.tw N 所以 這次 催眠 的 主題 是 姻緣 和 未來 (…) Despite cuī mián being described as a noun in the dictionaries, there are examples of it functioning as a verb (see 3 and 4 below). That might be due to the two-character composition of this LW – cuī as a verb and mián as a noun – which is quite common in Chinese languages. Because of this composition, cuī mián can behave both as a noun and a verb in TWM, however, in Japanese, that cannot implement this type of usage, one needs to use the expression 催眠術 をかける saiminjutsu wo kakeru to talk about the verb to hypnotise. Usage examples, where cuī mián is a verb: 3 TT womany.net V 社會 媒 體 似乎 不斷 的 催眠 著 年輕 女性 (...) “不斷地催眠自己” bú duàn de cuī mián zì jǐ also appears in other search results in TT at: tiida.club.tw, dtmsimon.com, funnid.com and others. 4 GW V (…) 人 在 被 催眠 狀態 下 (…) In the case of cuī mián, the extent of usability of a LW is broader in the recipient language than in the donor language. This might be caused by the fact that the structure of the LW is native to TWM.

抽象 chōu xiàng TWM dictionaries in MD write that chōu xiàng (hiragana: ちゅうしょう chūshō) is both an adjective and a noun with the meaning of “abstract, abstraction” (GYCD), whereas in Japanese dictionaries it is a noun, an adjective and a verb which needs the auxiliary verb する suru (TBT). In order for it to function as an adjective in Japanese, it either needs the adjectival -teki (的 てき) suffix: 抽象的 (ちゅうしょうてき chūshōteki, a NA adjective in Japanese) or the の no particle (ibid.). ADJ usage example: 1 TT share.public.com.tw (…) 比較 抽象 的 題目， 例如 服務 、 熱情 等 (…)

43 N usage example: 2 TT blog.sina.com.tw (…) 這種 抽象 是 必 須 建立 在 諸多 細枝 末節 之上 的 超乎 歸納 綜合 的 一 種 質變式 的 提昇。 V usage example (chōu xiàng + directional complement): 3 TT newmsgr.pct.org.tw (…) 將 藝術 精神 從 自然 中 抽象 出來。 Chōu xiàng, similarly to cuī mián, is also a LW built in the two-character verb-noun composition and it can change its function without bigger effort in TWM. However, in the case of chōu xiàng, chūshō in Japanese needs fewer changes in order for it to function differently than a noun, especially in the case of the verb function (compare saiminjutsu wo kakeru and chūshō suru, where suru is one of the most frequent verbs in Japanese and one does not need to use another particle, unlike the case of saimin). This can also be seen in the dictionary, where chūshō itself is already marked as N, V and ADJ. Concerning the behaviour of this LW in TWM, despite chōu xiàng being labelled only as ADJ (1) and N (2) in MD, it also exhibits the behaviour of a verb, as shown in example 3. This means, that after analysing it, it is evident that the number of functions is the same in both the donor and the recipient language. Comparing cuī mián and chōu xiàng furthermore raises a question, why in the case of two LWs structured the same way, their usage in the donor language is different? Answering this question would perhaps require a deeper understanding of the Japanese language. Nevertheless, this is not something this thesis would be focusing on.

象徵 xiàng zhēng Moving to Hsieh and Hsu, this is the first LW examined from their work in this thesis. Xiàng zhēng (kanji: 象徴, hiragana: しょうちょう shōchō) can be found in the section of

“form meaning reproduction” in Hsieh and Hsu (2006, pg. 54) who classify it as an indirect borrowing from Japanese. MD dictionaries translate xiàng zhēng both as a noun and a verb, “a symbol” and “to symbolise” (GYCD). In Takoboto, shōchō is marked as a noun and a verb, when used with する suru (TBT). Shōchō can also be a NA-adjective with the -teki suffix (象 徴的 shōchōteki, symbolic). V usage examples in TWM (in 2 and 3 with different aspect markers): 1 TT onlypet.com.tw (…) 象徵 著 愛 與 月亮 的 義意 。 N usage example: 2 GW (…) 這 是 榮譽 與 友誼 的 象徵 (…) ADJ usage examples (both with and without de):

44 3 GW (…) 具 象徵 意義 。 4 TT tipp.org.tw (…) 但 每 一 首 歌 都 有 象徵 的 意涵 (…) Judging from the analysis results and the information available in dictionaries, the TWM xiàng zhēng and Japanese shōchō have the same usage and meaning. Studying other Japanese LWs in TWM proved that TWM can easily adopt words from Japanese which have a structure native to TWM (disyllabic, in Chinese characters) and employ them smoothly. Xiàng zhēng is no exception: in addition to its N and V function, it is also used as an adjective both with and without the attributive de (in Japanese shōchō only functions as an adjective with the -teki suffix).

積極 jī jí Sekkyoku (hiragana: せっきょく) acts as a NA-adjective with the -teki suffix in Japanese

(see chōu xiàng for comparison) (TBT). As dictionaries show, its meaning is the same in Japanese and in TWM and in both languages it functions as an adjective with the meaning of “positive” (MD), although the first explanation in GYCD says that it is a verb (“to take or show initiative”), followed by the second explanation which describes it as an adjective. Without the -teki suffix, sekkyoku can, according to the dictionaries, also function as a noun and a verb in Japanese (TBT). Searching this expression in both corpora gives a large number of results (311.91 per million tokens in GW and 73.99 per million tokens in TT). Corpora search results: 1 GW ADJ (…) 能 為 兩岸 營造 一 個 新 而 積極 的 氣氛。 2 TT e-info.org.tw ADJ (…) 結果 得到 積極 回應。 Examples above show that jī jí as an adjective can be used both with (1) and without (2) the attributive de. 3 TT itsfun.com.tw (…) 在 國際 社會 的 積極 斡旋 下 (…) In number 3 it is in a structure “under the active X (of)”, where it might function either as an adjective describing the verb (which acts as a noun in these cases) or as a verb emphasising the proactive behaviour of the subject in the action of the verb that follows it. 4 TT nbic.org.tw V (…) 韓國 及 印度 也 積極 在 推動 國際 醫療 (…) Jī jí in the preceding sample behaves as a verb in the meaning of “taking the initiative (to/in)”. 5 GW V (…) 其餘 正在 積極 辦理 中。

45 Example 5 demonstrates more of jī jí's behaviour as a verb, when it is in combination with another verb that follows it directly. In the case of this construction, it is possible to say that jī jí conveys a meaning of “taking the initiative to do something” or “actively doing something”. Number 5 also contains another structure: zhèng zài + jī jí + (action) + zhōng. In this instance, it could be translated as “in the middle of taking the initiative in an action”. 6 TT s3.match.net.tw N (…) 我 便 感受 到 醫護人員 的 積極 (…) This LW exhibits the behaviour of a noun in the last example shown in this part. Looking at jī jí from a higher perspective gives us the possibility to observe a LW whose usage in TWM is so widespread, that it can be seen in many different structures acting as multiple parts of speech, namely as a noun, a verb, and an adjective. Concerning the usage comparison with the original language, this LW has the same functions in TWM as it does in Japanese.

見習 jiàn xí Jiàn xí appears both in Hsieh and Hsu, where it is marked as a “direct borrowing” (2006, pp. 57–58) and in Yao, where it is categorized as a type of 形譯 xíng yì LWs in TWM which Yao calls “genuine LWs” (真正借詞 zhēn zhèng jiè cí) (1992, pp. 332–333). Minarai (hiragana: み

ならい) is also written as 見習い in Japanese, from the verb 見習う minarau (mi – to see, narau – to learn). TBT writes that minarai is a noun meaning either “apprenticeship, learning by observation” or “apprentice” (TBT). Both GYCD and LACD translate it as “to learn on the job” and LACD explains it as “to learn by observation at the site”. V usage example: 1 GW (…) 也 有 每 學期 來 這 個 中心 見習 。 N usage example: 2 TT tzuchi.org.tw (…) 參與 為期 兩個 月 的 見習 。 “Jiàn xí + profession” structure example, where jiàn xí means apprentice (ADJ): 3 TT ivideo.com.tw (…) 決定 獻身 救助 迷途 孤女 為 己任 ， 並當 上 了 見習 修女。 TWM in the case of jiàn xí managed to employ all the functions of minarai in the donor language, which might be again due to the structure of the LW which is native to TWM.

寫真 xiě zhēn Chung writes that xiězhēn (kanji: 写真, hiragana: しゃしん shashin) is a LW from Japanese that refers to “art or often sexy photographs of pop stars or others”. When collected

46 in an album, the expression 寫真集 xiězhēnjí would be used, where xiězhēn has “the more general meaning of the Japanese term” and the author further argues that the latter meaning is used in Taiwan. (2001, pg. 7) The descriptions in nor GYCD and neither LACD mention the sexual (or artistic) context of this LW, though the French translation provided in there does, and the corpora search results prove that, too. 1 GW (…) 這 是 他 「 二十世紀 最後 」 的 全裸 寫真 (…) There are examples of usage outside sexual context, where it is sometimes difficult to determine, whether it is in the meaning of a “portrait” (original TWM meaning), as described by LACD and GYCD, or “the more general meaning” of shashin (the meaning borrowed from Japanese), as mentioned by Chung. 2 TT digiphoto.techbang.com (…) 甚至 有些 朋友 會 有點 抗拒 與 家庭 有關 的 寫真 攝影。 The analysis of xiě zhēn shows that when the recipient language adopts a LW, in this case a revival, which is very close in meaning to a word that already exists in the recipient language, it can be difficult to easily determine, when it is used in its original and adopted meaning. Despite this complication, TWM still has incorporated the usage of this LW and in this case its meaning has shifted, depicting a more detailed concept.

一級棒 yì jí bàng The last three Japanese LWs in TWM examined in this section are from Chung, 2001. Chung classifies the first of them, yì jí bàng, as a recent phonetic loan (2001, pg. 4). This loan comes from the Japanese expression 一番 (hiragana: いちばん ichiban), where it functions as a noun and an adverb (TBT). LACD also mentions the Japanese origin of yì jí bàng and translates it as “excellent” and “first-rate”. Now let us have a look at some usage examples. Adverbial construction without de: 1 GW ADV (…) 洪玉欽 做 事 一級棒 (…) Construction with de as a complement of degree (though not always with the correct de): 2 GW (…) 陳水扁 和藹可親 ， 把 台北市 治理 得 一級棒 (…) 3 GW (…) 英文 講 的 一級棒 的 他 (…) It is most often seen in the function of an adjective, though interestingly enough without 很 hěn (unless when in a grammatical structure together with shì) which one would expect to be used alongside an adjective in TWM. Example 4 shows that yì jí bàng can describe quality.

47 4 GW ADJ (…) 除 品質 一級棒 外 (…) In the following example it is used together with another Japanese LW, ninki. One could say that it is this way because using a LW from a certain language incites using another LW from the same language in sequence but analysing other LWs in this thesis has not given basis necessary for this hypothesis. 5 GW ADJ 目前 人氣 一級棒 的 澎恰恰 和 許效舜 表示 (…) Another possible explanation of this behaviour could be that it is often used in that combination in the original language. Thanks to SE, it is easy to prove such a statement. After searching for the combination of ichiban and ninki in the Concordance app of the biggest Japanese corpus available on SE, Japanese Web 2011 (further as JW), it was soon very clear that this is the correct interpretation, as that combination of lemmas gave more than thirty-four thousand search results. Although it appears that, unlike in TWM, in Japanese ichiban almost always precedes ninki. See one out of the many examples below. JW food.kikakushin.com (…) 『 ソース やきそば 』 が 一番 人気 です ！ GW examples show that yì jí bàng has a wide range of application, functioning both as an adjective and (though not as often) an adverb while characterising an excellent nature of a noun or an exquisite degree of a verb. The results from TT, when put together with GW usage examples, further confirm that yì jí bàng can describe attributes of both human-related and inanimate nouns. Taking all the possible usages of yì jí bàng in TWM into consideration, one could say that this LW has its well-established place in TWM, despite it being labelled as a recent phonetic loan in Chung, 2001.

大丈夫 dà zhàng fū Chung (2001, pg. 6) classifies dà zhàng fū as a LW “in spoken form only”. MD dictionaries do not mention the meaning borrowed from the Japanese daijōbu which is described as “alright” or “okay” (and much more) in TBT. The word entry in TBT also mentions its nowadays archaic meaning in Japanese “great man”, which is the meaning that the original TWM expression conveys, too. MD dictionaries translate it as “a manly man”. Examining the search results of this word in GW showed that in this corpus there are only examples of its original TWM meaning. 1 GW (…) 才 是 男子漢 大丈夫 。 Looking at the results in TT in Concordance also proved that the most common usage is in the original TWM meaning. There were also some instances of it being used in Japanese,

48 such as: “(…) 一直 問 我 大丈夫 ですか?” (blog.fashionguide.com.tw, TT) or “(…) 讓你 到 日本 不 論 是 出差 或 自由 行 , 通通 大丈夫 です！” (1111edu.com.tw, TT). However, it is possible to find examples of LW usage in TWM: 2 TT silkbook.com 這樣 的 隊伍 真的 大丈夫 嗎？ 3 TT eslite.com (…) 這樣 下去 真的 大丈夫 嗎？ Seeing that the usage of dà zhàng fū in corpora is almost in all the cases in its original TWM meaning and that the few available examples of it being used in the Japanese meaning all share the same structure (really + okay + question), analysing this LW confirmed that this LW is used in its spoken form most of the time. It is perhaps because of the big difference of the two meanings of this word in TWM and Japanese which can be written using the same Chinese characters. It is highly likely that in the examples 4-6 dà zhàng fū would be pronounced as daijōbu.

建設 jiàn shè As Chung writes, jiàn shè (hiragana: けんせつ kensetsu) is a type of LW – a graphic loan – which was constructed from Chinese morphemes by the Japanese, then adopted back into the Chinese language and further used to form longer expressions (2001, pg. 8). According to Japanese dictionaries, kensetsu can be used as a noun, as a verb (with suru) and as an adjective (with -teki) (TBT) and MD dictionaries mention the same about jiàn shè. MD translates jiàn shè as “to construct, construction, constructive”. N usage example: 1 GW (…) 加速 農漁村 的 建設 (…) V usage example: 2 TT mypaper.pchome.com.tw (…) 把 台灣 建設 成 一 個進 步 的 象徵 (…) ADJ usage examples: 3 TT ithelp.ithome.com.tw (…) 也 要 有 非常 建設 的 計劃 才 行 (…) Though there are examples of usage of jiàn shè as an adjective, it is more common to use it with the -xìng suffix (jiàn shè xìng) that Chung also labels as a form of Japanese influence on TWM (2001, pg. 7), so this adjective is a perfect example of the Japanese influence on TWM. What makes this instance of combining two foreign influences in TWM more intriguing is that there is no kenstetsusei (建設性 けんせつせい) entry in Japanese dictionaries. However, there are some examples of kenstetsusei in the Japanese Web 2011 corpus in SE: “(…) お前 の 策 に は 建設性 が ない (…)” (jugem.jp, Japanese Web 2011).

49 Examples with jiàn shè xìng which can be used either as an adjective or a noun in TWM: 4 GW ADJ (…) 而 嘗試 以 建設性 的 批評 、 監督 來 參與 議事 。 5 TT mababy.com.tw N (…) 這樣 的 吵架 對於 夫妻 之 間 的 關係 就 沒有 建設性 (…) Taking the results of the examination of jiàn shè into consideration, it is possible to say that TWM is not only able of smoothly adopting LWs from Japanese, but it can also work with them further, combine them and form new words on its own.

3.2.3 English Loanwords The third and last section analysing LWs, in this case English loans in TWM. Words for examination were chosen from Cheung, 2019 (xiù dou), Xie, 2010 (xiě pīn, VIP), Klöter, 2009 (yìng dié) and Wu, 2013 (xiū kè, luó jí, feel, yōu mò and tián xīn).

秀逗 xiù dou Xiù dou is a phonetic loan which came into TWM through Japanese ショート shōto, originally from English short (LACD). MD translates it as “to short circuit” or figuratively “to get one's wires crossed” and more, all translations being verbs (ibid.). Multiple online English- English dictionaries (Cambridge, Macmillan, Merriam-Webster) mention that short can function as an adjective, an adverb, a noun, and a verb. TBT shows that shōto can be used as an adjective and a noun. Judging just from this dictionary comparison, xiù dou has lost its PoS diversity. Search results: 1 GW V (…) 他 形容 自己 是 「 老 了 才 出 疹 」 ， 連 原本 覺得 他 腦子 「 秀逗 了 」 才 去 參加 繞圈圈 跑 一 整 天 的 家人 也 開始 覺得 他 真的 「 很 厲害 」 。 2 GW ADJ 比利 有 一 個 天真 秀逗 的 阿媽 ， 常 迷失 街頭 (…) Results show that it is used both in technological (1) and psychological (2) contexts, and in addition to being a verb, it also exhibits the behaviour of an adjective. It is often seen together with expressions for “brain” or “mind”, such as 腦袋 nǎo dài, 腦子 nǎo zi, 腦筋 nǎo jīn etc., when describing a person who might not be able to think clearly. One could say that in this case it almost always is a verb When used as an adjective in the same meaning, xiù dou is not always accompanied by the possessive particle 的 de, as in TT webrush.net “(…) 鄉民 群聚 來看 這 秀逗 小子 出洋 相 (…)” or in 4. Furthermore, the corpora data also show that it can serve as a noun.

50 3 TT jesse080.pixnet.net N (…) 終於 知道 天蠍 的 秀逗 不 只 我 一 人 了 (…) In the end, research results differ from what the dictionary says, showing that the function of xiù dou is not limited to being just a verb, but it also behaves as an adjective and a noun. However, even after discovering the noun function in TWM, xiù dou has fewer functions than short in English.

血拼 xiě pīn Xiě pīn is a phonetic loan from the English shopping (-ing form of the verb to shop). LACD mentions that xuè pīn is Mainland pronunciation and further providing a Taiwanese variant of this LW 瞎拼 xiā pīn (sometimes also written as 瞎拚, where 拚 pīn is a variant of 拼. Both variants are translated to English as “shopping as a fun pastime”, whereas the explanation in Chinese (in GYCD and LACD) offers a rather different context, explaining this LW as “to buy products using a lot of money” and “to shop crazily”. It can be seen combined with 大 dà, in which case dà probably emphasises this “crazy” context. a) results for 血拼: 1 GW V (…) 九七 以後 ， 大家 可以 不必 到 香港 、 而 到 琉球 血拼 。 2 GW V (…) 趁著 年終 大 減價 好好 「 血拼 」 一 番 (…) One could expect xiě pīn to be preceded by 去 qù (to go), just like in English by (to) go. However, as the results show, TWM has dropped the “to go” verb that the expression in English would demand and created a verb from the -ing form of the verb to shop. It can be seen used with qù, where it would appear to be in the the “to go + V-ing” structure (to go shopping), but from the perspective of Chinese grammar it is the same as “to go (to) shop” (the shop in this case is a verb). That is because TWM has absorbed the -ing form of to shop and regardless of that it behaves as a regular verb in TWM. See “to go (去 qù or 到 dào) to (somewhere) + xiě pīn” structure in number 1, “五月 打算 去 韓國 血拼 (…)” (TT noname.tw), “到 新加坡 血 拼 (…)” (TT blog.mjjq.com) etc. This raises a question, why did it happen this way? TWM could have as well used a phonetic transcription of the sound of “shop” to fulfil the purpose of a LW, however, that is not the case of xiě pīn. A possible explanation could be that the ing form of the verb “to shop” is used so frequently that it encouraged TWM speakers to choose it over the infinitive form for creating this LW. Using xiě pīn in the abovementioned structure with TWM verbs with the “to go” meaning then mimics the expression “to go shopping” the same way it is in English. Xiě pīn can be seen combined with the 族 -zú suffix (also see 14)

51 3 GW (…) １９９６年 網路 血拼族 只有 ５００萬 人 (…) b) results for 瞎拼: This variant, xiā pīn, is closer to the American pronunciation of the word shopping. Its usage is the same as with xiě pīn, though it yields fewer search results in both corpora. 4 TT galilee.com.tw V (…) 讓 全家 大小 都 沐浴 在 瞎拼 的 歡樂 氣氛中！ Xiā pīn is sometimes accompanied by synonymous expressions either before or after itself. 5 GW V (…) 用 最少 的 錢 瞎拼 購物 照樣 帶勁 。 In the following two cases its “crazy” meaning is emphasised by 瘋狂 fēng kuáng, in 6 it is also combined with 大 dà, whereas in 7 again together with a synonym and (yī) zú suffix (see 4). Otherwise, its usage is the same as xiě pīn. 6 GW V (…) 民眾 才 會 瘋狂 大 瞎拼 (…) 7 GW (…) 在 不景氣 的 壓力 下 ， 原本 總 瘋狂 購物 的 瞎拼 一 族 也 開始 節制 消 費 慾望 和 行為 (…) c) results for 瞎拚: This variant of xiā pīn yields the least results out of the three possible variants. 8 GW V (…) 今年 的 「 瞎拚 」 消費者 多 採取 信用卡 付賬 。 It is also side by side with a synonym in the last example. 9 GW V (…) 今年 耶誕節 至 新年 期間 的 「 瞎拚 」 購物 潮 出現 嚴重 衰退 (…)

VIP Online English-English dictionaries mark VIP (very important person) as a noun. An example of N usage in corpora: 1 GW 一 位 美國 加州 來 的 女士 則 說 這 位 VIP 很 酷 。 In number 2 it is together with its synonymous expression 貴賓 guì bīn in TWM. 2 GW (…) 日亞航 視 李登輝 為 VIP 貴賓 (…) Examples of ADJ usage combined with words in TWM with meanings of guest, member, (member) card and such. The “VIP + 卡 kǎ (card)” combination is commonplace. 3 TT ipeen.com.tw (…) 老闆 還給 我們 獨家 會員 VIP 卡 可以 兌換價 值 1980 元 的 四 人 套餐 (…) ADJ usage with VIP places (room, area, etc.): 4 GW (…) 大亞店 這 九 間 主題 VIP 室 更 擁有 行動 辦公室 (…)

52 Other examples of ADJ usage (treatment, service, feeling, privilege, …). The combined use with 服務 fú wù (service) is very frequent. 5 TT sunnyhouse.freebbs.tw (…) 熟客 可享 最 真的 VIP 服務 (…) Results show that the use of a LW written using the Latin script is possible in TWM and to a great (though still limited) extent of usage, showing the flexibility of the language

硬碟 yìng dié GYCD entry notes that yìng dié is an abbreviation of 硬式磁碟機 yìng shì cí dié jī and the English translation below mentions “(Tw)”, hinting at the term being used primarily in TWM. LACD also shows that it is a TWM expression, comparing it with Mainland usage of 硬盤 yìng pán and 硬磁盤 yìng cí pán. Corpora search results numbers show that yìng dié is a commonly used LW in TWM: TT 22.66 per million tokens (compare yìng pán: 1 per million tokens), GW 1.55 per million tokens (compare yìng pán: 0.07 per million tokens). Yìng cí pán yields only one search result in both corpora. Klöter marks yìng dié as a calque and explains that this type of LW does not preserve the phonetic form of the word in the donor language (compare xiě pīn and xiù dou), but it translates the morphemes of the original word into the morphemes of the recipient language, which means that LWs like yìng dié maintain the morphological structure of the expression in the donor language. (2009, pg. 15) Usage examples in corpora, yìng dié is always a noun: 1 GW 目前 市面 上 買不到 硬碟 的 現象 (…) 2 GW (…) 不 含 螢幕 、 硬碟 及 數據機 的 陽春型 桌上型 電腦 (…) 3 TT 3c.ltn.com.tw (…) 低階電腦機型 會開 始 配備 快速 的 SSD 硬碟 了 ！ In examples 1 and 2 it can be seen used by itself and in 3 accompanied by a closely specifying attribute. Search results show that in case of a semantic loan, grammar-wise, there are no bigger obstructions for a full implementation in the recipient language. Yìng dié is also an example of how the technological terms differ on Mainland and Taiwan.

休克 xiū kè Xiū kè, together with luó jí, feel and yōu mò, can be categorised as a phonetic loan (音譯詞 yīn yì cí), such as it is in Wu, 2013. MD's Mandarin-Mandarin dictionaries (GYCD and LACD) describe xiū kè as a LW originating from English shock and according to them it is used in

53 medical context. They provide the translation into English “shock (LW), to go into shock”, so it can be used both as a noun and a verb (ibid.). CaD and McM, too, categorize shock both as a noun and a verb, MeW adds an adjective function. Here follows the analysis of research results 1 GW V (…) 以致 細胞 組織 缺氧 而 休克 。 Xiū kè in the first entry functions as a verb. TWM has in this case made a shortcut, reducing the original verb “to go into shock” to just “shock”. 2 GW N (…) 當 演變成 敗 血性 休克 時 (…) 敗血性休克 bài xuè xìng xiū kè is a fixed collocation used in medicine which means “septic shock”, therefore in this example xiū kè is a noun. 3 GW N (…) 而 易 導致 危險 的 低血糖 休克 。 Another example of a medicine-related usage, this time “hypoglycaemic shock”, again as a noun. 4 GW ADJ (…) 從而 使 葉爾勤 在 俄羅斯 經濟 衰退聲 中 ， 不得不 停止 休克 療法 (…) In this case it functions as an adjective in the meaning of “shock therapy” which is a term used in economic contexts. Even though this loan is used almost only in medical context, its usage is nonetheless frequent and the number of functions in TWM is the same as in English.

邏輯 luó jí MD dictionaries provide information that luó jí, another phonetic loan, is a LW in TWM coming from the English logic. According to all three online English dictionaries which are being used in this section, logic is solely a noun in English. a) An example of noun usage: 1 TT hef.yam.org.tw (…) 這是 一 個 很 奇怪 的 邏輯 。 b) Usage in official terminology (like xiū kè in this aspect), adjectival function in 2 luó jí tuī lǐ means “logical reasoning”. Other examples: 邏輯思維 luó jí sī wéi means “logical thinking” or 邏輯判斷 luó jí pàn duàn means “logical judgement”. 2 TT newsletter.lib.ntu.edu.tw (…) 透過 抽象 和 邏輯 推理 的 運用 (…) (…)

54 c) The following is a case of luó jí being an adjective, mimicking the English logical and ignoring the morphological derivation process in English, which is similar to the behaviour of xuè pīn: compare logic and logical, shopping and to shop. 3 TT language-center.com.tw (…) 需要 掌握 各 種 學科 和 邏輯 的 行為 (…) d) Luó jí is often in combination with verbs with the meaning of “to accord with”, such as 合乎 hé hū or 符合 fú hé and others, or on the other side 不合 bù hé meaning “not comfort to” and similar expressions. 4 TT olbook.com.tw N (…) 只要 透過 合乎 邏輯 的 思考 (…) e) There are even cases of adverbial usage with the adverbial de particle, where luó jí is almost always preceded by 有 yǒu (to have); furthermore, there are entries where it is outside this structure and combined with verbs from the section above. 5 TT wahouse.com.tw (…) 有 邏輯 地 說明 到 讓 大家 都 聽 得懂 ！ feel Wu (2013, pp. 58-59) in their thesis analyses the pronunciation of the feel LW in TWM. Online English dictionaries mark feel as a verb and a noun. Corpora search results (there are no TWM entries in GW): first, there are entries with noun usage synonymous to its TWM counterpart 感覺 gǎn jué. 1 TT cwyuni.tw 我 比較 不 喜歡 日本 的 小說 ， 總 覺得 和 它們 的 feel 對 不 上 。 Adjectival usage in “有 yǒu + feel” structure: 2 TT rollrocky.com (…) 肯定 超 有 feel 的 . There are cases of verb usage of feel which is more common in Cantonese, however, there are also some examples of it in entries in TWM 3 TT cwyuni.tw (…) 不 要 讓 我 feel 到 蟑螂 被 打碎 的 身軀 我 都 OK... (…) Feel is another example of a Latin script LW which has a wide range of implementation in TWM, again proving the adaptability of the language. Compared with gǎn jué, TWM's feel can be used the same way, adding “a touch of fashion”, behaving similarly to some TWH LWs (Hsieh and Yeh, 2004, pg. 14). Although if we look at the English feel, TWM has a broader area of possible usage in this case. Klöter, 2009, pg. 10: “As I claimed above, the widespread use of English loans keeping their original spellings contradict the claim that graphic borrowing only occurs between languages using the same writing system.”

55 幽默 yōu mò Yōu mò is another phonetic loan that comes from the English noun “humour” and in TWM, according to the MD English translation, it has not only retained the substantive function, but it is also being used in the adjectival meaning “humorous”. According to MeW, CaD and McM, humour is a noun and a verb. Examples of N usage: 1 GW (…) 他 的 幽默 與 諷刺 引來 了 許多 慕名而來 聽眾 們 的 陣陣 笑聲 。 2 TT (…) 他 的 風趣 幽默 為 拍 攝時 的 氣氛 加分 許多 (…) In number 2 yōu mò can be seen being side by side with its TWM synonymous expression fēng qù, a behaviour also observed in other LWs (for example see VIP and xiě pīn). An example of ADJ usage: 3 TT businesstoday.com.tw 這樣 的 說明 令人 不禁 感到 幽默 而 會心一笑 。 There are also cases of yōu mò functioning as an adverb, accompanied by the adverbial de: 4 GW (…) 他 並 幽默 地 套用 一 句 閩南語 (…) Wu (2013, pg. 112) in their work analyses an interesting phenomenon, when a disyllabic LW is so common that it is being used the same way as a disyllabic verb native to TWM, making the second syllable, in this case mò, an object. Follow examples of V usage, 5 in the abovementioned structure, 6 also shows that yōu mò also functions as a verb outside that structure: 5 TT raindog.pixnet.net (…) 還 不 忘 「 幽 」 醫生們 一 「默」 (…) 6 TT setn.com (…) 他 開 玩笑 的 自我 幽默 了 一番 。

甜心 tián xīn The very last analysed LW in this thesis is tián xīn which is marked as a semantic loan (意譯 詞 yì yì cí) – a calque. GYCD describes it as a LW from the English “sweetheart” used for children and loved ones. In both English and TWM it can be a noun and MeW additionally marks sweetheart as an adjective. Corpora search results: 1 GW 我 很 瞭解 她 ， 她 是 個 甜心 2 TT koreastardaily.com 明星 國民 甜心 金所炫 將 再次 造 訪 台灣 (…) 3 TT ettoday.net (…) 5 位 蜜糖 甜心 們 各自 擁有 大批 愛戴者 (…)

56 Example 1 demonstrates a regular noun usage of tián xīn, in 2 it is “sweetheart of something” and in 4 it is preceded a similar term of endearment borrowed from English (mì táng, honey) It can be also seen used with words for family members, which corresponds to the GYCD description: 4 GW 「 此 致 甜心 老婆 ， 你 的 老公 謹上 」.

57 4 Conclusion

This is the last chapter of this thesis, where we will evaluate how the whole research turned out and what it means, we will also discuss possible limitations, point out possible further research ideas and revise what new concepts this thesis has proposed. As stated in the Introduction, the results depend on the choice of words for analysis by the author and it is clear that there is no objective way to compare the extent to which each of the three languages has influenced TWM. Even though this could be viewed as limiting, we just have to concentrate on understanding the research results correctly. The aim of this work was to see how and to what extent each of those languages (individually) influenced TWM on the example of specific LWs. The research question was answered throughout the course of the third chapter, where the change of behaviour of LWs upon adoption from all three languages into TWM was studied thoroughly. Both proposed concepts – the behaviour change categories and the r number – have been used for formulating research results in the second part of the third chapter. Overall, TWM proved to be a flexible language which easily adapts to foreign influence whether it be another Sinitic language, a language using the same script (to some extent) or a language that is very different from TWM. To summarise the results for each of the languages: a) Analysing selected TWH LWs in TWM showed us that although there are some issues that limit a carefree adoption process, these TWH LWs can function in complex structures, which shows a great extent of TWH influence on TWM and they mostly either do not change their behaviour or add extra functions upon adoption into TWM. b) Japanese LWs that have been studied in this work exhibit a similar behaviour change pattern, even though they more often keep just their original (Japanese) PoS functions in TWM. Some of them proved to be an essential part of TWM, which demonstrates a high degree of influence Japanese has had on TWM. c) The behaviour of examined English loans in TWM, too, either stays the same as in the donor language or the r is higher in the recipient language. Some of the words are used in official contexts or they can be used in more elaborate grammatical structures, which, again, manifests that English has a wide area of influence in TWM. While there are some issues which can limit the generalisability of the outcomes, these issues can function as an incentive for further research in this area, such as:

58 a) conducting research on the behaviour of LWs in spoken form, as it might yield results different to analysing LWs only in corpora, b) concentrating on the possible connection between the different type of loans (e.g. phonetic, semantic) and behaviour change categories presented in this thesis, c) continuing in this type of research, but making it more extensive, which in the end could help with concretising dictionary entries for LWs in TWM – this would allow an easier understanding of their usage, or d) looking for any different behaviour between different variants of the same LW and there is also room for studying the influence of other languages (e.g. Hakka or any of the indigenous Taiwanese languages) on TWM and possibly seeing whether there is a connection between linguistic relation (language families) and the extent of influence in TWM. The main message which this thesis ought to convey is that when studying LWs, their syntactic behaviour should be considered when talking about factors which influence the extent of usage of a LW in the recipient language. This behaviour can be described using the behaviour change categories and the r number – the method that was invented specifically for the purpose of this work and that contributes to LW research by enabling the articulation of PoS variation.

59 Bibliography

Data Sources 1) Cambridge Dictionary. 2021. Accessible through WWW: . 2) CHEUNG, Chi-lam 張智林. Yīng yǔ yǔ xiāng gǎng yuè yǔ cí de yǔ fǎ róng hé xiàn xiàng 英語與香港粵語詞的語法融合現象 [Phenomenon of Grammatical Fusion of English and Hongkong Cantonese Words]. Kǎo gōng jí 2018 – 2019 ： Bì yè lùn wén

xuǎn cuì 考工集 2018–2019：畢業論文選粹 [Collection of Examination Works 2018–2019: Selection of Graduation Theses]. Lǐng nán dà xué zhōng wén xì 嶺南大學 中文系 [Lingnan University, Department of Chinese Literature]. 2019，pp. 71–98. Available at WWW: . 3) ChhoeTaigi. 2018. Accessible through WWW: . 4) GRAFF, David and CHEN, Ke. Chinese GigaWord 2 Corpus: Taiwan, traditional. 2003. Available at WWW: . a. Source data is journalism from the Central News Agency, Taiwan from 1990 and 2002 with size more than 380 million words (for more information see https://www.sketchengine.eu/chinese-gigaword/). 5) JAKUBÍČEK, Miloš; KILGARRIFF, Adam; KOVÁŘ, Vojtěch; RYCHLÝ, Pavel and SUCHOMEL, Vít. Chinese Web 2017 (zhTenTen17) Traditional. 2017. Available at WWW: . 6) KILLGARRIF, Adam. Sketch Engine. Lexical Computing. Available at WWW: . a. Data was crawled by the SpiderLing web spider in August and November 2017 and comprised of more than 2.4 billion words (for more information see https://www.sketchengine.eu/zhtenten-chinese-corpus/). 7) Macmillian Dictionary. 2021. Accessible through WWW: .

60 8) Merriam-Webster. 2021. Accessible through WWW: .

9) MoeDict 萌典. Available at WWW: . a. This online dictionary gathers entries for i. Standard Mandarin from Chóng biān guó yǔ cí diǎn xiū ding běn 重編 國語辭典修訂本 [Standard Mandarin Dictionary Revised Edition] (GYCD) and Liǎng àn cí diǎn 兩岸詞典 [Dictionary of the Two Coasts], and for ii. Taiwanese Hokkien from Tái wān mǐn nán yǔ cháng yòng cí cí diǎn 臺 灣閩南 語常用 詞辭 典 [Dictionary of Commonly Used Words in Taiwanese Hokkien]. 10) Tái wān mǐn nán yǔ tuī jiàn yòng zì 臺灣閩南語推薦用字 [Characters Recommended for Use in Taiwanese Hokkien]. Accessed through WWW: . 11) Takoboto. Accessible through WWW: . 12) WU, In-Chin. English Borrowing in Taiwan Mandarin. Guó lì qīng huá dà xué 國立清 華大學 [National Tsing Hua University]. 2013. Available at WWW: .

Literature 1) CHANG, Yu-tzung and LU, Jie. Language Stereotypes in Contemporary Taiwan : Evidence from an Experimental Study. Journal of East Asian Studies. Cambridge University Press. 2014, vol. 14, no. 2, pp. 211–248 (38 pages). Available at WWW: . 2) CHEN, Li-jun 陳麗君. Tái wān yǔ yán de rì yǔ “jiè cí” 台灣語言的日語「借詞」 [Japanese “Loanwords” in Taiwanese Languages]. 2010 Wén huà yán jiū nián huì, “Wén huà sheng yì ： Zhòng tàn fú hào ／ zī běn ／ quán lì de xīn guān xì” 2010 文 化研究年會，「文化生意：重探符號／資本／權力的新關係」 [2010 Annual Conference of Cultural Studies Association Taiwan, “Cultural Business: Rediscovering Relations between Symbols, Capital and Rights”]. Zhōng huá mín guó wén huà yán jiū

61 xué huì / Guó lì chéng gōng dà xué wài wén xì 中華民國文化研究學會/國立成功大 學外文系 [Cultural Studies Association Taiwan / National Cheng Kung University, Department of Foreign Languages]. 2010. Available at WWW: . 3) CHENG, Robert L. A Comparison of Taiwanese, Taiwan Mandarin, and Peking Mandarin. Language. 1985, vol. 61, no. 2, pp. 352–377. DOI: 10.2307/414149. Available at WWW: . 4) CHENG, Robert L. Group Interest in Treating Words Borrowed into Mandarin and Taiwanese. Anthropological Linguistics. The Trustees of Indiana University. 1985, vol. 27, no. 2, pp. 177–189. Available at WWW: < https://www.jstor.org/stable/30028065>. 5) CHUNG, Karen Steffen. Some Returned Loans : Japanese Loanwords in Taiwan Mandarin. In MCAULEY, T.E. Language Change in East Asia. Richmond, Surrey : Curzon, 2001, pp. 161–179. Available at WWW: . 6) ERBAUGH, Mary S. Southern Chinese Dialects as a Medium for Reconciliation within Greater China. Language in Society. Cambridge University Press. 1995, vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 79–94 (16 pages). Available at WWW: . 7) HSIEH, Shelley Ching-yu and HSU, Hui-li. Japan Mania And Japanese Loanwords in Taiwan Mandarin: Lexical Structure And Social Discourse / 台灣的哈日與日語借詞： 裡會面觀和詞彙影響. Journal of Chinese Linguistics. 2006, vol. 34, no. 1, pp. 44–79. Available at WWW: . 8) HSIEH, Shelley Ching-yu and YEH, Jui-chuan. Taiwanese Loanwords in Taiwan Mandarin: Mechanism of a Dialect Borrowing in Taiwan. Tenth Conference of North American Taiwan Studies Association. University of Hawaii at Manoa, HI, USA. 2004. Available at WWW: . 9) KLÖTER, Hennig. Language Policy in the KMT and DPP eras. China Perspectives. French Center for Research on Contemporary China. 2004, no. 56, pp. 56–63. Available at WWW: . 10) KLÖTER, Hennig. What is being borrowed? Language and script contact in Taiwan. In DE VOOGT, Alex and FINKEL, Irving. The idea of writing : Play and complexity. Leiden, Boston : Brill, 2009, pp. 93–116. Available at WWW:

62 . 11) KUBLER, Cornelius C. The Influence of Southern Min on the Mandarin of Taiwan. Anthropological Linguistics. Trustees of Indiana University. 1985, vol. 27, no. 2, pp. 156–176. Available at WWW: . 12) LI, David Chen-ching. Problems and Trends of Standardization of Mandarin Chinese in Taiwan. Anthropological Linguistics. The Trustees of Indiana University. 1985, vol. 27, no. 2, pp. 122-140 (19 pages). Available at WWW: . 13) LIN, Zheng-hua. Xǔ chéng zhāng, wú kūn míng tàn xún tái yǔ zhèng zì gōng chéng bǐ jiào yán jiū 許成章、吳坤明探尋台語正字工程比較研究 [The Projects of Xu Chengzhang and Wu Kunming to Explore Standard Characters of Taiyu – A Comparative Study]. Tái wān xué yán jiū tōng xùn 臺灣學研究通訊 [Newsletter of Taiwanese Studies]. Guó lì tái wān tú shū guǎn 國立臺灣圖書館 [National Taiwan Library]. 2006. Available at WWW: . 14) PRICE, Gareth. English for all? Neoliberalism, globalization, and language policy in Taiwan. Language in Society. Cambridge University Press. 2014, vol. 43, no. 5, pp. 567- 589 (23 pages). Available at WWW: . 15) SANDEL, Todd Lyle. Linguistic Capital in Taiwan: The KMT's Mandarin Language Policy and Its Perceived Impact on Language Practices of Bilingual Mandarin and Tai- gi Speakers. Language in Society. Cambridge University Press. 2003, vol. 32, no. 4, pp. 523–551. Available at WWW: . 16) SCOTT, Mandy and TIUN, Hak-khiam. Mandarin-Only to Mandarin-Plus: Taiwan. Language Policy. 2007, no. 6, pp. 53-72. Available at WWW: . 17) SHIH, Chih-feng. A Study of the Development of Taiwanese Consciousness – with a Focus on Linguistic and Historical Distinctions. Peace Research. Canadian Mennonite University. 1997, vol. 29, no. 4, pp. 55–76. Available at WWW: . 18) XIE, Jing-yu 謝菁玉. Huá yǔ de yīng, rì yǔ “jiè cí” 華語的英、日語「借詞」 [English and Japanese “Loanwords” in Modern Standard Mandarin]. 2010 Wén huà yán jiū nián huì, “Wén huà sheng yì ： Zhòng tàn fú hào ／ zī běn ／ quán lì de xīn

63 guān xì” 2010 文化研究年會，「文化生意：重探符號／資本／權力的新關係」 [2010 Annual Conference of Cultural Studies Association Taiwan, “Cultural Business: Rediscovering Relations between Symbols, Capital and Rights”]. Zhōn ghuá mín guó wén huà yán jiū xué huì / Guó lì chéng gōng dà xué wài wén xì 中華民國文化研究學 會/國立成功大學外文系 [Cultural Studies Association Taiwan / National Cheng Kung University, Department of Foreign Languages]. 2010. Available at WWW: . 19) YAO, Rong-song 姚榮松. Tái wān xiàn xíng wài lái yǔ de wèn tí 台灣現行外來語的 問題 [Survey on the Problem of Contemporary Loanwords in the Languages Spoken in Taiwan]. Shī dà xué bào 師大學報 [Bulletin of National Taiwan Normal University]. 1992, vol. 37, pp. 329—362. Available at WWW: . 20) YEN, Hsiu-shan 顔秀刪. Táiwān huáyǔ zhōng de mǐnnán fāngyán cí chūtàn 臺灣華語 中的閩南方言詞初探 [A Study of Southern Min Words in Taiwan Mandarin]. Xīnzhú jiàoyù dàxué rénwén shèhuì xuébào 新竹教育大學人文社會學報 [Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences at National Hsinchu University of Education]. 2008, no. 1, pp. 49–68. Available at WWW: .

64