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Salting the Wound 112 113 SUSAN SONTAG's N E W Y O R K E R E S S a Y W a S

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Salting the Wound 112 113 SUSAN SONTAG's N E W Y O R K E R E S S a Y W a S Salting the Wound 112 113 SUSAN SONTAG'S N E W Y O R K E R E S S A Y W A S MISREAD, MISUNDERSTOOD—AND MISCALCULATED? BY CRAIG SELIGMAN THE MIDWAY REBORN SALTING THE WOUND: political discourse that followed the attack, and her message was clear: that we SUSAN SONTAG'S N EW Y O R K E R E S S A Y W A S needed to talk about what had happened intelligently. She later explained she’d MISREAD, MISUNDERSTOOD— been in Berlin on Sept. 11 and had been holed up with CNN for 48 hours straight AND MISCALCULATED? when she wrote the piece. She ordinarily avoids TV, she’s often told interview- ers—she despises it—and her irked shock at the banality of what she was hearing came through in her complaints that “the public is not being asked to bear much of the burden of reality,” that “the sanctimonious, reality-concealing rhetoric” we were being fed was “unworthy of a mature democracy.” The key word, of course, is “mature.” Outraged that leaders and news anchors, in their “manipulative” attempts at “confidence-building and grief management,” were treating the public as children, Sontag reacted with all the fury of Athena patronized. “Politics,” she wrote acidly, “the politics of a democ- racy—which entails disagreement, which promotes candor—has been replaced by psychotherapy. Let’s by all means grieve together. But let’s not be stupid usan Sontag has been deriding together.” 114 the yahooism of American politicalS culture for 40 years, and she doesn’t appear Sontag is a writer I deeply admire—I’m sort of a Sontag junkie—and I 115 to be mellowing with age. Nothing published in the wake of the terrorist attack devoured her essay as soon as my issue arrived in the mail. There was little in it on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon caused more widespread apoplexy that I disagreed with (I loathe TV and the Bush administration, too), but the than the 460 words that appeared above her byline in the Talk of the Town minute I read it I knew her tone was trouble. And I was right. Almost immedi- department of The New Yorker’s issue of Sept. 24, 2001, the first one out after ately, the conservative columnist John Podhoretz came out swinging. Accusing the attack. Sontag of “moral idiocy” in a New York Post column headlined “America-Haters “The disconnect between last Tuesday’s monstrous dose of reality and the Within,” he all but sputtered, “She dares to compare the politicians we elect with self-righteous drivel and outright deceptions being peddled by public figures the totalitarian masters of the former Soviet Union.” What she’d actually writ- and TV commentators is startling, depressing,” she began. Amidst the lamenta- ten—I already quoted a portion—was this: tions and the shrieks of pain, her disdain was shockingly cool. When Leon Wieseltier, critiquing The New Yorker’s coverage of the disaster soon afterward The unanimously applauded, self-congratulatory bromides of a in The New Republic, dismissed the slew of “fine writing” the editors had gath- Soviet Party Congress seemed contemptible. The unanimity of the ered for the occasion as “cheap balm”—“a cautionary illustration of the limits of sanctimonious, reality-concealing rhetoric spouted by American officials and media commentators in recent days seems, well, literariness”—he didn’t mention Sontag. No one could accuse her of applying unworthy of a mature democracy. balm, cheap or otherwise. Pouring salt on a wound was more like it. Sontag’s disgust had less to do with politics per se than with the level of SALTING THE WOUND CRAIG SELIGMAN Is that comparing? Well—not exactly. She was pointing out a paradox: that commissars… I wanted to walk barefoot on broken glass across the Brooklyn Bridge, up to that despicable woman’s apartment, grab the public discourse we’re currently swallowing has elements in common with a her by the neck, drag her down to ground zero and force her to say (far direr) public discourse we now universally condemn. That may be a defen- that to the firefighters. sible observation, but it’s not a neutral one. Sontag was baiting, and Podhoretz took the bait. “How many citizens,” Sontag had demanded, “are aware of the ongoing What bare feet and broken glass had to do with his craving he didn’t explain; American bombing of Iraq? And if the word ‘cowardly’ is to be used, it might be apparently some notion of martyrdom was mixed in with his wrath. In any case, more aptly applied to those who kill from beyond the range of retaliation, high the Brooklyn Bridge had been closed to foot traffic. in the sky, than to those willing to die themselves in order to kill others.” This The next day, in The Washington Post, Charles Krauthammer charged Podhoretz paraphrased as “America is a cowardly nation because our military Sontag with “moral obtuseness.” Like many of her critics, he bristled at her bombs targets in Iraq from a height that makes it impossible for anti-aircraft assertion that the attack had been “undertaken as a consequence of specific weaponry to reach them”—and while his flat rehash murdered the elegance of American alliances and actions”: “What Sontag is implying,” he wrote, “but does Sontag’s phrasing, here he was on firmer ground. But he lost his footing when he not quite have the courage to say, is that because of these ‘alliances and actions,’ went after her closing comment. Sontag had written, “‘Our country is strong,’ we such as the bombing of Iraq, we had it coming.” That’s an unfairly reductive are told again and again. I for one don’t find this entirely consoling. Who doubts summary, as what followed it shows. Krauthammer boiled Sontag’s “alliances” down to Israel (when I assume she was also thinking of Saudi Arabia and other 116 that America is strong? But that’s not all America has to be.” Podhoretz’s para- 117 phrase: “Our nation should be weak and defenseless, in Sontag’s view, because problematic regimes) and enumerated, among Sontag’s “actions,” American that is the only fair thing for an immoral and hateful nation to be.” Nonsense: bombing in the Balkans—a military intervention she had famously made herself Sontag’s “not all America has to be” clearly means that the nation has to be some- hoarse calling for (where was Krauthammer?) long before the Clinton adminis- thing in addition to strong (intelligent, presumably), not instead of strong. tration took action there. If Podhoretz’s intemperateness was a match for Sontag’s, it paled next to a Also writing in The Washington Post, Peter Carlson, too, criticized the way column by Rod Dreher that appeared in the same tabloid the following day. The Sontag had “directed her rage at Americans”: attack had taken a heavy toll on Dreher: “I can’t sleep without pills,” he com- Sontag’s stated point—“a lot of thinking needs to be done”—is plained, “and these tension headaches have me eating Advils like M&Ms.” His undeniable, if banal. But her tone—belligerent, self-righteous and precarious mental condition probably accounts for the hysteria of the passage anti-American—is astonishingly wrongheaded. Regular people (at least I hope he doesn’t ordinarily write like this) in which he described him- can be dim at times but it takes a real intellectual to be this stupe- self as “consumed with hate” for “Americans who blame this on America,” of fyingly dumb. whom he offered a solitary example: Carlson was being either disingenuous or dumb himself, since he failed to I read Susan Sontag’s bit in The New Yorker, in which she opined note what Sontag said we needed to be thinking ab o u t : “about the ineptitude of that this was America’s fault, and compared our leaders to Soviet American intelligence and counter-intelligence, about options available to SALTING THE WOUND CRAIG SELIGMAN America foreign policy, particularly in the Middle East, and about what consti- pairing mortified her. “Look,” she griped in a mid-October interview with David tutes a smart program of military defense.” None of this sounds banal to me—and Talbot, the editor-in-chief of Salon.com, “I have nothing in common with Bill who else was then demanding that we discuss it? But since Carlson was mainly Maher, whom I had never heard of before.” She was less offended at being criticizing Sontag’s tone, I find less in his remonstrances to take issue with. lumped with Noam Chomsky—“whom I am very familiar with”—although, as Martin F. Nolan, attacking Sontag the following month in a coarse opinion she stressed, “my position is decidedly not the Chomsky position.” piece (“high IQ, but a few quarts low on compassion and common sense”) in The She wasn’t any happier when Frank Rich took up their cause in his Op-Ed Boston Globe, agreed with Krauthammer’s interpretation of “alliances”—“She column in The New York Times. “Such has been the disproportionate avalanche probably meant Israel”—and added piously, “Many intellectuals dislike the of invective about Susan Sontag, Bill Maher and Noam Chomsky,” Rich wrote, Mideast’s only democracy.” That’s ignorance talking, and as a characterization “that you’d hardly guess they were a writer, a late-late-night comic and a lin- of Sontag’s loving but not uncritical stance on Israel (developed at length in her guistics professor—Americans with less clout and popular standing than a 1974 documentary “Promised Lands” and in her acceptance speech for last substitute weatherman on ‘The Today Show.’” Clearly miffed, she told Talbot, year’s Jerusalem Prize in literature), it approaches slander.
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