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“We Like Insects Here”: Entomophagy and Society in a Zambian Village

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“We Like Insects Here”: Entomophagy and Society in a Zambian Village Agriculture and Human Values https://doi.org/10.1007/s10460-018-9878-0 “We like insects here”: entomophagy and society in a Zambian village Valerie J. Stull1 · Mukata Wamulume2 · Mwangala I. Mwalukanga3 · Alisad Banda4 · Rachel S. Bergmans5 · Michael M. Bell6 Accepted: 23 July 2018 © Springer Nature B.V. 2018 Abstract Entomophagy—the practice of eating insects—has been touted as a means to combat undernutrition and food insecurity globally. Insects offer a nutritious, environmentally friendly alternative to resource-intensive livestock. But the benefits of edible insects cannot be realized if people do not choose to eat them. We therefore examine the social acceptability of edible insects in rural Zambia, where entomophagy is common but underexplored. Through a village case study, we show that edible insects are not valued equally, are understood socially, and seem to reflect and reinforce social values. We utilize grounded theory and ethnographic methods, including semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and observation to examine collective entomophagy beliefs. While we expected to see differentiation in perceptions across groups based on kinship, we demon- strate that social values related to class, urbanism, gender, and age emerge as more germane explanations for entomophagy perceptions, reflecting their social weight. By expanding on current apperception of entomophagy behavior, our findings inform future research and efforts to promote entomophagy through minilivestock farming. Systems designed to maximize output, minimize labor, and highlight benefits are more likely to be widely accepted. We do not anticipate tribal association will be the primary limitation on minilivestock adoption in this context. Keywords Entomophagy · Food security · Food sovereignty · Edible insects · Minilivestock · Zambia Abbreviation Introduction FGD Focus group discussion “We like insects here,” Mr. Fanwell tells us. “Nshonkonono (green cone-headed grasshopper) is my favorite. Found dur- ing the rainy season. We get out the wings. After that, we put it in the pan with oil. We just fry. It tastes nice.” Fan- well, a gentle, warm-hearted community leader, is known to eat insects, like most residents of Kazoka village, Zambia. * Valerie J. Stull of Wisconsin-Madison, 1710 University Ave., Madison, [email protected] WI 53726, USA Mukata Wamulume 2 Institute for Economic and Social Research, University [email protected] of Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia Mwangala I. Mwalukanga 3 Development Studies Department, University of Zambia, [email protected] Lusaka, Zambia Alisad Banda 4 Lutheran Health & Development, Lusaka, Zambia [email protected] 5 Department of Psychiatry, School of Medicine, University Rachel S. Bergmans of Michigan, Ann Arbor, USA [email protected] 6 Center for Integrated Agricultural Systems, Department Michael M. Bell of Community and Environmental Sociology, University [email protected] of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, USA 1 Center for Sustainability and the Global Environment, Nelson Institute for Environmental Studies, University Vol.:(0123456789)1 3 V. J. Stull et al. For him, insects are a tasty source of ndiyo (the nutrient- et al. 2013). While minilivestock cultivation is promising, its dense relish served alongside the staple food, nshima, a stiff feasibility depends on social acceptance. If minilivestock is corn-based porridge). “We find them in the bush,” he says socially acceptable and people do opt to participate, commu- with a broad smile. “My wife cooks them for me. They are nities that engage in household-level production could also good food!” Although Fanwell does not eat insects daily— experience gains in control over their own food resources and he only consumes them when they are readily available in ultimately their food sovereignty. nature—he suggests people in Kazoka might suffer if they The nutritional, environmental, and economic implica- disappeared. tions of edible insects have been explored in the bourgeoning Kazoka is not unique. Insect consumption—also called entomophagy literature. Recent studies have also investigated: entomophagy—has been historically practiced across consumer perceptions of edible insects in contexts where Africa, Asia, and the Americas (Bodenheimer 1951; Defo- they are not traditionally consumed (Caparros Megido et al. liart 1995). And there is good reason for humans to eat 2014); disgust, perceptions, and cultural factors that impact insects; edible species generally contain all essential amino entomophagy adoption (Wood and Looy 2000); as well as how acids and both mono- and poly-unsaturated fatty acids, negative perceptions of entomophagy in the West influence while also being rich in micronutrients. Common species global food policy and practice (Looy and Wood 2015). Nev- contain 40–75% protein by dry weight (Verkerk et al. 2007), ertheless, relatively little research has explored social percep- B vitamins (Schabel 2010; Rumpold and Schlüter 2013a), tions of, and lived experiences with edible insects in diverse and ample iron (DeFoliart 1992). As such, entomophagy has contexts where they are already readily consumed. Insects for been proposed as one way to decrease iron and zinc defi- food and feed could serve to boost food security (van Huis ciency in developing countries (Christensen et al. 2006) and 2013), but purported benefits cannot be realized if people do improve global food security. Over 1900 edible species have not choose to continue to eat insects, eat more of them, or been identified (van Huis et al. 2013), and more than 500 participate in production. The purpose of this study is to deter- species are eaten in 40 different African nations (Jongema mine perceptions of edible insects and entomophagy behavior 2014). In Zambia, 84 edible species have been documented in one case community and to assess how lived experiences and are consumed country-wide (Jongema 2014). Cater- with and beliefs about edible insects may impact future efforts pillars such as the mopane worm (Imbrasia belina) garner to promote entomophagy. Untangling current perceptions of generous market prices and contribute to livelihoods as an edible insects is also critical to understanding the viability of important source of both income (Rebe 1999; Stack et al. minilivestock farming, which may have important implications 2003; Ghazoul 2006; Wessels et al. 2006; Makhado et al. for both food security and food sovereignty. A secondary aim 2014) and nutrition in some regions (Onigbinde and Ada- of the study was to determine if tribal or ethnic identity was a molekun 1998; Glew et al. 1999; Headings and Rahnema primary determinant of modern entomophagy perceptions or 2002; Madibela et al. 2008; Kwiri et al. 2014; Siulapwa behavior in the community, as has been previously reported in et al. 2014). the Zambia-focused literature (Silow 1976). Nutritional and economic gains from edible insects could In this paper, we show that in Kazoka, beliefs about boost food security, but such benefits depend in part on the edible insects reflect values across Zambian society; com- year-round availability and accessibility of insects. In Kazoka, munity members see differences between people transcribed all insects consumed are harvested from the wild, and most are on differences between insects. We expected to observe dif- available only seasonally. Insect cultivation, or minilivestock ferences in perceptions of entomophagy evident across tribal farming, has been offered as a means to increase access to edi- lines. Our findings run contrary, however, as social percep- ble insects consistently—thereby enhancing food security and tion instead varied along other social lines: class, location, household nutrition year-round. Insects are an abundant natu- gender, and age. By examining perceptions in Kazoka, we ral resource (van Huis et al. 2013); however, the vast majority also uncovered a clear connection between social beliefs and (~ 92%) consumed globally are wild-harvested (van Huis 2013; variations in the desirability of certain edible insects. Here, Rumpold and Schlüter 2013b; Jongema 2014) and often only we explore entomophagy and evaluate social perceptions of seasonally available, as is the case in Zambia. Some insects edible insects to ultimately discuss implications for future can be reared using organic side streams, adding value to (and efforts to promote entomophagy. recycling) biomass not edible for humans or livestock (van Huis et al. 2013). Entomophagy expert and pioneer Arnold van Huis said it best and bluntly in 2015: “If edible insects are Context promoted as food, and feed, they need to be farmed” (van Huis 2015). Farmed insects come with the added benefit of yield- Kazoka is a small village in Shibuyunji District, located ing a drastically lower environmental impact than traditional 70 km west of the capital city, Lusaka (Mubanga et al. livestock (Collavo et al. 2005; Oonincx et al. 2010; van Huis 2015). Here, 51 distinct households are separated by fields 1 3 “We like insects here”: entomophagy and society in a Zambian village and gentle hills. During the 100–140 day crop growing emblematic of a new space for entomophagy research. season (Saasa 2003), villagers cultivate maize, vegetables, Most research to-date focuses on caterpillar consumption groundnuts, and cotton. A large white Food Reserve Agency in central and northern Zambia (Silow 1976; Mbata et al. (FRA) shed serves as a central community meeting point. 2002). Third, Kazoka is an ethnically diverse and eco- The FRA purchases maize from smallholders
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