War Sentiment in Western Pennsylvania: 1812
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Congressmen 1788-1838
8th Congress U. S. Congressional Election 12 October 1802 1803-1805 Name Party Vote Name Party Vote 1st District (3 elected): 4th District (2 elected): 11th District: Joseph Clay Dem-Rep 4,363 John A. Hanna Dem-Rep 6,110 John B. Lucas Dem-Rep 2,168 Jacob Richards Dem-Rep 4,316 David Bard Dem-Rep 5,970 John Wilkins Federalist 1,624 Michael Leib Dem-Rep 3,980 David Mitchell Dem-Rep 28 Alexander Foster Federalist 638 George Latimer Federalist 2,895 5th District: Peter Brown Federalist 2,875 Andrew Gregg Dem-Rep 4,258 Jonas Preston Federalist 2,847 Elisha Gordon Federalist 304 6th District: John Stewart Dem-Rep 2,285 2nd District (3 elected): John Edie Federalist 1,748 Robert Brown Dem-Rep 11,456 7th District: Isaac Van Horne Dem-Rep 10,697 John Rea Dem-Rep 2,173 Frederick Conrad Dem-Rep 6,205 Henry Woods Federalist 941 Samuel Sitgreaves Federalist 3,939 John McLene Dem-Rep 147 Nathaniel B. Borleau Federalist 1,682 Lord Butler Federalist 781 8th District: William Findley Dem-Rep 1,531 3rd District (3 elected): Jacob Painter Dem-Rep 1,312 John Whitehill Dem-Rep 9,396 Special Election Isaac Anderson Dem-Rep 9,365 9th District: 2 November 1804 Joseph Hiester Dem-Rep 9,236 John Smilie Dem-Rep 2,718 10th District: Jacob Bower Federalist 4,932 10th District: John Hoge Federalist 477 Joseph Hemphill Federalist 4,853 William Hoge Dem-Rep 2,300 Aaron Lyle Dem-Rep 439 Thomas Boude Federalist 4,829 Resigned 15 October 1804. -
THE Whiskey Insurrection of 1794 Long Has Been Regarded As One of the Decisive Events in Early American History
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION: A RE-EVALUATION By JACOB E. COOKE* THE Whiskey Insurrection of 1794 long has been regarded as one of the decisive events in early American history. But on the question of why it was significant there has been a century and a half of disagreement. Fortunately for the historian, how- ever, there have not been many interpretations; indeed, there have been only two. And, as anyone would guess, these have been the Federalist and the anti-Federalist, the Hamiltonian and the Jeffersonian. It is not the purpose of this paper to describe the fluctuating historical reputations of Jefferson and Hamilton; at one period of time (say, *the Jacksonian era) Jefferson was in the ascendancy; at another time (say, the post-Civil War period) Hamilton crowded Jefferson out of the American historical hall of fame. But for the past half-century and longer, the interpretation that our historians have given to the American past has been predi- cated on a Jeffersonian bias, and the Whiskey Insurrection is no exception. The generally accepted interpretation of the Whiskey Insur- rection reads something like this: In March, 1791, under the prodding of Alexander Hamilton and against the opposition of the Westerners and some Southerners, Congress levied an excise tax on whiskey. This measure was an integral part of Hamilton's financial plan, a plan which was designed to soak the farmer and to spare the rich. There was sporadic opposition to the excise in several parts of the country, but the seat of opposition was in the four western counties of Pennsylvania. -
Origins of Federal Common Law: Part Two*
University of Pennsylvania Law Review FOUNDED 1852 Formerly American Law Register VOL. 133 JULY 1985 No. 6 ORIGINS OF FEDERAL COMMON LAW: PART TWO* STEWART JAYt Thomas Jefferson wrote Edmund Randolph in August 1799 of the need "to portray at full length the consequences of this new doctrine, that the common law is the law of the US, & that their courts have, of course, jurisdiction co-extensive with that law, that is to say, general over all cases & persons." 1 Closing the letter in the next line, he re- marked, "But, great heavens! Who could have conceived in 1789 that within ten years we should have to combat such wind-mills." 2 Some- what more than a year later, John Marshall commented in a private correspondence: In political controversy it often happens that the precise opinion of the adversary is not understood, & that we are at much labor to disprove propositions which have never been maintained. A stronger evidence of this cannot I think be given than the manner in which the references to the com- mon law have been treated.' © Copyright 1985 by Stewart Jay. All rights reserved. * Part One of this essay appears at 133 U. PA. L. REv. 1003 (1985) [hereinafter cited as Jay, Part One]. t Associate Professor of Law, University of Washington. 1 Letter from Thomas Jefferson to Edmund Randolph (Aug. 23, 1799), reprinted in 9 THE WORKS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 76 (P. Ford ed. 1905). 2 Id. at 76-77. " Letter from John Marshall to St. George Tucker (Nov. 27, 1800), reprinted in Appendix A, infra. -
UCLA Historical Journal
UCLA UCLA Historical Journal Title Banking and Market Culture in Pennsylvania during the 1780s Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5b91m4nj Journal UCLA Historical Journal, 11(0) ISSN 0276-864X Author Eicholz, Hans L. Publication Date 1991 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Banking and Market Culture in Pennsylvania during the 1780s Hans L. Eicholz When analyzing the major transformations in American polit- ical ideology during the early national period, historians have generally portrayed a struggle between a community-oriented con- servative tradition and more "modern" notions that stress the ac- ceptance of interest-based politics, competitive economic individu- alism, and material prosperity. Currently this transformation is presented in terms of classical versus liberal republicanism, with the differences between them located in a fundamental disagree- ment over the legitimacy of self-interest in public life.^ While conceived in new terms, the desire to distinguish the heralds of modernity from a conservative old guard has existed as long as American political theory itself. It is the contention of this paper that such a framework is basically misguided. An examination of America's first major banking controversy reveals that both the merchants who supported the Bank of North America and the farmers who opposed it shared a common belief in the benefits of a competitive market economy of self-interested individuals. Where they disagreed was over the proper credit arrangements necessary to facilitate economic growth. It is a distortion of the early na- tional period to locate the origins of modern politics in any one group. -
The Second Amendment in Action
Chicago-Kent Law Review Volume 76 Issue 1 Symposium on the Second Amendment: Article 4 Fresh Looks October 2000 The Second Amendment in Action Michael A. Bellesiles Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael A. Bellesiles, The Second Amendment in Action, 76 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 61 (2000). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol76/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. THE SECOND AMENDMENT IN ACTION MICHAEL A. BELLESILES* INTRODUCTION What follows may be entirely irrelevant. There are those who argue that historical inquiry offers nothing to our understanding of the Second Amendment. This postmodernist position is well represented by Charlton Heston, who has dismissed historical scholarship as not in the least bit relevant and called for historians to stop wasting their time in the archives.1 Akhil Amar recently stated that current understandings of the original meaning of the Second Amendment "might be false as a matter of historical fact but [are] nonetheless true as a matter of constitutional law."' 2 William Van Alstyne insists that historical research into the context of the Second Amendment "doesn't seem to me to make a very great deal of difference against the background of Bunker Hill, and the minutemen, and the imagery that this is the nature of things."3 Postmodernism denies the value and even the validity of historical context, emphasizing instead language and image; truth itself is a rhetorical social construct, it is the critic's representation of the past that matters. -
April5, 1821, in the 80Th Year, of His Age
240 Life and Times of William Findley LIFE AND TIMES OF WILLIAMFINDLEY ROBERT M. EWING* In a neglected spot in what is known as Unity burial ground in Westmoreland County, can be seen a modest tombstone bearing this inscription: The Venerable William Findley Departed this life, April5, 1821, In the 80th year, Of his age. There is nothing in this to indicate that William Find- ley was a commanding figure in Western Pennsylvania; nothing to indicate that he performed an active part in na- tional affairs covering a long period of time. We shall endeavor to show him to you as not only a prominent man locally, but one who served his country in its national councils for a longer period than ordinarily fell to the lot of men in his day, or falls to the lot of men in more recent times; and shall show you, perhaps, that his record as a man of standing and influence has not been handed down to posterity with the same zeal as that of men less worthy. His life was a busy one. The records show that as a public man, he was a schoolmaster; a member of the Cum- berland County Committee of Observation; elected but de- clined to serve as a member of the Pennsylvania Constitu- tional Convention of 1776; served on the County Board of Assessors in Cumberland County and aided in levying the first taxes under the Constitution of 1776. He was captain of a company in the Eighth Battal- ion Cumberland County Associators and was in active ser- vice ;was member of the Pennsylvania Convention that rat- ified the Federal Constitution of 1787. -
Paper Money, Debt Relief, and the Ratification of the Constitution
Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons Faculty Scholarship 2014 The Anti-Federalists’ Toughest Challenge: Paper Money, Debt Relief, and the Ratification of the Constitution George Van Cleve Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/faculty Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation George Van Cleve, The Anti-Federalists’ Toughest Challenge: Paper Money, Debt Relief, and the Ratification of the Constitution, 34 J. Early Republic 529 (2014). https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/faculty/823 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Anti-Federalists’ Toughest Challenge Paper Money, Debt Relief, and the Ratification of the Constitution GEORGE WILLIAM VAN CLEVE During the mid-1780s many American states actively man- aged their economies in the face of widespread financial and social insta- bility following the Revolutionary War. Seven states authorized paper money emissions, and there were unsuccessful efforts to obtain them in others. Several states adopted extensive debtor-relief measures. Some historians of these state anti-recession measures conclude that such efforts to fight deflation, increase money circulation, and protect debtors were beneficial for various reasons. But despite that, the Constitution, as contemporaries understood it, abrogated state powers to issue paper money or provide debtor relief such as property tender laws in Article I, Section 10. Terry Bouton writes that Section 10 ‘‘left a host of popular policies in ruins—all in less than fifty words. -
The Pennsylvania Assembly, Friday, 28 September 1787
The Pennsylvania Assembly, Friday, 28 September 1787 · · · · · · · On CALLING a CONVENTION GEORGE CLYMER: The House cannot, sir, have forgotten a business of the highest magnitude, which was recommended to their attention by the Federal Convention, and I am persuaded they will readily concur in taking the necessary measures for calling a convention of the citizens of Pennsylvania, to deliberate upon that plan of government which has been presented to this House; for which reason I shall submit the following resolutions. “Whereas the Convention of deputies from the several states composing the Union, lately held in this city, have published a Constitution for the future government of the United States, to be submitted to conventions of deputies chosen in each state by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its legislature, for their assent and ratification, and whereas it is the sense of great numbers of the good people of this state, already signified in petitions and declarations to this House, that the earliest steps should be taken to assemble a convention within the state, for the purpose of deliberating and determining on the said Constitution. “Resolved, That it be recommended to such inhabitants of the state as are entitled to vote for representatives to the General Assembly, that they choose suitable persons to serve as deputies in a state convention, for the purpose herein before mentioned; that is, for the city of Philadelphia and the counties respectively, the same number of deputies that each is entitled to, of representatives in the General Assembly. “Resolved, That the elections for deputies as aforesaid be held at the several places in the said city and counties, as is fixed by law for holding the elections of representatives to the General Assembly, and that the same be conducted by the officers who conduct the said elections of representatives, and agreeably to the rules and regulations thereof. -
The Distinguished Life of Hugh Henry Brackenridge ..By Richard R
The Distinguished Life of Hugh Henry Brackenridge ..by Richard R. Gideon In July of 1794 a powerfully built Scottish immigrant made his way from Pittsburgh to attend a meeting at Mingo Creek, Pennsylvania. His objective was to become a moderating voice of reason in a room filled with budding revolutionaries. In later years historians would record this meeting as one of a series of acts collectively known as the Whiskey Insurrection or Whiskey Rebellion, the first real test of the authority of the newly created Federal government. The Scotsman’s name was Hugh Henry Brackenridge, a self-made man and product of early American intellectualism. Among his friends were James Madison, William Bradford and Philip Freneau, the latter a collaborator on a book called "Father Bombo's Pilgrimage to Mecca in Arabia" and a patriotic poem called ``The Rising Glory of America.'' Father Bombo, a satire based on a feud between rival clubs at Princeton University, is now recognized as the first novel written in America. In later life Brackenridge would write his masterpiece, a work called "Modern Chivalry." Described as a comic narrative, a combination of Don Quixote and Tom Jones, Modern Chivalry became a staple of 19th Century American literature. Mark Twain called the book "a classic." But then literature was only one area of accomplishment for the Honorable Mr. Brackenridge. Beginnings Hugh Henry Brackenridge was born in Scotland in 1748. His parents immigrated to York County, Pennsylvania, when Hugh was five years old. Unlike many a poor farmer’s son, Hugh was a natural scholar. He received his early education in part from the local country school, but mainly from a Presbyterian clergyman of the region who tutored him in Latin and Greek. -
Washington City, 1800-1830 Cynthia Diane Earman Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School Fall 11-12-1992 Boardinghouses, Parties and the Creation of a Political Society: Washington City, 1800-1830 Cynthia Diane Earman Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Earman, Cynthia Diane, "Boardinghouses, Parties and the Creation of a Political Society: Washington City, 1800-1830" (1992). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 8222. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/8222 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BOARDINGHOUSES, PARTIES AND THE CREATION OF A POLITICAL SOCIETY: WASHINGTON CITY, 1800-1830 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in The Department of History by Cynthia Diane Earman A.B., Goucher College, 1989 December 1992 MANUSCRIPT THESES Unpublished theses submitted for the Master's and Doctor's Degrees and deposited in the Louisiana State University Libraries are available for inspection. Use of any thesis is limited by the rights of the author. Bibliographical references may be noted, but passages may not be copied unless the author has given permission. Credit must be given in subsequent written or published work. A library which borrows this thesis for use by its clientele is expected to make sure that the borrower is aware of the above restrictions. -
Xxi.-Party Struggles Over the First Pennsylvania Constitution
t. K XXI.-PARTY STRUGGLES OVER THE FIRST PENNSYLVANIA CONSTITUTION. By SAMUEL B. HARDING. In speaking of the violence manifested in Pennsylvania by the opponents of the Federal Constitution, Madison says, in one of his letters to Jefferson: 1 "The cause of the inflamma- tion, however, is much more in their State factions than in the system proposed by the convention." In this statement he gives the clew to the whole course of the contest in that State. The most superficial examination of the writings of those par- ticipating in it soon brings one face to face with this fact. Yet nowhere in the later writings about the Constitution, so far as the present writer is aware, is this fact taken sufficiently into account. Bancroft quotes this statement from Madison, but gives no elucidation of it; Curtis ignores the question; and Professor McMaster, despite his research in this field, by no means makes clear the relation of State to Federal politics in this connection. A brief account, therefore, of the party struggles in the State during and immediately following the Revolution, and the way in which these influenced the contest over the Federal Constitution, may not be without some gen- eral interest to students of American history. At the beginning of the contest with Great Britain the con- trol of affairs in Pennsylvania was still in the hands of the aristocratic element of the province, which centered in Phila- delphia and the richer and more thickly settled counties adja- cent thereto, and whose power politically was supported by the requirement of a £50 property qualification for the fran- chise. -
Modern Chivalry"
Ali A DEFINITION OF BRACKENRIDGE'S "MODERN CHIVALRY" THESIS Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS By Teresa L. Alexander, B. A. Denton, Texas December, 1979 "As yet I do not know how chivalry will work out in these calamitous times in which we live Don Quixote Alexander, Teresa L., A Definition of Brackenridge's "Modern Chivalry." Master of Arts (English), December, 1979, 132 pp., bibliography, 29 titles. Early American writer Hugh Henry Brackenridge con- ceived and developed a code of modern chivalry in his writings that culminated in the long prose satire Modern Chivalry. He first introduced his code in the poem "The Modern Chevalier," in which a modern knight is shown traveling about the country in an attempt to understand and correct the political absurdities of the people. In Modern Chivalry, this code is developed in the three major themes of rationalism, morality, and moderation and the related concern that man recognize his proper place in society. Satire is Brackenridge's weapon as well as the primary aesthetic virtue of his novel. The metaphor of modern chivalry serves to tie the various elements of the rambling book into a unified whole. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Chapter I. INTRODUCTION..... .1 II. CHIVALRY DEFINED . 17 III. MODERN CHIVALRY: THE THEMES . 40 IV. MODERN CHIVALRY: THE SATIRE . 71 V. CONCLUSION . 121 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 129 i-ii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Modern Chivalry, by Hugh Henry Brackenridge, is the product of a highly charged era in American political history--the period following the war for independence from Great Britain.