DOCSLIB.ORG

Who Dominate Political Parties

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Who Dominate Political Parties View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Wits Institutional Repository on DSPACE Name: Sibusiso Lukhele Student Number: 0514971v Degree: Master of Arts by Coursework and Research Report Faculty: Humanities School: Social Sciences Department: Political Studies Name of Supervisor: Prof. Daryl Glaser T i t l e Internal Democracy in the ANC or, did the Polok wane Revolt challenge Michels’ “ Iron Law of Oligarchy ” ? 0 Acknowledgments I would like t o thank the following people for supporting me during t he y e ar: The Political Studies department at the University of the Witwatersrand for their continued support throughout my research report. My mother, for all her words of encouragement and continued support throughout my academic career. I have always wanted to make you proud because you have sacrificed so much for me in order for me to succeed in life. This thesis is dedicated to you and all the sacrifices you have made. My mentor Lynette Sikhakha ne for the guidance and support she showed throughout the entire year. I’d also like to thank Xolile Jasmine Ngcobo and Ntebogeng Kgokong for the advice they offered, words of encouragement and supporting me when I felt like quitting my Masters and m o t iv a ting me to continue with my degree. The Sylvia Neam - Jahn Foundation and Wits Foundation for funding my studies in 2008 and 2009. I thank you all for the support you have shown and without you; this would have not been possible. 1 C on t e nt s Chapter 1: Introduction P g . 4 Chapter 2: Theoretical Overview P g . 8 Chapter 3: The ANC from 1912 – 1989 P g . 4 7 Chapter 4: The ANC from 1990 – 1997 P g . 5 3 Chapter 5: The Chief, 1997 – 2007 P g . 6 0 Chapter 6: The Polokwane Revolt P g . 7 3 Chapter 7: What has changed? The ANC post - P ol o kw a n e P g . 7 8 Chapter 8: Conclusion P g . 8 2 Bibliography Pg. 84 2 Acronym List AA – Affirmative Action ANC – African National Congress ANCYL – African National Congress Youth League BEE – Black Economic Empowerment COSATU – Congress of South African Trade Unions CPSA – Communist Party of South Africa CPSU – Communist Party of the Soviet Union FDI – Foreign Direct Investment GEAR – Growth, Employment and Redistribution HIV/AIDS – human immunodeficiency virus/ Acquired immune deficiency syndrome IFP – Inkatha Freedom Party ITU – International Trade Union MK – UmKhonto we Sizwe MP – Member of Parliament NDR – National Democratic Revolution NEDLAC – National Economic Development and Labour Council NEC – National Executive Committee NP – National Party NPA – National Prosecuting Authority NWC – National Working Committee PEC – Provincial Executive Committee RDP – Reconstruction and Development Programme SABC – South African Broadcasting Corporation SACP – South African Communist Party SDP – Social Democratic Party of Germany SANNC – South African Native National Congress SWAPO – South West Africa People’s Organization UDF – United Democratic Front ZANU-PF – Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front 3 Chapter 1: Introduction A im The aim of this dissertation is to look at internal democracy in political parties. I will be using the African National Congress (ANC) as my case study. My hunch is that Robert Michels i s correct in thinking that elites dominate ostensibly democratic political parties. Accordingly, I hypothesise that the ANC has been elite -d o m in at e d since the advent of democracy in 1994. While the validation of this hypothesis cannot ‘prove’ the existence of an ‘iron law of oligarchy’, it can provide some support to that thesis, especially given that the ANC proclaims itself to be a democratic force. Power in the ANC lies in an elite located in the leadership organs of the party - t he Executive, National W orking Committee and National Executive Committee. This leadership is not democratic in the sense of being controlled by, or accountable to, branches and ordinary members. The Polokwane conference of December 2007 tests this hypothesis, since it ostensibly marked a reassertion of control by the ANC grassroots after years of domination by a centralizing and authoritarian Thabo Mbeki. If Polokwane re -established popular control over the ANC, the hypothesis is disproved. If, however, it was a n e l it e -m an ip u lat e d event or merely signalled a circulation of unaccountable elite groups, the hypothesis is, if not proven, at least supported. It is of course too early to grasp the full significance of Polokwane in ANC history, but we have enough distance and evidence to begin to form a picture. My theoretical approach draws on elite theory in general and Robert Michels’ book Political Parties (1959/originally 1915) in particular. Elite theorists like Gaetano Mosca, Vilfredo Pareto and C. Wright Mills argue that states o r particular states (like the US in the 1950s in the case of Mills) are dominated by closed, tightly -k ni t a n d 4 unaccountable elites, such that democratic processes are largely superficial or a sham. Conservative elite theorists like Mosca and Pareto thought elite domination is a good thing and inevitable, while Mills, and writers like Bachrach, Baratz and Stephen Lukes were radical democrats challenging elite domination in the West. Some elitist theorists, like Max Weber, Schumpeter and Truman, have tried to reconcile elitism with recognition of the reality and value of representative democracy as a means of keeping elites in check. Pluralists for their part have celebrated democracy as ‘polyarchy’, a process in which organised elites proliferate and check an d b al an c e each other, and ordinary citizens are liable to find organised interest groups to represent their concerns. Neo -pluralists (like Charles Lindblom) recognise the reality of elite competition, but tend to see it as playing out in a field of asymmet rical power where some elites are much more dominant than others in key areas, such as economic policymaking (see Bottomore 1964, Dunleavy and O’Leary 1987, Evans 1995). Michels advances a more conservative and pessimistic elitist view than the pluralists o r ne o -pluralists, and indeed than the democratic elitists. Conceptual Framework As indicated, this research report draws on the elite theory tradition of political science. Elite theory has a weak and strong hypothesis. For the purpose of this dissert ation, I will primarily focus on the strong hypothesis. Conservative and radical elite theories (strong hypothesis) claim that the elite are small, closed and concentrated; it is unaccountable to its members/masses, the masses lack the capacity to influenc e t he elite. A weak hypothesis (such as that adopted by pluralists and to a d e g re e ne o -pluralists and democratic elitists) entails that the elite are not small and that it is possible for non -elite citizens to join an elite. The masses also have some form of leverage and can 5 participate in policies and influence decision making. They gain leverage from competition amongst the elites. H y po t he s is In this research report I will be advancing and testing a strong hypothesis. It is a truism to say that the ANC is led by a small group of leaders; all organisations are. It is more challenging and interesting to hypothesise, as I do, that the leadership forms an unaccountable, tightly -knit, relatively closed elite. The Polokwane conference represented an elite -ma n i pulated process and a circulation of unaccountable elite groups rather than a genuine or sustained assertion of grassroots power. Methodology I will be using the qualitative method for my dissertation, reading and analysing books, articles and documents in search of evidence for and against my hypothesis, as well as for empirical information. I will use both secondary and primary material when conducting my research. I will use some of the academic literature from the libraries at the University of the Wi twatersrand. I will also rely heavily on newspapers. Finally, I will also examine party documents available at the websites of the ANC and its alliance partners. I will be using the ANC’s website because it will provide me with important information abou t some of the party’s policy documents, such as leadership and democratic centralism. I will be using secondary sources to see what has been written about the ANC and to compare what different scholars say about the ruling party. Newspaper articles and jou rnals will be used because there have not been enough books published about the ruling party. 6 The focus will be on the post -1994 period, with special reference to the Mbeki presidency and Polokwane and its aftermath. I recognise, though, that the ANC’s de mocratic traditions (or lack thereof) come out of a long history, including decades of clandestine struggle. Authoritarianism and secrecy did not emerge in 1994, though it is remarkable that it persisted and even deepened under post -1994 democratic conditi ons. At any rate, some historical background will be necessary. 7 Chapter 2: Theoretical Overview Literature Review Part one: Michels’ Iron law of oligarchy Michels writes about how democracy is mainly about “oligarchs” who d o m in ate political parties. Michels writes that when political parties are formed, they are democratic in their nature. As political parties evolve, they come to be dominated by oligarchs. Leaders become indispensible, or form alliances with one another primari ly in order to safeguards their interests. Michels also sees the masses as contributing because they are unable to mobilise. In Mills’ terms, the elites are unified whereas “mass society is fragmented and impotent” (Mills, 1956). Michels (195 8 ) believes t hat the masses are incapable of leading political parties.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Pressure on Model School to Shape Up
    PRESSURE ON MODEL SCHOOL TO SHAPE-UP By Tselane Moiloa KROONSTAD – The Free State provincial government’s education theme during the weeklong celebrations to mark former president Nelson Mandela’s birthday on Wednesday, July 18, has resonated with learners at Bodibeng Secondary School who have been asked to change the path the school has taken in recent years. Located between the dusty townships of Marabastad and Seeisoville, Bodibeng was counted among the best schools in Free State and South Africa during the apartheid regime and the early 90s, after producing luminaries like the late Adelaide Tambo and former Minister of Communications Ivy Matsepe-Casaburri, Mosuioa “Terror” Lekota, MEC Butana Khompela and his soccer-coach brother Steve Khompela. The school, which was founded in 1928 under the name Bantu High, was the only school for black people during the apartheid regime which offered a joint matriculation board qualification instead of the Bantu education senior certificate, putting it on par with the regime’s best schools of the time. Until 1982, it was the only high school in Kroonstad. But the famed reputation took a knock, despite an abundance of resources. “There is obviously a lot of pressure on us to continue with the legacy and it only makes sense that we come through with our promise to do so,” Principal Itumeleng Bekeer said. Unlike many schools which complain about things like unsatisfactory teacher-learner ratios, Bekeer said this is not a concern because the 24 classes from grade eight to 12 have an average 1:24 teacher-learner ratio. However, the socio-economic circumstances in the surrounding townships impact negatively on learners, with a lot coming to school on empty stomachs.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • Address by Free State Premier Ace Magashule on the Occasion of the Department of the Premier’S 2014/2015 Budget Vote Speech in the Free State Legislature
    ADDRESS BY FREE STATE PREMIER ACE MAGASHULE ON THE OCCASION OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE PREMIER’S 2014/2015 BUDGET VOTE SPEECH IN THE FREE STATE LEGISLATURE 08 JULY 2014 Madam Speaker Members of the Executive Council Members of the Legislature Director General and Senior Managers Ladies and Gentlemen Madam Speaker I am delighted to present the first budget vote for the second phase of the transition taking place at the time when South Africans are celebrating 20 years of democracy. Indeed we are celebrating the remarkable gains we made in a relatively short space of time. In our celebration we cannot forget the brave and noble steps taken by heroes like our former President Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela. With July being his birthday month, we pay homage to this giant that fearlessly, fiercely and selflessly fought for South Africans to live in a democratic and open society. It is only befitting that we continue to honour him posthumously by continuing with his legacy of helping people in need and fighting injustice. In the coming days, we will go to various towns and rural areas to launch projects for the upliftment of the needy people. Our programmes will exceed the 67 minutes to enable us to leave indelible and profound memories of tangible change in their lives. In line with President Jacob Zuma’s pronouncement during the 1 State of the Nation Address, we will embark on a massive clean-up campaign in our towns, schools and other areas. Today’s budget speech marks the beginning of a period for radical economic and social transformation.
    [Show full text]
  • Founding Affidavit Free State High Court-20048.Pdf
    IN THE FREE STATE HIGH COURT, BLOEMFONTEIN (REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA) CASE NO: In the matter between: MPHO RAMAKATSA 1st Applicant TUMISO MBETHE 2nd Applicant MAJORO MPURU 3rd Applicant ELISHA MBANGULA 4th Applicant CECILIA CHAKA 5th Applicant NTSHIWA MOROLLOANE 6th Applicant and ELIAS MAGASHULE 1st Respondent THABO MANYONI 2nd Respondent WILLIAM BULWANA 3rd Respondent MAMIKI QABATHE 4th Respondent MSEBENZI ZWANE 5th Respondent TATE MAKGOE 6th Respondent BUTANA KHOMPELA 7th Respondent OLLY MLAMLELI 8th Respondent SISI MABE 9th Respondent SAM MASHINENE 10th Respondent FEZI NGUMBENTOMBI 11th Respondent MALEWATLE NTHEDI 12th Respondent SEBENZILE NGANGELIZWE 13th Respondent 2 MANANA TLAKE 14th Respondent SISI NTOMBELA 15th Respondent MANANA SECHOARA 16th Respondent SARAH MOLELEKI 17th Respondent MADALA NTOMBELA 18th Respondent JACK MATUTLE 19th Respondent MEGGIE SOTYU 20th Respondent MATHABO LEETO 21st Respondent JONAS RAMOGOASE 22nd Respondent GERMAN RAMATHEBANE 23rd Respondent MAX MOSHODI 24th Respondent MADIRO MOGOPODI 25th Respondent AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 26th Respondent APPLICANTS’ FOUNDING AFFIDAVIT I, the undersigned, MPHO RAMAKATSA do hereby make oath and state that: 3 1. I am an adult male member of the Joyce boom (Ward 25) branch of the ANC in the Motheo region of the Free State province, residing at 28 Akkoorde Crescent, Pellissier, Bloemfontein. I am a citizen of the Republic of South Africa with ID No 6805085412084. I am also a member of the Umkhonto we Sizwe Military Veterans Association (“MKMVA”) and a former combatant who underwent military training under the auspices of the ANC in order to fight for the implementation of democracy and a bill of rights in South Africa. I have been a member of the ANC for the past 25 years.
    [Show full text]
  • Zuma Jailed After Landmark Ruling
    InternationalFriday FRIDAY, JULY 9, 2021 Mary Akrami, fighting to keep Afghan women’s Dubai authorities probe port explosion that shook the city Page 11 shelters open Page 18 ESTCOURT, KWAZULU-NATAL: Officials are seen at the Estcourt Correctional Centre, where former South African president Jacob Zuma began serving his 15-month sentence for contempt of the Constitutional Court, in Estcourt, yesterday. — AFP Zuma jailed after landmark ruling South Africa’s first post-apartheid president to be jailed JOHANNESBURG: Jacob Zuma yesterday began a 15-month legal strategy has been one of obfuscation and delay, ultimately weekend that he was prepared to go prison, even though “sending sentence for contempt of court, becoming South Africa’s first in an attempt to render our judicial processes unintelligible,” it me to jail during the height of a pandemic, at my age, is the same post-apartheid president to be jailed after a drama that cam- said. “It is tempting to regard Mr Zuma’s arrest as the end of the as sentencing me to death.” “I am not scared of going to jail for paigners said ended in a victory for rule of law. road” rather than “merely another phase... in a long and fraught my beliefs,” he said. “I have already spent more than 10 years in Zuma, 79, reported to prison early yesterday after mounting a journey,” the foundation warned. Robben Island, under very difficult and cruel conditions”. last-ditch legal bid and stoking defiance among radical supporters As the Wednesday deadline loomed, police were prepared to who had rallied at his rural home.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Power, Black Consciousness, and South Africa's Armed Struggle
    Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB) Graduate Dissertations and Theses Dissertations, Theses and Capstones 6-2018 UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson Asheeke Binghamton University--SUNY, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Asheeke, Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson, "UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985" (2018). Graduate Dissertations and Theses. 78. https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses/78 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations, Theses and Capstones at The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 BY TOIVO TUKONGENI PAUL WILSON ASHEEKE BA, Earlham College, 2010 MA, Binghamton University, 2014 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate School of Binghamton University State University of New
    [Show full text]
  • Submission to the Judicial Commission of Inquiry Into State Capture
    ACE MAGASHULE OUTA’S SUBMISSION TO THE JUDICIAL COMMISSION OF INQUIRY INTO STATE CAPTURE 0 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS ......................................................................................................... 0 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................... 1 PERSONS INVOLVED AND/OR INVITED ......................................................................... 2 THE DEFINITION OF STATE CAPTURE ........................................................................... 3 TIMELINE OF EVENTS ......................................................................................................... 4 12 NOVEMBER 2012 ......................................................................................................... 4 4 MARCH 2013.................................................................................................................... 5 6 MARCH 2013.................................................................................................................... 6 13 MARCH 2013 ................................................................................................................. 6 20 MARCH 2013 ................................................................................................................. 7 23 JULY 2014 ...................................................................................................................... 8 10 NOVEMBER 2014 ........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Cyril Ramaphosa Is Establishing a Unit in the Presidency Priorities
    Cyril Ramaphosa is establishing a unit in the presidency which he hopes - Herald Live 18 May 2019 President Cyril Ramaphosa is establishing a unit in the presidency which he hopes will improve policy development and coordination. This is an important initiative designed to help him address the huge challenges facing his incoming government. There is no question that strengthening the government’s policy capacity is a priority. Cabinet ministries are often individualistic and departments tend to operate as silos. There tends to be poor alignment, let alone coordination, of policies and programmes within national government and between the spheres of government. The president has some power to impose discipline. But this power depends on being very well-informed and well-briefed by his team. ADVERTISING The unit – called the Policy Analysis and Research Services – will be headed by Busani Ngcaweni, a seasoned mandarin in the Presidency. Ngcaweni was Chief of Staff when Ramaphosa was Deputy President. He had, remarkably, occupied this senior and sensitive post for four consecutive deputy presidents over a 10-year period. Over the decade he also managed to publish around eight books of essays by himself and other writers on serious South African topics such as AIDS. Before becoming chief of staff he also served as a policy researcher in the presidency during the Thabo Mbeki era. There is no doubt that he is a committed and able intellectual, and a skilled political manager. What is the unit intended to achieve? Can it be compared with the unit that operated during the Mbeki and Kgalema Motlanthe presidencies? Priorities The unit’s priority areas will be “the economy, infrastructure planning and development, agricultural development and government service delivery”.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Corruption in South Africa by T. LODGE N
    UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRAND INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED SOCIAL RESEARCH SEMINAR PAPER TO BE PRESENTED IN THE RICHARD WARD BUILDING SEVENTH FLOOR, SEMINAR ROOM 7003 AT 4PM ON THE 18 AUGUST 1997. TITLE: Political Corruption in South Africa BY T. LODGE NO: 425 Political Corruption in South Africa Tom Lodge 1. Introduction Many people believe that widespread political corruption exists in South Africa. In a survey published by ID AS A in 1996, 46 per cent of the sample consulted felt that most officials were engaged in corruption and only six per cent believed there was clean government1. In another poll conducted by the World Value Survey, 15 per cent of the respondents were certain that all public servants were guilty of bribery and corruption and another 30 per cent thought that most officials were venal2. The IDAS A survey indicated that 41 per cent of the sample felt that public corruption was increasing. Most recently, Transparency International, an international monitoring agency, has reported on a survey which confirms a growing perception among foreign businessmen that official corruption in South Africa is widespread3. These perceptions have probably been stimulated by the proliferation of press reportage on corruption as well as debates between national politicians but the evidence concerns perceptions and in itself is an unreliable indicator of the scope or seriousness of the problem except in so far as the existence of such beliefs can encourage corrupt transactions between officials and citizens. In reviewing the South African evidence this paper will attempt to answer four questions. Is the present South African political environment peculiarly susceptible to corruption? Were previous South African administrations especially corrupt? What forms has political corruption assumed since 1994 and how serious has been its incidence? Finally, does modern South African corruption mainly represent habits inherited from the past or is it a manifestation of new kinds of behaviour? There is general agreement about what constitutes political corruption.
    [Show full text]
  • MOTHER of the NATION: Saint and Sinner
    MOTHER OF THE NATION: Saint and Sinner By Isaac Otidi Amuke ‘‘They set up my father as the saint and set up my mother as the sinner,’’ Zindzi Mandela is quoted saying about her famous parents in Pascale Lamche’s film Winnie. Of all front-row ANC freedom fighters – men and women – Winnie Madikizela-Mandela was singled out as the only leader to appear before South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in her personal capacity, where she was implored by Desmond Tutu o apologise to the country for whatever might have gone wrong under her watch. Tutu had argued then that her confession would be good for the country. The ANC employed the use of violence during the anti-apartheid struggle, including deploying bombs in strategic government installations, some of which exploded and killed the wrong targets. It was widely held – and as stated by ANC stalwart Ahmed Kathrada during a BBC HardTalk interview – that some bombings were carried out by unruly ANC cadres. These crimes were pegged not on individuals but on the ANC, which sent senior representatives to the TRC to either explain and defend its position or to apologise. The same collective leniency of being represented by the ANC was not extended to Madikizela-Mandela. The liberation sins attributed to her and those around her were placed squarely at her feet, prominent among them being the 1989 killing of 14-year-old Moeketsi “Stompie” Seipei, who was suspected of being a police informer. ‘‘The one person who kept the fire burning when everyone was petrified,’’ Madikizela-Mandela said of her essential if lonely and thankless role in the anti-apartheid struggle in Lamche’s film, a moment in which moment her eyes got watery.
    [Show full text]
  • Premier Invests in Youth Enterprises
    22 February 2013 Premier invests in youth enterprises The premier of the Free State, Ace Magashule , has announced that his office has set aside R2- million to support social enterprise businesses created by the social development department in partnership with the International Labour Organization (ILO) and other government departments. Magashule made this disclosure in Bloemfontein this week at the occasion to present 71 young people from Mangaung and Matjhabeng Local Municipalities with certificates for their participation in social enterprise business plan competition. “Our hope is in our young people, but they must have the required tools. We must ensure that our young people become job creators not job seekers. We are therefore happy with this social enterprise programme.” “They will bring change in their society; the Free State and in Mangaung. It will bring good and sound business to the province. Already I am committing R2-million, we are going to make sure they succeed. The future, hope, prosperity and better life are in reach,” said Magashule. 22 February 2013 Magashule added that young people should strive to be self-reliant because education without hard work is useless. He described himself as a community activist who believes in empowering people through community or social projects. “If you are lazy you cannot grow the economy. I do not know what to do to make South Africa a working nation. Now is the time to reconstruct South Africa. We cannot just sit and not see what we can do for South Africa. The economy will only be changed by your generation,” said Magashule.
    [Show full text]
  • Re Betlatsela
    Get Free news in a simple form Fumana Ditaba ka tsela e bobebe Mahala PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUENCY OFFICE (PCO) Re betlaTSELA may 2021 issue no.18 Foloing up o or comitments to the peole ANC PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUENCY NEWSLETTER ROOM 18, 155 AB HOSPITAL ROAD, MANGAUNG MUNICIPALITY OFFICES, BOTSHABELO 9781, TELEPHONE NO. 051 5345157 EMAIL: [email protected]. Magashule o eme ‘tlapeng le thellang bomenemene ditjheleteng tsa setjhaba. bothata bo boholo le mokgatlo wa ANC ka Ho thwe bopaki bo tla hlahella bo mora’ hore a hane ho amohela qeto ya ho mo bontshang hantle kamoo Magashule le ba fanyeha mosebetsing hobane a ile a hana ho bang, ho kenyeletswa le Majoro wa emella ka thoko, ka mora’ hore mokgatlo o mehleng wa Phethahatso Masepaleng o laele jwalo; hore ditho tsohle tse qoseditsweng moholo wa Mangaung, Olly Mlaleli, ba diketso tse tlhokolotsi tse kenyeletsang lohileng maqheka le mano ka teng ka manyofonyofo le bobodu di fuwe matsatsi a 30 makgetlo ho utswa dimilione-milione tsa ho emella ka thoko ho tloha mohla qeto. Ha a tjhelete ya mmuso ka bolotsana, ka tlasa dumellane le qeto e nkilweng, mme o hana ho moritaoke wa ho ntsha marulelo a e amohela. Bakeng sa ho ikobela tao eo le ho asbestos dibakeng tse ngata Foreisetata. ikamahanya le dipeelo tsa yona, ke ha a Diqoso di re Makgashule o ile a itjhebisa buisana le mekgatlo ya ditaba, a hlalosa kwana ha manyofonyofo le boshodu di boemo ba hae; hore e ntse e le Mongodi e etswa ka ditjhelete tsa setjhaba. O boetse Moholo wa ANC, mme o tla nne a tswelle pele o qoswa ka ho thola tu, empa a tseba ka ka boikarabelo ba hae le ho etsa mesebetsi ya manyofonyofo, bolotsana le boshodu bo hae.
    [Show full text]