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Rita Sanctis A QUEST PHH U K AND TRANSFORMATIVE RESISTANCE
An Explorative Study on Religious and Philosophical Resources of Resistance to Female Foeticide and Infanticide in India
Rita Sanctis PRINT1NG:
Ipskamp Drukkers Sint Annastraat 99 6524 EK Nijmegen The Netherlands
COVER DESIGN:
P.V. Antony
FINANCIAL SUPPORT:
Gratefïil appreciation to the Institute of Missiology, Aachen, Germany, for offering me a scholarship for my studies and to the Radboud University Nijmegen towards the printing of this book.
ISBN 978-94-6259-267-4
Copyright © 2014 by RITA SANCTIS
All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the author. AQUESTFORLIF1
AND TRANSFORMATIVE RESISTANCE
AN EXPLORATIVE STUDY ON RELIGIOUS AND PHILOSOPHICAL RESOURCES OF RESISTANCE TO FEMALE FOETICIDE AND INFANTICIDE IN INDIA
Doctoral Thesis
to obtain the degree of doctor from Radboud University Nijmegen on the authority of the Rector Magnificus Prof. dr. S.C.J.J. Kortmann, according to the decision of the Council of Deans to be defended in public on Tuesday, August 19, 2014 at 12:30 hours
by
Rita Sanctis Bom on April 25, 1963 in Moodbidri, Kamataka, India Supervisors:
Prof. dr. G.M.F. Troch Prof. dr. C.W. Hübenthal
Doctoral Thesis Committee:
Prof. dr. P.J.A. Nissen Prof. dr. H.E. Zorgdrager (Protestantse Theologische Universiteit Amsterdam) Prof. dr. M.A.C. de Haardt A QUEST FOR LIFE AND TfUtNSFOMAATIVE RESISTANCE
AN EXPLORATIVE STUDY ON RELIGIOUS AND PHILOSOPHICAL RESOURCES OF RESISTANCE TO FEMALE FOETICIDE AND INFANTICIDE IN INDIA
Proefschrift
ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen op gezag van de rector magnificus prof. dr. S.C.J.J. Kortmann, volgens besluit van het college van decanen in het openbaar te verdedigen op dinsdag augustus 19, 2014 om 12:30 uur precies
door
Rita Sanctis geboren op april 25, 1963 te Moodbidri, Kamataka, India Promotoren:
Prof. dr. G.M.F. Troch Prof. dr. C.W. Hübenthal
Manuscriptcommissie:
Prof. dr. P.J.A. Nissen Prof. dr. H.E. Zorgdrager (Protestantse Theologische Universiteit Amsterdam) Prof. dr. M.A.C. de Haardt DEDICATION
TO
The Congregation of the Sisters of the Little Flower of Bethany, Mangalore, India
&
The Development of Women and Girls
Table of Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS------vii
ABBREVIATIONS------ix
GENERAL INTRODUCTION------1
Part I
MAPPING THE PATHWAY
Chapter One
An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of Female Foeticide and Female Infanticide in India
1. Introduction------13
2. An Overview of the Indian Context------14
2.1. Spectrum of Diversity------14
2.2. Hierarchical Caste System------16
2.3. Religious Fundamentalism------20
2.4. Dichotomy between Economie Growth and Poverty------22
2.5. Status of Women in India------25
3. Violence against Women and Girls (VAWG)------26
4. Female Foeticide and Female Infanticide------31
4.1. Factors that Contribute to Female Foeticide and Female Infanticide------38 4.1.1. Cuitural Factor: Dominant Culture of Patriarchy------38 4.1.2. Social Factor: Obsessive Preference for Sons------40 4.1.3. Religious Factor: Devaluation of and Discrimination against Women and Girls------43 4.1.4. Economie Factor: Dowry System------47 Table of Contents
4.1.5. Political Factor: Neglect of Women's Issues------51
4.2. Impact of Female Foeticide and Female Infanticide on W omen------52 4.2.1. Health Hazards for Women------53 4.2.2. Women's Struggle in Vicious Circle of Violence------55
5. Summary and Conclusion------57
Part II
EXPLORING RESOURCES ON THE PATHWAY
Chapter Two
Resistance Resources from the Hindu Religious Tradition of Sakti, the Divine Feminine Principle
1. Introduction------60
2. Sakti, the Divine Feminine Principle------62
2.1. Understanding the Concept of 'Sakti'------62
2.2. Sakti, the Divine Feminine Principle in the Hindu Religious Realm------63
3. Functions/Use of Sakti, the Divine Feminine Power------67
3.1. Divine Feminine Power used for Glorification------68 3.1.1. Glorification of Divine Feminine Power in Goddess Worship------68 3.1.2. Glorification of Bharat Mata (Mother India)------70 3.1.3. Divine Feminine Power Manifested in Indian Cosmology------72
3.2. Divine Feminine Power used for the Devaluation and Oppression against Women - 75 3.2.1. Oppressive Elements of Sotf Myth------76 3.2.2. StrTdharma (Dharma of the Woman)------78 3.2.3. 'Motherhood' used for Oppression against Women------80
3.3. Divine Feminine Power for the Liberation of W om en------83 3.3.1. Power of Resistance------83 3.3.2. Power of Justice------85
ii Table of Contents
3.3.3. Power of Wisdom------88 3.3.4. Power of Compassion------90
3.4. Garba - Cultural and Religious Symbol of Sakti------92
3.5. Relevance of Sakti in the Context of FF and Fl------95
4. Summary and Conclusion------96
Chapter Th ree
Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity: Divine Sophia, Jesus, and Mary, the Mother of Jesus
1. Introduction------98
2. Personification of Divine Feminine: Divine Sophia------100
2.1. Personification of Divine Sophia in the Hebrew Bible------100
2.2. Elements of Female Devaluation------105 2.2.1. Negative Images of Women------105 2.2.2. Ambiguity of Female Roles------106
2.3. Empowering Resistance Resources------108 2.3.1. Inclusive House of Divine Sophia------108 2.3.2. Empowering Functions of Women------110 2.3.3. Shekinah - Empowering Divine Feminine Presence------111
2.4. The Vision of Divine Sophia to Affirm Human Life------113
3. Jesus of Nazareth------116
3.1. Jesus, the 'Prophet of Divine Sophia'------117
3.2. Jesus on Resistance Engagement------119 3.2.1. Jesus Displays Resistance------120 3.2.2. Jesus' Mission of Resistance to Structures of Domination------122 3.2.3. Resistance Resources in Jesus' Encounter with Women------125 3.2.4. Women Redaim Liberation through Resistance------127
3.3. Elements of Oppression and Liberation in Jesus' Tradition------132 3.3.1. Jesus as "Suffering Servant" - Elements of oppression and Resistance------132 Table of Contents
3.3.2. Relevance of Resistance in the Context of FF and F l------135
4. Mary, the Mother of Jesus------137
4.1. Portrayal of Mary in the Catholic Church - Misuse of Marian Powers------138
4.2. The Significance of Mary of Nazareth in the Bible------141
4.3. Magnificat, M ar/s Song of Resistance------143
4.4. Empowering Resistance Resources------146 4.4.1. Perspective of Liberation------146 4.4.2. Perspective of Inculturation------149 4.4.3. Perspective of Empowerment of Women Victims------153 4.4.4. Perspective of Narration of Life Stories------155
5. Summary and Conclusion------156
Chapter Four
Resistance Resources from a Gandhian Philosophical Perspective: Revisiting Gandhi's Vision of Nonviolent Resistance
1. Introduction------160
2. Profile of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi------162
2.1. Key Concepts of the Gandhian Vision of Nonviolent Resistance------166 2.1.1. Satyagraho (Truth Force or Soul Force)------166 2.1.2. Ahimsa (Nonviolence)------171 2.1.3. Nonviolent Resistance------174 2.1.4. Swaraj (Self-governance or Self-rule)------178 2.1.5. Sarvodaya (Welfare of All)------179
2.2. Limitations of the Gandhian Approach in India------182 2.2.1. Dichotomy between Traditional and Modern Methods of Development------183 2.2.2. Failure of Gandhian Approach to Hindu-Muslim Unity------186
3. Gandhi's Perception of W om en------187
3.1. 'Feminine' Qualities used for Glorification of Women------188
3.2. Exploitation of W omen------191 Table of Contents
3.3. Liberation of Women in Gandhian Thought------195
Relevance of Gandhi for India Today------201
4.1. Nonviolent Resistance Approach for Social Welibeing------201
4.2. Envisioning Nonviolent Resistance in the Context of FF and Fl------204
Summary and Conclusion------206
Part III
DISCOVERING NEW PATHWAYS
Chapter Five
Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to Female Foeticide and Female Infanticide
Introduction------210
The Sacredness and Dignity of Human Life------211
2.1. Conceptual Understanding: The Sacredness and Dignity of Human Life------212
2.2. Human Rights-oriented Theological Approach: Negative Contrast Experience----- 214 2.2.1. Affirmative Genealogy------216 2.2.2. Presence of Shekinah in Women's Care------218 2.2.3. Respect for Life in Nature and Society------221
The Reconstruction of the Self of Women------224
3.1. Hermeneutic Theory of Narrative Identity------225
3.2. Process of Self Transformation------229
3.3. Transcending Gender-based Inequaiities------233
Women's Empowerment and Agency------237
4.1. Liberating Dimension of Women's Empowerment and Agency------238
4.2. Redefinition and Reinterpretation of 'Transformative Resistance'------241 Table of Contents
4.2.1. Resistance that gives Power to the Powerless------243 4.2.2. Resistance that Transforms the Oppressor and the Oppressed------244 4.2.3. Resistance that Transforms Structures of Oppression------246
5. Summary and Conclusion------248
GENERAL CONCLUSION------250
GLOSSARY------255
BIBLIOGRAPHY------257
SUMMARY IN ENGLISH------278
SUMMARY IN DUTCH------283
ABOUT THE AUTHOR------289
vi Acknowledgements
I greatly value the contributions of all who accompanied me during these four years of my research. First of all, I would like to thank my dear Congregation, the Congregation of the Sisters of the Little Flower of Bethany, Mangalore, India, for selecting me to study abroad. I acknowledge the prayerful support and good wishes of all the sisters of my Congregation, and, to make mention of a few: my former Superior General Sr. Jyoti and her Councillors and the present Superior General Sr. Wilberta and her Councillors, the Delegation Superiors of Delegation Abroad, past and present - Sr. Irene and Sr. Carmella, and Sr. Mariette, the Provincial Superior of Mangalore Province for their encouragement, care, and blessings.
I am profoundly grateful to my Supervisors Prof. dr. G.M.F. Troch and Prof. dr. C.W. Hübenthal for their scholarship, challenging suggestions, encouragements, and for offering critical insights. They have been a strong support to me through their constructive critique of my thesis. I would like to express my gratitude to Prof. dr. Frans Maas for being part of this research as supervisor in the first year of my research.
Sincere thanks to the members of the Doctoral Thesis Committee: Prof. dr. P. J.A. Nissen, Prof. dr. H.E. Zorgdrager, and Prof. dr. M.A.C. de Haardt for their affirmative response to my thesis. A special thanks to Prof. dr. Frans Wijsen, the Dean of the Faculty of Theology and the members of the Doctoral Examination Board.
It was indeed enriching to spend most of my time in the Central libraiy of Radboud University during these years of my study. I have a lot of appreciation to the library staff for their kindness and help in finding books needed. It was also a pleasure to look for relevant material from the libraries of Utrecht University, and of Missio in Aachen, the Pontifïcal Athenaeum of Dharmaram Vidya Kshetram, Bangalore, the United Theological College, Bangalore, and the Centre for Education and Documentation, Bangalore, India.
I acknowledge with gratitude the fïnancial support from the Institute of Missiology, Aachen, Germany, and in particular the Director of Missio, Prof. dr. Harald Suermann and the Coordinator of the Asia Desk, Dr. Annette Meuthrath for offering me a scholarship for my studies which made it possible to pursue my study in the Netherlands. My thanks are due to all the benefactors for their sacrifïce, generous help, and the kindness they extended by providing me with fïnancial support, without whom it would have been impossible to take up
vii Acknowledgements this project. My special thanks to the Radboud University Nijmegen for the financial assistance offered me towards the printing of this book.
I remain gratefiil to Zusters van de Veste, Kwakkenbergweg for providing me with accommodation, and for the family atmosphere, their affection and care during my two years’ stay with them. I thank Sr. Angèle Schamp, OP and de Congregatie van Zusters Dominicanessen van Neerbosch for their generosity in providing me with an apartment at Catharinahof during the last two years of this project, which was conducive to study and to physical and spiritual enrichment. I am gratefiil to Fr. Theo Vermeer for his spiritual guidance during my stay in the Netherlands all these years. I thank Ms Godelief de Jong and Ms Linda Roozenboom for their kind and timely help in all official matters. Many thanks to Prof. dr. P.J.C.L. van der Velde for the consultation on material on Hinduism and to Prof. dr. W.F.C.M. Derkse for translating the summary of my research into Dutch.
Hearty thanks to Sr. Theodora Hettiarachchi, Fr. Walter D’Mello, Fr. Maxim Pinto and my sister Neena for correcting the draft of this thesis and for proofreading the text. Great appreciation and thanks to Charles Randall for editing the final draft of this book. All remaining errors are mine and I remain responsible for any shortcomings in this book. A special thanks to Fr. P.V. Antony for his technical help and for designing the cover page. Thanks to my friends from India who have been supportive to me in various ways as I collected the study material, for their kindness, and good wishes. Warm thanks to all my friends in the Netherlands for their friendship and encouragement.
With much love I thank my family. My parents Late Mr. Lawrence and Mrs. Mary Sanctis, my loving sisters Neena, Benedicta, and Jacintha, brothers-in-law Joe and George, and my loving nieces and nephew: Janice, Danica, Rithika, and Glen for their love, encouragement, constant support, inspiration, and kindness.
Above all, I thank my God for His immense love and numerous blessings on me and pray God’s blessings on my country India, a country which treasures the wisdom of the ancients and religious values in diverse ways. I am happy today that this project has seen the light of day, it welcomes every female baby that takes conception and comes into this planet earth with “Rainbow” imagery, with a hope to live and change the world with her life. I conclude by invoking divine blessings on this project and on us all with the motto of Radboud University: In Dei nomine feliciter - happily in God’s name! Abbreviations
AIDWA All India Democratie Women’s Association AIR All India Radio AWRC Asian Women’s Resource Centre (for Culture and Theology) BG Bhagavad-Gita BJP Bharatiya Janata Party CCC Catechism of the Catholic Church CSJP Council for Social Justice and Peace CSR Child Sex Ratio FF Female Foeticide FI Female Infanticide IMR Infant Mortality Rate IPC Indian Penal Code ISPCK Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge LG Ltunen Gentium MMR Matemal Mortality Rate MOHFW Ministry of Health and Family Welfare MTP Medical Termination of Pregnancy NBA Narmada Bachao Andolan (Save the Narmada Movement) NCERT National Council of Educational Research and Training NCRB National Crime Records Bureau NCT National Capital Territory NGO Non-Govemmental Organisation PNDT Pre-conception and Pre-natal Diagnostic Technique RM Redemptoris Missio RTC Regional Theology Centre SIRD State Institute of Rural Development SRS Sample Registration System Abbteviations
SWMG Selected Works of Mahatma Gandhi UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights VAWG Violence against Women and Girls VHP Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council) VJTR Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection General Introduction
Context of Study
‘Are women and girls safe in India?’ This is the question that has often been asked around the globe in recent years because of incessant atrocities against women and girls. Female foeticide (FF) and female infanticide (FI) are among various forms of violence against women and girls (VAWG) which is the subject of this theological exploration. FF means intentionally eliminating female fetuses; FI is the killing of female babies immediately after birth or in infant years, just because they are not males.1 It is a major setback for the promotion of female life, human dignity, and the promotion of human rights.
‘Give me life, that I may be life-giving’ with this poignant plea of an unbom girl baby and a girl child to society, this study begins mapping the pathway of ‘quest for life’ so that girl babies have a chance to live and so that they may in turn enrich humanity.2 The topic of this research is important because the very existence of female life is threatened in India. The question of eliminating female babies before or immediately after birth and in some cases at the infant stage is what makes the issue of VAWG significant and pressing in India, a country which ideologically honours women as goddesses.
FF and FI have socio-cultural, economic, and religious roots interwoven with the devaluation of and discrimination against women and girls at all levels. Preference for sons over daughters is built into the cultural ideology of India and therefore, girls are discriminated against and even eliminated by those families who do not favour girl children. While there are other numerous factors contributing to the gravity of the said phenomenon, such as economic concerns, the question of culture remains dominant. To this extent, the problem of FF and FI can be said to be a cultural problem. Drawing upon this understanding, it is important to fiirther describe the question of dowry in the context of family income.3 It is due to this phenomenon that a girl-child in India is sometimes killed at the infant stage, simply because the family believes that she is a liability in the future. People are afraid to confront and challenge the dowiy system; as money, properfy, and social status take precedence over
1 The other terms used to describe FF and FI are: sex-selective abortions, gender-based infanticide, gender-based killings, and femicide which mean killing of infant girls or elimination of female foetuses. 2 Cf. Vera Alvares, “The Day of the (Missing) Girl Child,” The Examiner, 06 September 2003,6. 3 Dowry is the bride price. It is one of the main factors that contribute to elimination o f females. While in many cultures, boys are expected to pay a dowry to the family of the girl, in India it is the other way round. For instance, in some African countries, having more girls in a family is a blessing because the girls are a source of wealth. 1 General Introduction
human life. Religion is the other important factor that upholds devaluation of and discrimination against women and girls, and its impact is experienced by them at all levels of life. Politically, women are underrepresented in national and local politics, which has led to the neglect of women’s issues. Thus, the deep roots of female devaluation interwoven with various factors contribute to the deprivation of the gift of life to girls in India.
Article 21 of the Indian Constitution guarantees “the protection of life and personal liberty.”4 Various initiatives have also been taken both by the Government and non- govemmental organisations (NGOs) for the welfare of the girl child and to educate people to value female life. Though Government programmes and human rights organizations strive to put an end to these practices with education, fïnancial incentives, and the threat of punishment, the practice of FF and FI have persisted in India. Time and tested solutions show that for the survival of girl children, tremendous efforts have to be made and support from outside the family (which is not necessary for boys) must be sought.
Presently, FF and FI are receiving national attention in India because of the alarming imbalance in the female-male ratio in the censuses of 2001 and 2011. According to the 2011 census, among the 0-6 year age group, there were 914 females for every thousand males compared to 927 in 2001. The drastic decrease in the child sex ratio in India (when extrapolated across a population of 158.8 million children who fall into this age category)5 poses a great challenge for the 21st century, and discussions on FF and FI continue to abound. It is disheartening to note that in certain parts of India the practice of FF and FI substantially contributes to the decreasing child sex ratio. Despite legal, political, and economic measures tailored to care for female babies, the practice of FF and FI have been increasing over recent years. Despite the increased literacy rate of girls and the gradual societal move away from joint families6 towards nuclear families (which might reduce violence against girl babies), a deep seated female devaluation still persists in India.
4 Krishan Arora, ed., The Constitution of India (Professional Book Publishers, New Delhi, 2007), Article 21. 5 C. Chandramouli, Census o f India 2011, Provisional Population Totals, Paper 1 of 2011, Office ofthe Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India, 2011,62, (about 5 million less than thenumberrecordedin2001). 6 Joint family is a traditional family structure in Indian society. 'ITie male blood relatives with their wives and children live together in the same family. The family is headed by the oldest male who makes decisions on all matters on behalf of the family. 2 General Introduction
Review of Literature
In this section, there is a brief overview of the contribution of some of the scholars who study the practice of FF and FI in various geographical locations in central, southem, and northem India.
Mahendra K. Premi and Saraswati Raju, who conducted their research project in Madhya Pradesh, Central India, observe that the practice of FI is community specific. FI is widespread in Yadavs, Gurjars, and Rajput communities. Among Rajput communities, FI is mostly attributed to the practice of traditional Rajput pride and hypergamous marriage exchanges (daughter’s marriage with a person of a higher social status or position). Premi and Raju highlight how hypergamous marriages among the Rajputs of Madhya Pradesh are the cause of the elimination of girls, by pointing to one of the cultural pattems during the marriage ceremony. During the marriage, the bride’s father or elder brother ceremonially wash the feet of the bridegroom as a mark of honour. This ceremony is called the ‘worship of the feet’ (pao püja). The implicit message is that the bride giver has in principle accepted the superiority of the bridegroom as well as of his near patrilineal relatives. This ceremony creates a difference in the hierarchical status between the two parties. Therefore, more daughters mean repeated submission of self-respect to the supremacy of the bridegroom’s family.7 In other caste groups such as Yadavs and Gurjars, FI is mainly attributed to the dowry system.8
In Female Infanticide in India: a Feminist Cultural History (2005) the authors Rashmi Dube Bhatnagar, Renu Dube, and Reena Dube trace the histoiy of the practice of FI in colonial India. They focus on the devaluation of women through an examination of the practice of FI in colonial India and the re-emergence of this practice in the form of femicide (selective killing of female foetuses) in postcolonial India. The context of their analysis is Rajasthan and the community of Rajputs.9 The authors provide us with information about how the practice of FI prevailed in Rajasthan. In order to explain how FI in colonial India became a generalized practice of femicide in postcolonial India, the authors closely examine the British-colonial histoiy of the discovery, reform, and eradication of the practice of FI. They not only discuss how FI and femicide take place, but most importantly why these practices
7 Mahendra K. Premi and Saraswati Raju, “Bom to die, Female Infanticide in Madhya Pradesh,” Research Bulletin, 13 (3), July- September 1998 (94-105), see also, Muiray Milner, Jr. Status and Sacredness: A General Theory of Status Relations and an Analysis of Indian Culture (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 151. 8 Mahendra K. Premi and Saraswati Raju, Bom to die, Female Inlanticide in Madhya Pradesh, Search Bulletin, 103. 9 Rajputs are known as Kshatriyas in Hindu social hierarchal system. They are of warrior class mainly situated in the State of Rajasthan. They are also spread to North, West, and Central India. 3 General Introduction become economically rewarding for families and communities, as they continue despite legal measures against them. They argue that FI is seen as part of the continuum of violence and devaluation of girl-child and woman in postcolonial India.10
There are two significant considerations which emerge from the study of Rashmi Dube et al. First, one of the main questions which the authors discuss pertains to the way this practice is used for economical ends by the families and communities. The authors point out that the practice of femicide became enticing because it was part of a network of practices of social violence on Rajput women for the purpose of the accumulation of wealth and upward mobility.11 Second, the authors also focus on the resistance resources from Meera tradition.12 The authors argue that Meera’s poetry engenders traditions of co-authoring which makes it possible for generations of the poor and dispossessed to articulate their resistance. Meera’s poetry inaugurated a woman-centred critique of Rajput patriarchy from within the community.13
Sharada Srinivasan in her thesis Daughter Elimination in Tamil Nadu, India (2006) focuses on FI in the State of Tamil Nadu, South India. She mainly discusses why and how daughter elimination occurs in some places at a particular point in time. She explores the complexities of socio-cultural, economic, and demographic interactions around daughter elimination in Tamil Nadu in a rural agrarian context.14 In her field research, she discovered a few cases of women who resisted eliminating their daughters in spite of extemal pressures by their husbands and in-laws. These women were motivated to do so because of their grueling experience of suffering at the hands of their male counterparts and they were determined to save their daughters. They were willing offer their daughters the best that they could and were ready to face indifferent behaviour from their husbands, and social and economic helplessness for the sake of saving the lives of their girl children.15
The study on sex-selective abortion in six villages from Gujarat (state in the North-West coast of India) and six villages from Haryana (North India) by Leela Visaria et al. in Abortion in India: Ground Realities (2007) demonstrated that there is an all-pervasive collusion
10 Cf. Rashmi Dube Bhatnagar, Renu Dube, and Reena Dube, Female Infanticide in India: A Feminist Cultural History (Albany: State University ofNew York Press, 2005), Preface, ix. 11 Cf. Ibid., x. 12 Meera (1498-1546) was a princess ofMewar, Rajasthan. She was a devotec of Lord Krishna, a mystic, and a woman poet. 13 Cf. Rashmi Dube Bhatnagar, Female Infanticide in India: A Feminist Cultural History, xi. 14 Cf. Sharada Srinivasan. “Daughter Elimination in Tamil Nadu, India: Development, Discrimination and Survival” (Ph.D. diss., Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, the Netherlands, 2006), 1-32. 15 Cf. Ibid., 210. 4 General Introduction between cultural and social norms and technology. Son preference is so strongly entrenched, and the wellbeing of women is very precarious once they are married. Visaria et al. pointed out that couples make use of the facilities for conducting sex-detection tests with ultrasound machines and opt for abortion in case of a female foetus. Secondly, despite the increase in percentage of literacy among women, they derive their value and position mainly as mothers of sons. Women intemalize these values to such an extent that their happiness and social status in their marital homes depend on producing sons.16 The authors also highlighted the problem of a deficit of brides caused by the centuries-old practice of getting rid of girls in the regions of Gujarat and Haryana. They observed that because of the deficit of girls, some men are forced to remain bachelors; in some cases brides are bought from scheduled tribes (low caste groups) and other groups by paying bride price.17
Television serial Na Aana Iss Dess Laado (Don’t come to this land my girl) tried to raise awareness in the country about heinous crimes against female babies. The film serial concentrated on FI and the problems faced by women in a male-dominant society in the state of Haryana, North India. The setting is in Haryana where FI is carried on in a Hindu elite family and there is contempt for female babies in the families. In this traditional elite joint family, the women are portrayed as confined to domestic roles. The women characters are on the one hand portrayed as willing to eliminate the female babies and on the other, those women who resist and challenge the traditional domestic roles of women are rejected and become victims in their families.18
The scholars whose work is examined above highlight what motivates the carrying out of FI in some parts of India and FF in relation to the use of sex-detection tests and abortion of female foetuses. Their scholarly research has raised the cultural question of preference for sons in connection to family income and examined the limiting of women’s status to domestic enclosure. The empirical research by Mahendra K. Premi and Saraswati Raju highlighted the pressure on male pride as male members feel humiliated during the marriage ceremonies of their daughters by submitting to traditional cultural norms. In order to preserve the social status and the dignity of men, girl children are not favoured and they are unwelcome in families. Rashmi Dube et al. and Sharada Srinivasan raised the issue of resistance towards
16 Cf. Leela Visaria, “Sex- Selective Abortion in Gujarat and Haryana: Some Empirical Evidence,” in Abortion in India: Grovnd Realities, eds. Leela Visaria and Vimala Ramachandran (I.ondon, New York, New Delhi: Routledge, 2007), 162-3. 17 Cf. Ibid., 163-4. 18 Na Aana lss Dess Laado (accessed 26 September 2013) from http://apni.tv/serials/na-aana-is-dcs-laado.htrn1 This film serial was written by Kamal Pandey, Satish Kumar Nair and Amit Verma which began on 09 March 2009 and ended on 27 July 2012. 5 General Introduction violence against baby-girls and highlighted similar socio-cultural and economie reasons in relation to the practice of FI. While this study acknowledges the valuable contribution made by many scholars into the hidden phenomenon of female elimination in India, it is observed that though the scholars have raised the need for resistance, they do not envision resistance to FF and FI from the perspective of women.
The Purpose of this Study
In recent years, many attempts have been made to study the phenomenon of FF and FI and its causes and roots, as seen above in the review of previous research.19 This study, however, deals with resistance to VAWG. The main focus of this study is on women’s resistance to issues of eliminating female foetuses and female infants. As the deplorable context of increasing VAWG calls for resistance, this study emphasizes that it must begin with women because women are the ‘victims’ while often they are also participants in eliminating children of their own sex. Once women realise FF and FI as self-attack, they will be able to resist such crimes, which are against the sacredness and dignity of female life. Therefore, this study explores the possibilities of resistance to VAWG and brings to the centre of the analysis how women’s resistance would emerge from their afïïrmation of life.
To address the above context this research explores religious and philosophical resources of resistance to empower women to promote and protect female life. Religion could be seen as one of the key elements for social change, for instance, to address the humanitarian aspects of this issue. Religion also has power to shape values, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours of people. Through the critica! analysis on oppressive and liberative elements in Hinduism, Judaism, Christianity, and Gandhian philosophical thought on nonviolent resistance, this study explores resistance resources that can be utilized to enhance and protect the life of females in India. The resistance resources explored from these perspectives could provide inspiration and motivation to resist structures of oppression and devaluation against women. The aim of this research is to develop a deeper consciousness in Indian thought that human life is sacred, something which all religions uphold in principle and which needs to be conscientiously implemented in affirming life.
19 See also, R.P. Ravindra, “Dear God, Give Us Only Male Children,” The Weekend Observer, 25 April 1992, 14; M. Sheela Rani Chunkath and V.B. Athreya, “Female Infanticide in Tamil Nadu Some Evidence,” Economic and Political Weekly 32, no. 17 (April 1997): 21-8; Jeeva, Gandhimathi, and Phavalam, “Female Infanticide: Philosophy, Pcrspective, and concern of SIRD,” Search Bulletin 13, no. 3 (July-September 1998): 9-17; Sabu ( ieorge, Rajaratnam Abel, and B.D. Miller, “Female Infanticide in Rural South India,” Search Bulletin 12, no. 3 (July-September 1998): 18-26; Meena Swaminathan, A Mangai, and S. Raja Samuel, “Confronting Discrimination: Some Approaches to the Issue of Female Infanticide,” Search Bulletin 13, no. 3 (July-September 1998): 64-74. 6 General Introduction
Moreover, this study contributes to the protection of human rights as FF and FI clearly are human rights issues as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) 1948 Article 3 states: “Everyone has the right to life, liberty, and security of person.”20 The ‘right to life’ which is enshrined in the UDHR and in the Indian constitutions is at stake as female babies are being annihilated and discriminated against on the basis of sex. This is a major setback for the value of human life, human dignity, and for human rights. Females should not be eliminated and discriminated against on the basis of sex and their rights should not be violated. They have every right to live with dignity and contribute to society with their productive and developmental potential. “To date there has been remarkably little systematic exploration of people’s religious resources for the promotion and protection of human rights.”21 This study aims at this premise as the post-modem era invites people to search for sources of spiritual strength to address the problems of social concern.
However, this study limits itself within the complex context of VAWG to FF and FI in India. Two broad issues are analysed: one, the emergence of VAWG from patriarchal structures; two, women’s complicity in their own violence. The resources that are helpful and significant, the use of religious beliefs in history, in daily life that influence socio-cultural and religious contexts have been taken into consideration in the discussion. The primary goal of this thesis is to empower women to resist VAWG with conviction, individually and collectively, by affirming their sacred life and their potential power. We acknowledge the limitation of this study, as VAWG covers very broad perspectives with various types of violence, internal and extemal, intertwined and interconnected. Therefore, we have focused on the most heinous crimes of FF and FI for our analysis with the resources available. Secondly, we have taken resources from Hinduism, Judaism, Christianity, and Gandhian thought on resistance seen as liberative and transformative. We acknowledge that other religions and cultural traditions also offer resources that could enhance human life, especially the life of women and girls. Though this research is limited to women in Indian context, there is a wider scope for implementation of its fïndings and conclusions.
This study is thematic in nature and therefore we make use of the sources as relevant to each theme. I have also taken into consideration some of the experiences shared by women in my encounter with them on various occasions. We have italicized non-English words and
20 United Nations, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, Article 3. 21 Genie ter Haar, “Religion and Human Rights: Searching for Common Ground,” in Religion and Development, ed. Gerrie ter Harr, with a Foreword by James D. Wolfensohn (London: Hurst & Company, 2011), 314. 7 General Introduction used diacritical marks for Sanskrit words. The meanings of important non-English words are given in the glossary.
Research Design
This section comprises research objectives, research questions, methodology, and research framework.
The main objectives of this research are:
1) to critically analyse the factors which contribute to VAWG in India, specifïcally FF and FI, and their impact on women;
2) to explore resistance resources from religious and philosophical perspectives to fight VAWG;
3) to develop a theoretical framework on envisioning different forms of resistance towards the elimination of FF and FI in India;
4) to contribute theological reflections on the promotion of sacredness and dignity of human life;
5) to contribute to the development of women and girls through the reconstruction of the female self and their empowerment; and
6) to contribute to the promotion and protection of human rights by addressing the social problem of FF and FI as ‘right to life issues.’
Accordingly, the main research question of this study is: can resistance resources from religious and philosophical perspectives help to promote the sacredness and dignity of the lives of women, the protection of human rights, and aid the eradication of female foeticide (FF) and female infanticide (FI) in India? In chapters one, four, and five the critical analytical method is employed in order to explain: some of the key concepts that arise in these chapters, their interpretation, and insights; to critically analyse the causes of VAWG; to appraise the relevance of Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance to enhance the life of women; and to analyse critically the elements that contribute to devaluation of and oppression against women and in view of drawing practical conclusions towards the enhancement of women and girls in India. Sub-questions relating to the central question discussed specifïcally in different chapters are: what are the specific factors that contribute to the devaluation of and discrimination against female life which also motivate FF and FI and what is their impact on women in India? (Chapter one); what is the relevance of the Gandhian thought on nonviolent resistance in
8 General Introduction addressing VAWG in India? (Chapter four); and to what extent the resistance resources explored in this study can contribute to the development of women and girls and envision transformative resistance as a paradigm to address FF and FI in India? (Chapter five).
In chapters two and three, the hermeneutics of critical evaluation introduced by the feminist Biblical scholar and theologian, Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza is employed. According to Schüssler Fiorenza a hermeneutic of critical evaluation seeks to adjudicate the oppressive tendencies as well as the liberating possibilities inscribed in Biblical texts, to examine their function in contemporary struggles for liberation, and their “resonance” with wo/men’s experience.22 It helps us to evaluate how Biblical and other texts function in a particular situation. lts criterion of evaluation is the wellbeing of eveiy person. It assesses how much a text encodes and reinforces structures of oppression and/or articulates values and visions that promote liberation.23 Schüssler Fiorenza suggests that although this method is employed for the analysis of Biblical texts, it can also be used in other contexts. Therefore, we realise the importance of this method in our study for exploring the oppressive and liberating resources from the perspective of Hinduism and some of its texts. By employing the hermeneutics of critical evaluation we attempt to answer the following sub-questions in chapters two and three:
How could resistance resources from Sakti, the Divine Feminine Principle in Hinduism contribute to empowering women in order to address VAWG? (Chapter two); what liberative dimensions of Divine Sophia could be relevant for transforming the life of women today? How does the encounter between Jesus and women serve to explore resistance resources to address the structures of oppression against women and how do women reclaim their liberation through resistance power? How can Mary be a model of liberation for women through her liberation song Magnificat? (Chapter three). The different narratives from religious traditions and the sacred texts would help us to analyse how the religious “text encodes and reinforces structures of oppression” and also help us to explore “values and visions that promote liberation.”24 Thus, the discussion from Hinduism, Judaism, Christianity, Gandhian philosophical thought and analysis on each discourse within the scope of limitations and possibilities for resistance against FF and FI will be elaborately discussed in this study.
22 Wo/man-wo/men - a way of writing proposed by Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza meant to indicate that the category “wo/man-wo/men” is a social construct. Wo/men are fragmentcd by structures of race, class, ethnicity, rcligion, sexuality, colonialism, and age. Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Wisdom Ways: Introducing Feminist Biblical Interpretation (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 2001), 216. 23 Cf Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Wisdom Ways: Introducing Feminist Biblical Interpretation (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 2001), 177-8. 24 Ibid., 200. 9 General Introduction
This dissertation in three parts presents a joumey of quest for life and resistance resources to defend female life. Part I “Mapping the Pathway” provides the context of the threat to female life in India for theological reflection. In chapter one, an overview of Indian society is presented and the problem of FF and FI, its causes and its impact is discussed. In order to know why some female babies are eliminated, it is important to make a critical analysis of the socio-cultural, religious, economic, and political factors that contribute to the devaluation, gender discrimination, and subordination of females to males. In the process of the analysis of causes, the contemporary situation of FF and FI, and the impact of FF and FI on women, this Part arrivés at a conclusion conceming the need for gathering resistance resources in order to eliminate FF and FI in India.
As Part I “Mapping the Pathway” suggests gathering resistance resources, Part II “Exploring Resources on the Pathway” serves to address the context of this study by gathering resources from religious and philosophical perspectives and is discussed in more detail in the next three chapters. Chapters two and three explore resistance resources from religions, namely, Hinduism, Judaism, and Christianity. Chapter two explores the resistance resources from Sakti, the Divine Feminine Principle in Hinduism from diverse perspectives. Chapter three focuses on Divine Sophia, Jesus, and Mary, the mother of Jesus. Analysing the various divine personifications from religious traditions from both oppressive and liberative perspectives in these chapters will provide values and visions to enhance the dignity of women as persons of worth. Chapter four examines the importance and the relevance of Gandhian philosophical thought on nonviolent resistance for India today and for the wellbeing of women in particular. Apart from political freedom, Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance approach can also be seen as a resource for social justice in India. Therefore, an attempt is made to revisit Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance approach, which can be helpful for attitudinal change towards the wellbeing of all. What is important and relevant for today’s India is Gandhian thought’s abilily to promote the life of women and the wellbeing of humanity. Thus, in these three chapters the focus is on exploring resistance resources that would help women in their quest to afifirm female life by resisting VAWG.
Part UI “Discovering New Pathways” serves to review the resistance resources in order to draw new applications and meaningful conclusions from this explorative study on religious and philosophical resources of resistance to FF and FI in India. Therefore, this study attempts to draw a theoretical framework on resistance to envision a transformation in praxis. This chapter comes in three sections: 1) the sacredness and dignity of human life; 2) the
10 General Introduction reconstruction of the self of women; and 3) women’s empowerment and agency. The help of various thinkers is sought in drawing a meaningful conclusion to this study in affirming women’s life through resistance. The resistance this study envisions is motivated by self- awakening in women and their discovery of their potential for constructive actions towards transformation. Finally, the redefinition and reinterpretation of transformative resistance from the perspective of women demonstrates that it is possible to address VAWG through resistance.
The title of this dissertation “A Quest for Life and Transformative Resistance” encompasses women’s constant struggle and it is a search to affirm life amidst various forms of violence surrounding them, through resistance. It also qualifies resistance. The impact of resistance through transformative resistance which this study envisions can address the issue of VAWG and especially FF and FI. Exploring various resources from religious and philosophical perspectives would shape our thinking and the insights gained by the valuable contribution of various scholars and it would make it possible to explore the possibilities to resist the structures of oppression that dehumanize women and girls. It is the vision of religious traditions to promote the sacredness and dignity human life as well as the UDHR which upholds right to life and an inherent dignity of all human beings. Moreover, theology in general and Christian theology in particular has been addressing issues that concern human life. When human life is threatened, it is imperative to resist violence and promote life. It is to such a vision this study contributes through developing resistance resources towards the development of women and girls.
11 Part I
MAPP1NG THE PATHWAY An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
AN ANALYSIS OH T H I CAUSES AND 1MMCT OFFKIMl^R>irrK!UKANI>FKMAIJINKANTICII>fc IN1NIHV
“The spiritual depth and attainment o f the society can be gauged by its basic attitude to life. Ifit values and reveres and preserves human life, it is a great society. ”
1. lntroduction This chapter constitutes the context of theological exploration in a religious and cultural pluralism in India. Within this context, the causes and impact of female foeticide (FF) and female infanticide (FI) will be analysed. Thus the objectives in this chapter are twofold: firstly, to critically analyse the socio-cultural, religious, economic, and political factors which lead to the discrimination of females and the elimination of female life in India; and secondly, to appraise the impact of FF and FI on women themselves.
To begin with, the complex multi-cultural and multi-religious Indian context is presented in fïve elements: 1) spectrum of diversity; 2) hierarchical caste system; 3) religious fundamentalism; 4) dichotomy between economic growth and poverty; and 5) the status of women. This is followed by a discussion of violence against women and girls (VAWG) within that context. Analysis of statistical data derived from the 2011 census of India is included. In the complexity of the Indian context, five important factors that contribute to the elimination of female life in India are analysed: 1) dominant culture of patriarchy; 2) obsessive preference for sons over daughters; 3) devaluation of and discrimination against women and girls in religious sphere; 4) dowry system; and 5) neglect of women’s issues at political level.
In the social realm there are a number of other practices which subjugate women to domination by men, such as widespread male-only property inheritance and the status of widows. All these factors are interrelated and intertwined. They contribute to the perpetuation of the socialized negative identity of women, male domination and female subordination, and general female devaluation. As will be shown, most of these factors are in line with majority Hindu culture and beliefs, but they are also present in other religions.
1 C.P. Bhatnagar, The Crisis in Indian Society (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1971), 27. 13 An Analysis on the C^auses and Impact of FF and FI
After analysing the causes of discrimination of eind oppression against women and girls, the impact of FF and FI on women from two perspectives is discussed: 1) health hazards of women and 2) women’s struggle in vicious circle of violence. Although the negative impact of FF and FI leads to demographic imbalance which adversely affects Indian society and the social structure of the nation as a whole, the analysis is restricted to the perspective of women, in this chapter. The above-mentioned aspects are discussed in the light of substantial research and relevant data in order to analyse critically the current situation of FF and FI in India. Through the analysis of those factors causing the contemporary incidence of FF and FI, and its impacts on women, this chapter arrivés at a defïnite conclusion conceming the need for the gathering of resistance resources in order to eliminate FF and FI in India. It cannot be overstated even at this early stage that this study will show that the very essential phenomenon of female life is threatened in Bharat Mata (Mother India), a land honoured as ‘Mother’.
2. An Overview of the Indian Context
The following live factors present the context of India in its broader perspective: They are: spectrum of diversity, hierarchical caste system, religious fundamentalism, dichotomy between economic growth and poverty, and the status of women.
2.1. Spectrum of Diversity
India is a nation with a rich diversity of religions, cultures, languages, customs, religious traditions, geographical features, flora and fauna. In the religious context, India is home to Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism, and several other religious faiths. ‘Unity in diversity’ is the main feature of Indian life. It is reflected as people of diverse cultures, ethnic groups, languages, and religions live together. While the potential negative impacts of this co-existence (which continues to influence the thoughts, dispositions, feelings, attitudes, and lifestyle of the people) are often minimised, there are sporadic outbreaks of violence and tensions due to religious and regional issues.
India is the second most populous country in the world after China. According to the 2011 census2, the population of India is approximately 1210.2 million, comprising of 623.72 million (51.54%) males and 586.47 million (48.46%) females. Of the 1210.2 million Indians, 68.84% live in rural areas while 31.16% live in urban areas. The population has grown more
2 The 2011 census is the I51*1 census in India’s history, the first having been carried out in 1872. 14 An Analysis on die Causes and Impact of FF and FI than 181 million during the decade 2001-2011. India’s population accounts for 17.5 percent of the world’s population.3 It is also markedly young population which, if properly developed through education and training, represents an enormous potential for sustained growth.4 The Indian Govemment’s ‘Twelflh Five Year Planning Commission’ report, released in August 2011, highlights India’s youthfiil population and consequently predicts that the labour force in the country is expected to increase by 32 percent over the next twenty years. It also underlines the importance of achieving higher levels of health, education, and skills development, as well as the creation of good quality employment opportunities to meet the needs and aspirations of the young.5
India’s cultural diversity is unique and rightly renowned. India is the 7* largest country in the world in terms of area with 29 states and 7 union territories. Each state is recognized as having its own distinct culture, language, art forms, festivals, and manners. There are twenty two official languages recognized by the Indian constitution and these are spoken in various dialects.6 Cultural unity is exhibited by the people of India in their respect for different cultures, their leaming from, accepting and appreciating each other, and participating in each others’ festivals and cultural celebrations. Family, language, religion, and caste (the Hindu social system) contribute to a great extent to preserve the cultural heritage of the people, while also contributing to pressures on and against women and girls as is being argued here.
In its Preamble, the Constitution of India declares:
WE, THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all its citizens: JUSTICE, social, economic and political; LIBERTY of thought, expression, belief, feith and worship; EQUALITY of status and of opportunity; and to promote among them all FRATERNITY assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation; IN OUR CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY this twenty-sixth day o f November, 1949, do HEREBY ADOPT, ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES THIS CONSTITUTION. PREAMBLE, the Constitution of India
3 Cf. C. Chandramouli, Census of India 2011, Provisional Population Totals, Paper 1 of 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India, 2011,38-39. 4 Cf. Ishrat Aziz, “Indian Democracy and Political Govemance,” Religion and Society 55, no. 4 (December 2010): 30. 5 Cf. Government of India/Planning Commission, Faster, Sustainable and More Inclusive Growth: An Approach to the 12^ Five Year Plan, August 2011, 11. 6 Cf. Manorama Year Book 2014, 491*1 year of Publication (Kerala, Kottayam: Malayalam Manorama Publication, 2014), 675. 15 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
India is declared as a “Sovereign Socialist Secular Democratie Republic” with a parliamentary system of govemment. In contrast to the Western application of the word, in India, the word ‘secular’ has inclusive and pluralist connotations. Within the context of India, a secular state is neither antireligious, nor irreligious. It guarantees religious freedom to all its citizens without proclaiming a state religion.7 Whereas in theory India has a strong and fair system of Govemment, the reality is often different. Corruption is increasing at socio-cultural, religious, economic, and political levels.
2.2. Hierarchical Caste System
Indian socio-cultural and religious life is heavily influenced by the complex caste system still prevalent in the country. This caste system is the result of the historie religious and social stratification of Indian society, which has grown and developed over many centuries. The caste system came into existence to address the need for social order based on hierarchy, and is rooted in Hindu religious beliefs. According to the theory of Vedic tradition, the caste system owes its origin to the four groups that were formed out of the body of Brahma, the Creator God, which is recorded in the Rig-Veda: The Brahmin (priest) was his mouth; his both arms were the Rajanya (Ksalriya warrior); his thighs became the Vaisya (trader); from his feet originated the Südra (labourer, Cf. Rig-Veda 10.90.12). This is the only passage in the Rig-Veda which enumerates the four castes.8 There are other groups of people who are ‘outcastes’. These are outside the formal caste system. They are uncounted and invisible, and known as ‘untouchables’ (the viable term today is ‘Dalits ’). They are considered too polluting to mingle among people of castes.9
The term ‘Caste’ is derived from “the Portuguese casta, which means ‘species,’ expressive of the Indian term jati.”10 “Jati is a Sanskrit term that represents the concept of caste by designating a social group into which a person is bom.”11 Caste has emerged as the principle societal expression of the Hindu way of life. Indian historian K.M. Panikkar asserts
7 Cf. Krishna K. Tummala, “Democracy vs. Fundamentalism: Religious Politics of the Bharatiya Janata Party in India,” in Religious Fundamentalism in the Contemporary World, ed. Santosh C. Saha (New York: Lexington Books, 2004), 211. 8 Cf. Ralph T.H. Griffith, trans. The Ilymns of the Rigveda, 3rd ed. vol. II (Benares: E.J. Lazarus & Co., 1926), 519. 9 Cf. Robert Eric Frykenberg, Christianity in India: From Beginnings to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 44-8. For an explanation of the duties assigned to different groups in Hindu society see J.H. Hutton, Caste in India, Its Nature, Functions and Origins (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), 149. 10 Dietmar Rothermund, India: The Rise of an Asian Giant (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2008), 162. 11 Encyclopedia of Hinduism, eds. Denise Cush, Catherine Robinson, and Michael York, (London: Routledge, 2008), 133. 16 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI that the Hindu Legal Code of Manu12 gives religious sanction to the system and contributes greatly to the perpetuation of the caste system.13 The Law Code of Manu outlines the four divisions in the caste system and discusses the various mixtures of castes. It gives great importance to the social obligations of Brahmins, who are in the highest rank of caste hierarchy. It also focuses on the obligations of rulers and those of other castes. It is one of the major Hindu codices that legitimises the caste system.14 What makes the caste system a veiy rigid social system is its concept of purity and pollution. According to this concept people belonging to an upper caste are more pure in comparison to the people of a lower caste. This means that the lower caste people are impure and hence, there the need is seen to keep a certain distance between the various caste groups.
Since the late twentieth centuiy the untouchables or outcastes are known as Dalits. The term ‘Dalit' is derived from the Sanskrit root ‘dal’ which means ‘split’, ‘broken’, ‘crushed’. The word ‘dalit' denotes poverty and oppressed conditions.15 The name ‘dalit' was chosen by Dalits themselves, in preference to the terms imposed by others such as ‘untouchables’, ‘without a varna’ (caste), ‘scheduled caste’ (which was used by legislators and administrators in the British period and continues to be used in post-Independence India), or even the more positive ‘Harijan’ (people of God) given by Mahatma Gandhi. The term 'Dalit' has been used in a positive sense as an affirmation of human dignity, and as an expression of a hope of restoring the identity, history, and culture of Dalits.16 However, and despite notable exceptions, in most respects the Dalits are still generally treated as of low value and are subjected to domination by the other castes. According to the 2001 census there were about 168.6 million Dalits in India and they constituted about 16.8% of the entire population of
12 Manu (c. 200 BCE-200CE) is a mythical figure in early Sanskrit literature, sometimes regarded as the father of the human race or as one of the very ancient sages (Rsi). Manusmriti, The Law Book of Manu, Manava Dharma Sastra, The Legal Treatise Belonging to Manu, are the titles of a famous work which was historically the most mfluential of all the extant Dharma-sastras. The present Manusmriti is put into the mouth of Bhrgu, Manu’s son. The text is divided into twelve chapters and consists of 2,694 verses. Writers from the second eentury CE onwards looked upon the Manusmriti as the most authoritative manual on dharma. 13 Cf. K.M. Panikkar, Hindu Society at Cross Roads (London: Asia Publishing House, 1961), 41. 14 Cf. Constance A. Jones and James D. Ryan, Encyclopedia of Hinduism (New York: Facts On File, 2007), 259. 15 Cf. Dermot Killingley, “Dalits,” in Encyclopedia of Hinduism, eds. Denise Cush, Catherine Robinson, and Miehael York, (London: Routledge, 2008), 158. 16 Cf ‘Gnanoday’ RTC, Dalit Christians in Bihar: Their History, Identity, Struggles and Future: A Theological Response (Khaspur, Patna: Prabhat Prakashan, 2009), 3. 17 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
India.17 The caste system is also practiced among Muslims, Christians, and most other religions.
There is a clear demographic difference between upper and lower castes. The upper castes have low mortality and fertility rates, while the lower castes have adverse demographic outcomes. This indicates the socio-economic vulnerability of lower caste people.18 At present there are more than three thousand castes in India. Great importance is given to caste when marriage alliances are being sought, and even in schools, official documents record students’ caste. As there are cultural and social restrictions between the four major castes, conflicts between castes have become inevitable.
In Hindu-Christian Dialogue, Mariasusai Dhavamony, Indian scholar and theologian, challenges the stereotyping which may have once held true with regards to the caste system once prevalent in India, but which cannot necessarily be applied in the caste system prevalent today. Firstly, caste can no longer necessarily be identified with social class, given that today there are educated and uneducated, rich and poor, more powerful and less powerful in every caste. Secondly, whereas untouchables are ofïten automatically considered to be black-skinned people, Dhavamony points out that colour is not necessarily a mark of caste, as a Brahmin may be black and an untouchable light-skinned. Thirdly, caste is not based on a division between Indo-Aryan and non Indo-Aryan, conqueror and the conquered, as both races are mixed all over India. Fourthly, caste cannot even be identified with occupation, he argues. Whereas historically occupations were once divided according to caste, the present system does not necessarily enforce occupational divisions across the varnas.'9
The changes from the traditional to the present caste system presented by Dhavamony are mainly due to education, social interaction with other communities, globalization, and economic growth. The negative effect of the caste system is to some extent reduced in urban areas, whereas in rural areas the caste system tends to be followed in a stringent manner as Dalits are often not even allowed to enter the houses of the higher castes. They are also forbidden physical contact with the higher castes, excluded at social meetings, and deprived of both employment opportunities and visits to places of worship. Moreover, Dalit women
Truth about Dalits, “Dalit Statistics,” (accessed 21 April 2014) http://www.mithaboutdalits.com/lnfomation Resources/the dalit statistics demogrpahic infonnation.htm. (Dalit population data is not published in 2011 census of India). 18 Cf. Stanley Wolpert, Encyclopedia o f India, vol. 1, (USA: Thomson Gale, 2006), 307. 19 Cf. Mariasusai Dhavamony, Hindu-Christian Dialogue: Theological Soundings and Perspectives (Amsterdam, New York: Rodopi, 2002), 171-2. 18 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI and girls are the worst victims of exploitation and inhumane treatment in society and within their own communities. It cannot be denied that the caste system has an adverse influence on the millions of Dalits who are victims of these illegal discriminatory practices and who suffer the socio-cultural, economic, political, and religious consequences of them.
Furthermore, in India: The Rise o f an Asian Giant, Dietmar Rothermund, German historian, points out that caste has not vanished with the impact of modemization. Instead, new forms of social cooperation have developed. For instance, the political use of caste has become a powerfiil tooi for winning elections. Positive discrimination introduced by the Indian Government has also led to inter-caste political competition. This positive discrimination aims at reducing social inequality through affirmative action such as the granting of special benefits to oppressed communities so as to enable them to enter the mainstream of society. Oppressed communities would include both the untouchables (dalits) and tribal people (referred to as ‘scheduled castes and tribes’). Such affirmative action consists in granting of scholarships and the reservation of quotas in educational institutions, the public sector, and the political field for the members of oppressed communities.20
The caste system is also practiced among Christian communities. ‘Casteist’ mentalily is operative in all areas of Christian life: choice of marriage partners, the conservation of ancestral and acquired properties within the family and caste, choice of social circles and the like. In ecclesiastical circles, caste influences the recruitment of candidates to priesthood and religious life, the appointment of pastors, animators of religious communities, and the allotment of important posts in administration and finance. Among the laity, caste plays a part in the running and control of diocesan associations and parish activities.21 Among Protestant churches, caste distinctions have been shown to affect Episcopal elections, elections to pastoral committees and student leadership positions, and extends even to admission to church choirs.22
Reservation quotas and other benefits allotted by the Government of India to Dalits are reserved only for those of the Hindu, Buddhists, and Sikh religions. Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims are not included in the Scheduled Caste list, despite persistent demands having been made on this issue. Christian and Muslim Dalits are deprived of govemment benefits such as:
20 Cf. Dietmar Rothermund, India: The Rise o f an Asian Giant, 166. 21 Cf. Pauline Chakkalakal, Discipleship - a Space for Women ’s Leadership? A Feminist Theological Critique (Mumbai: Pauline Publications, 2004), 28-9. 22 Cf. Zoe C. Sherinian, “Dalit Theology in Tamil Christian Folk Music: A Transformative Liturgy by James Theophilus Appavoo,” in Popular Christianity in India: Riting Between the Lines, eds. Selva J. Raj and Corinne G. Dempsey, (Albany, New York: State University of New York Press, 2002), 234. 19 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI reservation of seats in the political sphere, job opportunities, educational benefits, and protection from social, cultural, and economie oppression. It is consistently observed that, in many places, conversion to Christianity has not changed the status of Dalit Christians.
2.3. Religious Fundamentalism
Religious fundamentalism is “not an exclusively Hindu phenomenon. It is also found in Islamic, Sikh, and Christian circles. It is associated with communalism.”23 ‘Communalism’ is the term used to designate interreligious tensions, in particular, social, cultural, religious, and political resentment between Hindus and Christians and between Hindus and Muslims. Part III of the Constitution of India enshrines some of the Fundamental Rights which should be enjoyed by all citizens in the secular state of India. Article 15 (1) states that “the state shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them.” Article 25 confers “freedom of conscience and free profession, practice and propagation of religion.” As religion is widely acknowledged as playing an integral part in the lives of the majority in India, its influence is predictably experienced in all aspects of social life. Though the Indian constitution offers liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith, and worship, even the discussion of religion in political debates can create inter-community tensions and conflicts.
In the past two decades there has been a growing religious fundamentalism in India, and we have seen Hindu fundamentalist groups such as Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council, VHP), Bajrang Dal,24 and other Hindutva25 movements come into existence. The Hindutva movement, for example, holds that India should be a Hindu country for Hindus. “A Hindu is defined by V.D. Savarkar as ‘someone for whom India is his pitribhumi (fatherland) and his punyabhumi (holy land)’. This formulation defined Hindus, Sikhs, and Buddhists as Indians but relegated Muslims and Christians as foreigners.”26 Hindu fundamentalists create awareness about Hindu nationalism through rituals and symbols, püjas (worship), and rath yatras (chariot joumeys/massive religious processions). They use various Hindu cultural
23 Franz Xaver Scheuerer, Interculturality: A Challenge for the Mission of the Church (Bangalore, Asian Trading Corporation, 2001), 29. 24 Bajrang Dal started in 1984. It is the militant youth wing of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP). This group is involved in violent activities especially against Muslims and Christians in various parts of India. 25 Hindutva means “Hinduness.” Revolutionaiy Hindu writer V.D. Savarkar made this term prominent. It emphasizes a (perceived) esscntial ‘Hinduness’ of India as a nation. 26 John R. MeLane, “Hindu Victimhood and India’s Muslim Minority,” in The Fundamentalist Mindset: Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History, ed. Charles B. Strozier, David M. Terman and James W. Jones (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 197. See also, Martha C. Nussbaum, The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence, and India’s Future (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007), 12. 20 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI symbols to promote Hindu unity, such as the lotus flower, the colour saffiron and the like. Through their shakas (groups), parades, instructions, and many other approaches they spread awareness of their cause.27 Their participation in the controversy over the construction of a temple in honour of the Hindu deity Rama at a site also sacred to Muslims at Ayodhya is perhaps emblematic of their socio-religious agenda. They also continue to fïght for the ceasing of the cow slaughter in the country.
Various incidents in recent years have created inter-comm unity pressure and discord. Some would argue tensions have actually been exacerbated by such Hindu extremist groups. Religious violence between Hindu and Muslim communities and Hindu and Christian communities has taken various forms: The destruction of the Babri Masjid (Mosque) at Ayodhya on 6 December 199228 has already been mentioned; the 10* anniversary of this event also precipitated the Gujarat riot of 2002;29 the attack by Hindu fimdamentalists on Christians because of ‘religious conversions’ and the killing of the Australian missionary Graham Staines and his two sons in Orissa in January 1999;30 the Kandhamal massacre which saw violence perpetrated by Hindus against local Christians in Orissa in 2007 and 2008;31 attacks on Churches and Christians in Mangalore in September 2008.32 These are just a few among many. All these belligerent acts are arguably motivated and supported by Hindu nationalist political parties with the aim of achieving political power and exercising control over religious minority communities. Under the pretext of building India as a ‘Hindu nation’ and of preserving what they regard as Indian culture,33 violent activities are on the increase. However, it has to be admitted that these threats to the practice of Islam and Christianity outlined above, might be seen by the perpetrators as retaliatory measures to avenge historical
27 Cf. Santosh C. Saha, “Hindu Revivalist Cultural Policies and Programs in India: A Critique,” in Religious Fundamentalism in the Contemporary World, ed. Santosh C. Saha (New York: Lexington Books, 2004), 134. 28 Hindus claim that Ayodhya is the birthplace of god Ram (main character of the Hindu epic Ramayana). The temple at Ayodhya was destroyed by Babar the Mughal conqueror and built a mosque - the Babri Masjid in 1528. See also, Santosh C. Saha, “Hindu Revivalist Cultural Policies and Programmes in India: A Critique,” in Religious Fundamentalism in the Contemporary World, ed Santosh C. Saha, 128. 29 Ten years after the destruction of Babri Masjid, ethnic violence in Gujarat erupted in 2002. It began when Muslims torched a train carriage in which Hindu activists were travelling from Ayodhya to Gujarat, and 58 Hindus died. In retaliation Hindu mobs attacked Muslims killing more than a thousand. 30 Graham Staines was serving lepers in Orissa. He and his two sons were killed by Dara Singh, who is a Hindu fanatic with the Hindu militants Bajrang Dal. 31 Hindu extremists attacked Catholic Church buildings, and the residences of Christians, and hundreds of people in Kandhamal, Orissa died. Many Christian converts were also forced to re-enter Hinduism. 32 Bajrang Dal activists attacked and destroyed four churches in Mangalore city, South India. 33 In recent years riots are on the increase by Hindu fundamentalist groups condemning somc of the cultural practices influenced by Western culture, such as the celebration of Valentine’s Day, Western dress, the celebration of parties etc. 21 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI wounds inflicted by Muslims and Christians on Hindus, in terms of religious conversions and the destruction of their places of worship in the past.
In modem times, the relationship between Hindus and Muslims began to show strams during the pre-independent and post-independent eras. Various terrorist attacks by Muslim fundamentalists have had adverse effect in India. In 2001 Muslim extremists attacked the legislative assembly building of the Jammu and Kashmir and the Indian Parliaments. Terrorist attacks in 2008 also left hundreds of innocent people dead in Jaipur, Bangalore, Lucknow, Varanasi, Faizabad, Ahmedabad, Delhi and Mumbai.34
Although Christian communities have not perpetrated organised campaigns of violence against those of other religions, yet there are some Christian fundamentalist groups who are anti-Hindu. They condemn the Hindu worship of gods and force the Christian message, which create conflict in the multi-religious Indian context. Christian missionaiy engagements intent on saving souls and reproving Hindu culture, religious beliefs and tradition are seen by those on the receiving end as inflammatory, and some Christian missionary strategies have arguably precipitated tensions and violent incidents. The Christian exclusivist view of some theologians which denies every revelation of God outside the Church and looks upon non- Christian religions as mere attempts at self-apotheosis is obviously unacceptable to Hindus. Such views show Christianity’s claim to be the superior religion.35 On the other hand, the Christian presence, for a large measure, is very positive in various fields such as education, social services, and the health care sectors.
Presently, the majority of people are tolerant and respect each other’s religions, but all religions could undoubtedly develop more appreciation and respect for other cultures and faiths. However, in a self-avowedly secular and democratie country like India, religious fundamentalism with political support has emerged as a crucial problem. There is fear, suspicion, blame, hostility, and violence leading to loss of lives in the name of religion. India: secular, democratie, republic, once the home for different religions, is now coming under threat as such.
2.4. Dichotomy between Economie Growth and Poverty
After India’s independence in 1947, it is observed that there is consistent growth in the Indian economy. In recent years India has emerged as a global player as the country has
34 Cf. John R. McLane, “Hindu Victimhood and India’s Muslim Minority,” in The Fundamentalist Mindset: Psychological Perspecttves on Religion, Violence, and History, ed. Charles B. Strozier et al. 213. 35 Cf. Mariasusai Dhavamony, Hindu-Christian Dialogue: Theological Soundings and Perspecttves, 21-2. 22 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI brought about significant developments in various fields. But there is a big gap between economic growth and poverty, the rich and the poor, the urban and the rural areas, the powerfiil and the powerless of India. ‘In spite of economic development why does poverty still exists in India?’ is to be considered as an important question. The three significant aspects presented here will highlight the reasons for the existence of poverty in India.
First, Indian economist C.T. Kurien explains poverty in terms of “a socio-economic phenomenon where the resources available to a society are used to satisfy the wants o f the few while the many do not have even their basic needs met."36 The analytical study by Indian scholars Mukesh Eswaran and Ashok Kotwal highlights that the top 20 percent of the population have a share of more than 40 percent of the total consumption expenditure. The percentage of the population below the poverty line is higher in India than in other less developed Asian countries like Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand.37 The dichotomy between the rich and the poor shows the wealth of the nation is in the hands of an elitist few who become richer and richer. The rich draw maximum benefits of the nation’s wealth. As a result mass poverty still persists in India. More people live in rural areas and they are landless labourers who rely on farm work for their livelihood. The poverty that exists due to the unequal distribution of wealth also widens the gap between the rich and the poor. The money sanctioned for developmental work in rural and urban areas is quite often not conscientiously utilized by the personnel involved in the execution of projects.
Secondly, agriculture in India is the main occupation of the poor people and they are heavily dependent on seasonal rainfall. Often a erop is destroyed either due to drought, uritimely rain, or floods. Nearly 70 percent of the population as a whole derives its livelihood from the land’s resources, and women contribute more to the total labour force involved in farm production.38 Current agricultural practices are largely neither economically or environmentally sustainable. Eswaran and Kotwal in their analysis explain why growth in agricultural productivity is necessary for the eradication of poverty in India. They emphasize on the importance of technological progress in agriculture.39 Progress in the agricultural sector would also offer employment opportunities as well as contribute to the development of villages.
36 C.T. Kurien, “Economic Growth and Poverty in India,” Religion and Society 55, no. 4 (December 2010): 45. 37 Cf. Mukesh Eswaran and Ashok Kotwal, Why Poverty Persists in India: A Framework for Understanding the Indian Economy (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995), 4,5. 38 Cf. Buiton Stein, A History of India (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1998), 397-8. 39 Cf. Mukesh Eswaran and Ashok Kotwal, Why Poverty Persists in India: A Frameworkfor Understanding the Indian Economy, 42-55. 23 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
Thirdly, the mega projects undertaken by the Government of India deprive the indigenous people of their fertile land. People are displaced from their environment and the land resources which sustain their livelihood. For instance, the Narmada Dam project in collaboration with the World Bank has resulted in forced displacement and migration of indigenous people. People continue to fïght for justice through Narmada Bachao Andholan (NBA or Save the Narmada Movement).40 It is somewhat ironie that people’s lives are being treated trivially and their culture destroyed in the name of development. ‘In whose favour is such progress, and just who should it benefit?’ is the challenging question we need to raise. Ethical questions that arise have not been adequately addressed or answered, and people have to constantly fight for their rights and protest against the unjust decisions of Government. In this process, the poor become victims of violence. The voice of the marginalized and the oppressed calling out for justice remains at the margin, unheeded.
Amartya Sen, India’s Nobel Laureate in Economics, highlights the dreadful situation of poverty in India, and compares the levels of infant mortality, undemourishment, and illiteracy to the least-developed regions of sub-Saharan Africa and India. Sen points out that the problem which India and sub-Saharan Africa have in common is the persistence of endemic illiteracy. He also points out that undemourishment of women and children seems to be actually much higher in India than in sub-Saharan Africa. Sen observes that India has a large stock of food grains in the Central Government’s reserve, which fails to deploy these resources adequately.41
Due to migration from villages to cities in search of livelihood there is an increase in the number of slum dwellers in the major cities of India and the poor are subject to poverty, malnutrition, and unhealthy living conditions. These are some of the major problems along with illiteracy, unemployment, and child labour which are the causes of poverty in India. Hence India needs long term vision and focused effort so that economic resources reach out to the poor for their common good.
40 Narmada Bachavo Andholan was started in 1985 against the construction of a huge Sardar Sarovar Dam across the Narmada River. It is the most powerfiil mass movement of Adivasi (aboriginal tribal people) from various villages in Central India, farmers, and human rights activists. It is organized under the leadership of the social activists Medha Patkar and Baba Amte in protest against the displacement of millions of people and ecological degradation. 41 Cf. Amartya Sen, The Argumentattve Indian: Writings on Indian History, Culture and Identity (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005), 212-3; Cf. Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 99-103. 24 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
2.5. Status of Women in India
The status of women in India is linked to their access to resources and education, their economic independence, employment opportunities, and leadership in political and religious spheres. The status of women in rural areas is lower than in urban areas. The factors that contribute to the low status of women here are: lack of educational facilities, poverty, economic dependence, cultural, religious, and gender bias attitudes against them, a lack of knowledge of their rights and responsibilities on their own part, the lack of a healthy atmosphere in families, and abusive relationships between spouses.
The female literacy rate in India is lower than the male literacy rate, a further reason for the low status of women. As such, women and girls are deprived of the benefit of development. People in the villages consider education as unnecessary and of no importance for girls. The following table shows literacy levels in India from 1951 to 2011.
Table 1: Literacy rate in India: 1951-2011
Male-Female gap Census Year Persons Males Females in literacy rate
1951 18.33 27.16 8.86 18.30 1961 28.3 40.4 15.35 25.05 1971 34.45 45.96 21.97 23.98 1981 43.57 56.38 29.76 26.62 1991 52.21 64.13 39.29 24.84 2001 64.83 75.26 53.67 21.59 2011 74.04 82.14 65.46 16.68
Source: Census oflndia2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India
The above table shows that the literacy level has increased by 9.21 percent in the past decade to touch 74.04 percent. The female literacy level in 2001 was 53.67 percent and it has gone up to 65.46 percent in 2011. There is still a big gap between the male-female literacy rate and the overall literacy rate needs to be addressed emphatically.
Women in India make noteworthy contributions to science and technology, literature, medicine, art and music, all essential for the integral development of Indian society. In recent years “traditional gender roles are being both challenged and reinforced by social and
25 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
economie transition.”42 We are also seeing a transition from joint families to nuclear families, as explained earlier. In urban areas most women are educated and some are employed in the various sectors. Working outside the home provides them with social status and access to economic benefits. It allows women to gain an experience of the outside world and leam from their social contacts. However, a paradox emerges in that, on the one hand, women are gaining the economic independence which enables them to support their families, and on the other, they continue to be the victims of gender discrimination and violence within their families and work places. Women are underpaid though they put in the same hours of work as men do simply because of notions of masculinity and femininity and the fact that men are seen to have more physical power than women. They are also confmed to low-paid jobs. Married women who are employed often struggle to juggle both their family and their job outside the home, and experience either abuse - if their husbands are unemployed - and blame - from their families for ‘neglecting’ their domestic duties and the care of their children.43
In conclusion, the various factors enumerated above give a brief overview of the India of today, the context in which this study is situated. India is a fast developing nation in terms of Science, technology, and the world economy, though there still remains a big gap between the rich and the poor. The struggles of vulnerable sections of Indian society: the poor, women, children to live with dignity is seen here as a matter of great importance. The fact that women and girl children are subject to violence because of being females will be discussed in the following section.
3. Violence against Women and Girls (VAWG)
VAWG can be studied from two perspectives: one, religiously supported VAWG and second, socio-culturally developed VAWG. Women and girls are vulnerable to violence because of their gender and the low status attached to femininity.
Religious ideologies of the devaluation of females and the subordination of women to men contribute to VAWG in society. For example, one of the social evils once sanctioned in the name of the Hindu religion was the satl system. Salï was predominantly an upper-caste Hindu practice, and entitled the wife’s self immolation on the fimeral pyre of her husband. “Satï drew meaning from the Hindu religious idioms of sacrifïce (yajna) and devotion
42 Anuradha Rajan, ‘Domestic Violence: When Women Become Bread-winners’, Times of India, June 6, 2001, 10. 43 Cf. Ibid., 10. 26 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
(bhakti).,M It is also called sahagamana (buming of a widow on the death of her husband).45 According to orthodox Hindu tradition a woman needs to accept her husband as god. When he dies she is expected to offer herself as a sacrifice. This act was acknowledged to be the supreme and perfect expression of her faithfulness, love, and devotion to her beloved husband.46 The belief was that, by immolating herself, the wife benefitted from “heavenly pleasures”, as did her deceased husband. In general satï was committed voluntarily by widows but there are instances where the women may have been forced to commit satï upon their husband’s death, as we shall see. Nevertheless, the custom has been ostensibly outlawed since, with the determined effort of Ram Mohan Roy, satï was banned by the East India Company by way of the Satï Prohibition Act in 1829 47
In recent years there are cases where satï was committed and reported. In 1987, Roop Kanwar, an eighteen-year-old Rajput woman of Deorala village in Rajasthan was bumed alive on her husband’s funeral pyre before a crowd of several thousand people, predominantly men. She had been married for just eight months and her husband Maal Singh Shekhawat was twenty-four. The pro-satï crowd praised and supported the widow for her act, as it was believed that the woman who committed satï blessed her family for seven generations after her.48 Organized pro-Hindutva groups supported the satï buming in Rajasthan. This incident led to a national debate over whether satï was a crime against women. It has been stated that Roop Kanwar may have been forcibly bumt to death. Liberal women’s groups in the state claimed that her death was illegal and pleaded that those connected with it should be prosecuted for murder under Section 306 of the Indian Penal Code.49 Forced Satï is the most heinous crime of murdering women in the name of religion: it simultaneously represses women and celebrates to the point of deification their self-annihilation.50 Satï is only one
44 Katherine K. Young, “Sati,” in Encyclopedia o f Hinduism, eds. Dcmise Cush, Catherine Robinson and Michael York, 770. 45 Cf. Pandurang Vaman Kane, History o f Dharmasastra (Ancient and Mediaeval Religious and Civil Law in India), vol. 2, Pait 1,2nd ed. (Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1974), 627. 46 Cf. Catherine A. Robinson, Tradition and Liberation: The Hindu Tradition in the Indian Women 's Movement (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1999), 32. 47 Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833) was an Indian religious, social, and educational refbrmer. His sister-in-law, Alakamanjari was forced by his relatives to commit satï. After this dreadful incident, Ram Mohan Roy challenged the traditional Hindu culture and fought for the abolition of satï. See, Lata Mani, Contentious Traditiom: The Debate on Sati in Colonial India (Berkeley/Los Angeles/London: University of Califomia Press, 1998), 42-80. 48 Cf. Aharon Daniel, “India History: Sati, the buming of the Hindu widow,” (accessed 28 March 2011) httD://adaniel.tripod.com/sati.htm 49 Cf. Santosh C. Saha, “Hindu Revivalist Cultural Policies and Programs in India: A Critique,” in Religious Fundamentalism in the Contemporary World, ed. Santosh C. Saha, 152. 50 Paul B, Courtright, “Sati, Sacrifice, and Marriage: The Modemity of Tradition,” in From the Margins of Hindu Marriage: Essays on Gender, Religion, and Culture, eds. Lindsey Harlan and Paul B. Courtright (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 186. 27 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI symptom of a deep-seated hatred for women throughout India. Dowiy deaths, female foeticide, and female infanticide are also symptomatic of this hatred towards women,51 and in these and other ways women continue to be the victims of misogynistic elements in Indian culture, tradition, and religious practices.
The Devadasï system is another form of VAWG in India sanctioned and supported by Hindu religion. The Sanskrit term devadasï literally means ‘female servant (dasï) of God (deva).'52 In the early days devadasïs were associated with the feminine aspect of goddesses. Later, the devadasï system came to be associated with temple prostitution. It is a form of prostitution consisting of the dedication of girl children to a temple for prostitution on the pretext of a holy calling. The devadasïs are used sexually by priests and male worshippers.53 The Devadasï system is still prevalent in some parts of India, especially in the states of Kamataka and Andhra Pradesh. Devadasïs are divided into: 1) Dalit women dedicated to village goddesses such as Yellama (also called as jogin, jogati, basavi and so on), and 2) elite women dedicated to brahminic deities such as Siva, Visnu or Murukan in various parts of India. Some women belonging to elite communities have traditionally been trained in music and dance, and perform in temples, royal courts, and at public and private social events. Some also become the victims of sexual exploitation.54
Dalit women and girls (devadasïs) are the worst victims of religious exploitation. In families where there are no sons some parents vow to dedicate their first girl child to a goddess. Their initiation into the temple is conducted by tying beads from the goddess’ necklace around the girl’s neck. The necklace symbolizes the bondage that defïnes the condition of Devadasï girls whose parents have given them to local goddesses or temples as human ‘offerings.’55 According to the National Commission of Women, over twenty five thousand girls, most of them belonging to the Dalit communities, are dedicated to temples on the Maharashtra-Kamataka border. The Devadasï system, which is supported by religion and culture, forces women into a life of sexual exploitation. Devadasïs are considered as ‘slaves of their circumstances’ as they continue in their painful struggle for survival and dignity.
51 Julia Leslie, “Suttee or Sati: Victim or Victor?” in Roles and Rituals for Hindu Women, ed. Julia Leslie (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd. 1992), 181. 52 Davesh Soneji, “Devadasi,” in Encyclopedia of Hinduism, eds. Denise Cush, Catherine Robinson, and Michael York, 179. 53 Mary John Mananzan, Woman, Religion & Spirituality inAsia (Philippines: Anvil Publishing, 2004), 62. 54 Cf. Davesh Soneji, “Devadasïs,” in Encyclopedia of Hinduism, eds. Denise Cush et al. 179-80. 55 Cf. Mary C. Grey, A Cry for Dignity: Religion, Violence and the Struggle o f Dalit Women in India (London, Oakville: Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2010), 49. 28 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
Many aged Devadasïs die either of poverty or from sexually transmitted diseases.56 Poverty is also another reason behind this practice, and explains why some families might (ill) use their children in this way in the first place. The practice of dedicating devadasïs was declared illegal in India in 1988. Despite its illegality, even to this day it is practiced in some parts of India especially in Kamataka and Andhra Pradesh, states of South India.
Having discussed religiously supported VAWG, this section further discusses socio- culturally developed VAWG.
The Preamble to the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women adopted in 1993 at the United Nations General Assembly states:
Violence against women is a manifestation of historically unequal power relations between men and women, which have led to domination over and discrimination against women by men and to the prevention of the full advancement of women, and that violence against women is one of the crucial social mechanisms by which women are forced into a subordinate position compared to men.57 The socio-culturally developed expressions of VAWG are many. Girls may be subjected to malnutrition, maltreatment, overwork, teenage and child rape, sexual abuse, FF, FI and so on.58 As adolescent and adult women they face early marriage, early pregnancy, wife battering, sexual violence, domestic violence, or even torture if they fail to produce sons.59 On the one hand there is progress in women’s contribution to society and on the other, increased violence against women. In spite of progress in various fields women still experience the denial of their freedom, equality, and human dignity, and a vast number are denied even the basic necessities of life. Women, whether tribal or a dalit, educated or otherwise, whichever may be their caste or religion, whether employed or unemployed, housewife, prostitute, all experience oppression and violence in one form or another on account of being female. The rape of women is used in caste conflicts, domestic violence, places of work, and neighbourhood conflicts as a weapon of revenge.
56 Cf. Sindhuja Parthasarathy, “Slaves of Circumstance” Indian Currents, 02-08 September, 2013,43. 57 United Nations General Assembly, “Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women,” 20 December 1993 (accessed 22 May 2013) httn://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/48/a48rl04.htm 58 Derek Soares, “International Women’s Day Centenaiy (1911-2011),” The Examiner, 05 March 2011,10. 59 Cf. Vibhuti Patel, “Missing Girls in India: Science, Gender Relations, and the Political Economy of Emotions,” (paper presentation, Department of Sociology, Delhi School o f Economics, University of Delhi, Octobcr 30-31,2003). 29 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
Table 2: Crimes against women in India (cases registered)60
Sexual Kidnapping Dowry Cruelty by I i Year Rape Molestation harassment and deaths husband abduction & relatives | i | 2009 21,397 38,711 11,009 25,741 8,383 89,546
! 2010 22,172 40,613 9,961 29,795 8,391 94,041 i i j 2011 24,206 42,968 8,570 35,565 8,618 99,135 i
The above table indicates the registered cases of violence against women, and by definition does not include the huge number of crimes against women which it is supposed must go unreported, unattended, or unheeded eveiy year. These figures seem to show that either crime against women, the reporting of it, or both, is generally on the rise in India. VAWG has its roots in the domestic sphere. It extends to the religio-cultural and socio- political spheres and still further to multinational dimensions of the domination-subordination relationship.61 Since there is an imbalance in the number of men and women in the country, there is also a shortage of brides which contribute to the increase of VAWG.62
However, women in India are not only victims but also participate in being victimizers. Some women also opt for abortions themselves to eliminate their female babies. Women’s participation in their own violence is a “sad reflection on a callous society that confines women to a dark world of ignorance, illiteracy, blind beliefs, and economic dependency to the extent that they become mere puppets and toe the line fed to them by society.”63 Most women do not question the structures of inequalily, injustice, and male domination they are subject to, but think that they are supposed to live according to the societal cultural pattem and accept suffering as their fate. They consider themselves as powerless compared to men because men hold economic, political, social, and religious powers. Thus, women continue to conform themselves to the pattems imposed on them of loyal wives (in abusive relationships) and devoted mothers (of sons).
60 Cf. Ragini Nayak, ‘Can Women Break Free of Societal Fetters?’, The Hindu, 12 December 2010; see also, National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), “Crime against Women,” (accessed 26 March 2014) httn://ncrb.nic.ni/CD-CII201 l/cii-2011/Chapter%205.ndf 61 Cf. Stella Baltazar, “Domestic Violence in Indian Perspective,” in Women Resisting Violence: Spirituality for Life, eds. Mary John Mananzan et al. (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1996), 56. 62 Cf. T.K. Rajalakshmi, Census 2011, ‘Male Preserve’, Frontline, 20 May 2011,111. 63 Vera Alvares, “The Day of the (Missing) Girl Child,” The Examiner, 06 September 2003,7. 30 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
Women in India are also subject to sexual abuse, kidnapping and abduction, trafficking for sex slaveiy and prostitution, and domestic violence. “The fear of violence restricts a woman’s autonomy, curtails her mobility and her ability to work and participate in social activities.”64 The Indian constitution Article 23 (1) explicitly prohibits “human trafficking.” The offence is also punishable under the Penal Code and the Suppression of Immoral Traffic in Women and Girls Act. In spite of these laws crimes against women are persistently carried out. Women and girls are trafficked within the country and abroad and become victims of lifelong abuse and sufferings. There are a number of NGOs as well as secular and religious women’s organizations actively involved in creating awareness among the people about human trafficking and the need to build a society with human dignity. Since there is no strong political support, crimes against women continue to increase.
Moreover, Hindu fiindamentalists often blame western culture for atrocities against women. They claim that women, especially the young, slavishly imitate western dress codes, celebrations, behavioural pattems, and socialization methods. This, they claim, dents Indian culture. When violence erupts in society, it is women who become the victims of it. Women have to fight for their rights and protest against the unjust structures of the society and of religion. Despite gradual advances in education and economic progress, women suffer due to their inferior status, and the crimes and violence perpetrated against them.
To conclude, women in India experience marginality in one way or another. The experience may vaiy for rural/urban, illiterate/educated, married/single women. In spite of women’s development in various areas, women continue to experience violence. VAWG is a human rights issue, not just a ‘women’s issue.’ The responsibility of preventing violence lies with both men and women; and the society as a whole.65 Among various crimes against women and girls, the most heinous crimes of FF and FI will be analysed in the next section.
4. Female Foeticide and Female Infanticide
This section discusses two phenomena prevalent in India and which are key to the framework of this study: Female Foeticide (FF) and Female Infanticide (FI). This discussion is substantiated by presenting data collected from the census of India 2011. The census data demonstrates the alarming imbalance in the female-male sex ratio which, it is argued, indicates gender-based violence in India.
64 RaginiNayak, Can Women Break Free ofSocietalFetters? The Hindu, 12 December, 2010. 65 Cf. Ragini Nayak, “Can Women Break Free of Societal Fetters?” The Hindu, 12 December 2010. 31 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
FF is the selective abortion of female foetuses and thus the preventing of female births. It is argued here that tests like amniocentesis and ultrasonography (which are designed to detect congenital abnormalities in the foetus) are in actuality being specifically used to detect the sex of foetuses, with a view to the disposal of unwanted female foetuses due to the cultural legacy of son-preference. There are many recorded instances of women both from urban and rural areas being forced to undergo abortions after the discovery is made that they are carrying female foetuses. As many women (because of their cultural conditioning) have a preference for sons, it is also the case that some choose to abort female foetuses.66
According to the Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP) Act of 1971, a woman can legally procure abortion in the following circumstances:
if the pregnancy carries the risk of grave physical injury or endangers her mental health, if it is the result of contraceptive feQure in a married woman, if it is the consequence of rape, or if it is likely to result in the birth of a child with physical or mental abnormalities. In such circumstances, abortion is permitted up to 20 weeks of pregnancy without any need for spousal consent. (Ministry of Health and Family Welfare—MOHFW, 1971,1975)”67
‘Sex detection tests are prohibited, let the female child live’ is the message being promoted in many hospitals in India. As ultrasound scanning is common in India in urban as well as in rural areas, many pregnant women are using this procedure as a sex determination tests and, if they do not want a female child, there is evidence that they are deciding to abort female foetuses.
Sex-selective abortions are another form of FI. FI is the intentional killing of female infants immediately after or within a short period of time after the birth, merely because of their sex. Significant decrease in the female population (in relation to that of male children) occurs after birth and before the age of four. Girl-child murder is also perpetrated via discriminatoiy practices such as depriving girl babies of nutritious food, or through neglect or uneven access to medical care, which results in minimum survival of these female babies.68 It must be noted that, while these practices have been observed and documented both historically and in the present, this does not mean that they have been, or are now, prevalent in all parts of India or in all sections of society.
66 Cf. Vibhuti Patel, Sex Determination and Sex Preselection Tests: Abuse of Advanced Technologies,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially, 178-185; Elizabeth Negi, “Hard Choices or Soft Options?” 3-8 in Dharma Deepika, A South Asian Journal of Missiological Research, no. 1 (January-June 2001): 6. 67 Quoted from Leela Visaria et al. “Abortion Use and Practice: Evidence, Challenges and Emerging Issues,” in Abortion in India: Ground Realities, eds. Leela Visaria and Vimala Ramachandran, 1. 68 Cf. Rashmi Dube Bhatnagar, Female Infanticide in India: A Feminist Cultural History, 3. 32 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
The British administration first documented the practice of FI in India in the late eighteenth century. The practice was prevalent among upper castes in the northem part of India.69 S. Krishnaswamy reports that when the British came to India the practice of FI was common almost throughout India: from Gujarat in the west to the eastem borders of Uttar Pradesh, from Punjab in the north to Madhya Pradesh in the South. In the post independence period, FI has been reported from Madurai district of Tamil Nadu (Southern India), Bihar, Orissa, and Rajasthan.70 According to Chunkath and Athreya, there is a cluster of blocks comprising the northem blocks of Salem district, the southem blocks of Dharmapuri district, a cluster of southem blocks of Dindigal district, and of the westem half of Madurai district in Tamil Nadu where FI is practiced.71 FI is thus present in some states of India among families who do not favour female children.
S. Krishnaswamy discussing about the nature of the custom of FF in Kallars of Madurai district in Tamil Nadu observes that the killing of female infants is done directly by the mother or the father or any elder member of the family. It is carried out even through mid- wives or somebody appointed to eliminate the baby. If the parents decide to kill a baby girl, the family keeps the birth a secret and, having eliminated the female baby, the fact is hidden from society and reasons such as sickness or sudden death are given. In rural areas, traditional methods are used to eliminate the child. The female infant is fed with the poisonous milk of a wild plant or with oleander berries-the result being instant death. Another method used is to stuff a few grains of coarse paddy into the mouth of the baby. The infant breathes the grain into the windpipe and is choked to death.72 The empirical study by Mahendra K. Premi and Raju Saraswati in Gohad block of Bhind district in Madhya Pradesh reveals that the act of FI is also performed by putting some tobacco in the newly bom girl’s mouth.73 In some cases the baby’s face is covered with a wet cloth and in due course it dies of suffocation. The media has
69 Cf. Elisabeth Bumiller, May you be the Mother of a Hundred Sons: A Joumey among the Women o f India (New York: Ballantine Books, 1990), 104. 70 S. Krishnaswamy, “Female Infanticide in Contemporary India: A Case-Study of Kallars of Tamil Nadu,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially, 186-7; See also, Vibhuti Patel, “Sex Determination and Sex Preselection Tests: Abuse of Advanced Technologies,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially, 182. 71 Sheela Rani Chunkath and Athreya V.B. “Female Infanticide in Tamil Nadu: Some evidence,” Economic and Political Weekly 32, no. 17, April 1997,21-28. 72 Cf. S. Krishnaswamy, “Female Infanticide in Contemporary India: A Case-Study of Kallars of Tamilnadu,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, 188-9; S. H. Venkatramani, “Bom to Die: Female Infanticide,” India Today (1-15 June 1986); 26-33; see also, Vibhuti Patel, “Sex Determination and Sex Preselection Tests: Abuse of Advanced Technologies,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially, 181-2; 73 Cf. Mahendra K. Premi and Raju Saraswati, “Bom to Die: Female Infanticide in Madhya Pradesh,” Search Bulletin 13, no. 3 (July-September 1998): 94-105. 33 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
also brought to light that female babies are sometimes buried in the sand, dumped into the garbage, or thrown into the drainage.
A report on FI at Salem and Namakkal districts in Tamil Nadu states:
Parents are reported to have killed nearly 3000 babies themselves or through professional killers. But feaiing the police and legal complications, choking the baby by giving it paddy grains with milk or administering latex calotropis are now avoided. Foeticide-tennination pregnancy is preferred by many. Others simply dump their newbom in dustbins. Female infanticide has been mostly noticed in the families of landless labourers and small farmers.74
In most cases it is not men but women who, having intemalized a societally projected sense of their own and their daughters’ unworthiness, are directly involved in eliminating their girl babies. The reactions of men in these circumstances are either silence, indifference or non-involvement. In these cases such behavior by men could be taken for tacit approval of the elimination of their daughters.75 S. Krishnaswamy also observed among Kallars where a woman absconds immediately after the birth of a baby and returns after a week without the baby and thus reporting as a natural death.76 In a few cases FI is carried out by the midwives as they are asked by the parents to eliminate the child. If the cases are reported to the police, not many are successfully prosecuted as police personnel are satisfied with accepting bribes.
It is shocking to think that the very family which is supposed to give security and care to a baby might become the home in which it is murdered. In cases where the wives are passive participants in the crime, the husbands often carry out the act of killing their babies. Sometimes the mother-in-law is harsh towards her daughter-in-law if she is slow to bear children within a year or two of the marriage or if she does not bear a son. Contraiy to scientific knowledge, it is women who are blamed for not bearing male children. In many cases it is the female members who kill the infants either due to the pressure of the patemal family members or of their own accord.
It seems that women may be taking these extreme measures in order to escape from harassment in the marital home, and becoming accessories to murder at best because they have no control over their own lives. Though in some cases women may make a choice to have their daughters eliminated themselves via selective abortions, in others, the husband along with his parents, and especially his mother may decide for his wife to have the female
74 K. Subramanian, “Female Infanticide: TN Eams Notoriety for Maximum Deaths,” Indian Express (17 August 2000). 75 Cf. Sharada Srinivasan, Daughter Elimination in Tamil Nadu, India: Development, Discrimination, and Survival, 209. 76 S. Krishnaswamy, “Female Infanticide in Contemporary India: A Case-Study of Kallars of Tamilnadu,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially, 189. 34 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI foetus aborted. In such cases, the woman may be afraid and powerless to a decision for herself, and may lack the courage to resist such a decision.77 Early marriage and the woman’s reproductive role demands that young women spend a life-time struggling to feed and raise children in frequently unfavourable conditions.78
The study by Amartya Sen on demographic pattems in Asia indicated that more than 100 million women are “missing” in Asia due to the discriminatory allocation of basic resources, cultural pattem of son-preference, poor nutrition, and neglect of health provision for females. These factors cause female infanticide, malnourishment of girl children, and an increase in the mortality rates of females.79 According to Alvares about “ten million girls have been eliminated by sex-selective abortions and infanticide in the last 20 years.”80 Sen has pointed out that sex-specifïc abortions and natality inequality are prevalent in East Asia, in China and South Korea in particular. It also occurs in Singapore and Taiwan. Sen says that it is beginning to emerge as a significant phenomenon in India and South Asia.81
The following statistics show the decrease of the female to male sex ratio (age group 0-6) over the last six decades, and which might comprise significant proof of the scale of FF and FI and the neglect of female children. The data is taken from the census of India, 2011.
Table 3: Sex ratio of child population in the age group 0-6, and total population, India: 1961- 2011
Year Sex ratio in age group 0-6 years ; Overall sex ratio 1961 976 | 941 1971 964 J 930 1981 962 | 934 1991 945 | 927 2001 927 1 933 2011 914 j 940 Source: Census of India 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India
The child sex ratio is the number of girls per 1000 boys, in this case in the age group of 0-6. According to the 2011 census data, the child sex ratio for the whole country is 914. This is the lowest child sex ratio since independence. The total number of children in the age group
77 Cf. Vibhuti Patel, “Sex Determination and Sex Preselection Tests: Abuse of Advanced Technologies,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially, 183. 78 Cf. Nareen Arif, Women 's Empowerment: Myth or Reality? (Srinagar: Peace Mission India, 2006), 14-5. 79 Cf Amartya Sen, “More Than 100 Million Women are Missing," (New York Review of Books 37, 20 December 1990, accessed 10 0ctober2013); available from http://ucatlas.ucsc.edu/gender/Senl00M.html 80 Vera Alvares, “Girls on the Scale!” The Examiner, 05 March 2011,16. 81 Cf Amartya Sen, The Argumentative Indian: Writings on Indian History, Culture and Identity, 226. 35 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
of 0-6 is now 158.8 million, down by five million since 2001. It is observed in particular that in the two decades between 1991 to 2011, the female-male child sex ratio slipped down 31 points.82
Table 4: Child population in the age group 0-6: Below 900 girls for 1000 boys
India/States/U nion 2001 2011 Territory INDIA 927 914 | Uttar Pradesh 916 899 Uttarakhand 908 886 Gujarat 883 886 | Rajasthan 909 883 1 Maharashtra 913 883 Chandigarh# 845 867 i NCT of Delhi# 868 866 Jammu & Kashmir 941 857 Punjab 798 846 Haryana 819 830 Source: Census of India 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India (# = Union Territory) The above table shows that in 2011, the child sex ratio (CSR) had declined to less than 900 girls per 1000 boys in the 0-6 age group. The lowest child sex ratio was found in Haiyana (830) and the second lowest child sex ratio in Punjab (846). In some states including Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Delhi, some districts of Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, and Kamataka, the CSR has declined to about 900 girls per 1000 boys in the 0-6 age group. In some districts, the ratio has plummeted to less than about 850 girls per 1000 boys.83
The state of Haryana records the lowest adult female-male ratio in the country. T.K. Rajalakshmi has reported that in Jhajjar district of Haryana, which has a high literacy rate of 80.8 percent (71 percent for females and 89.4 percent for males), the lowest CSR is recorded: 774 female children for every 1000 male children. Rajalakshmi points out that it is a truism in India that people have a strong preference for male children because of the deeply rooted customs and traditions of the region. Some even consider that drinking water from, dining at, or staying over at a daughter’s house is not favourable.84 The television serial Na Aana Iss Dess Laado (Don’t come to this land my girl) has created awareness among the people,
82 Cf. C. Chandramouli, Census o f India 2011, Provisional Population Totals, Paper 1 of 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India, 2011,90-1 83 Cf. Ibid., 88-91. 84 Cf. T.K. Rajalakshmi, Census 2011, ‘Male Preserve’, Frontline, 20 May 2011,110,111. 36 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI especially in the state of Haryana, about the silent elimination of female babies (the serial was briefly reviewed in the general introduction of this study). In Satyameva Jayate (Truth alone Triumphs), episode 1 “Daughters Are Precious” Indian Bollywood actor and filmmaker Aamir Khan focuses on the issue of FF to raise awareness about this frightening reality, especially in the state of Rajasthan where the child sex-ratio falls to 883 girls for 1000 boys.85
Table 5: India, 2001-2011: Percentage of child population by residence - Males
Year Total i Rural ] Urban 2001 15.97 i 17.14 j 13.01 2011 13.3 1 14.32 | 11.07 Source: Census of India 2011, Data on Rural and Urban Areas, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India.
Table 6: India, 2001-2011: Percentage of child population by residence - Females
Year Total j Rural Urban 2001 15.88 1 16.92 ! 13.1 2011 12.93 | 13.9 i 10.78 Source: Census of India 2011, Data on Rural and Urban Areas, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India.
As per the census of 2011, it is reported that “due to the rampant use of pre-natal sex determination technology in rural areas the child sex ratio feil far more sharply in villages in comparison to urban areas in the last decade.”86
The various tables presented above indicate that according to the census of India 2011 there is an alarming imbalance in the female-male ratio, and particularly in the female-male ratio among children. The tables show that the percentage of the child population in rural areas has been falling in recent years. They seem to confirm a preference for male children over females and likewise add weight to the theory that such figures are due to the deliberate elimination of female children. The widespread availability and use of ultrasonography in both urban and rural areas facilitates sex-selective abortions, as has already been discussed, and the census of India 2011 has created an alertness in India of the urgent need to address VAWG, especially with regard to FF and FI.
83 Satyamev Jayate: Daughters Are Precious - Episode 1: Female Foeticide, 6 May, 2012 (accessed 23 March 2014) htto://www.pmkvilla.com/entertainment/discussion/salvainev-iavate-daughters-are-precious-eDisode-l- female-foeticide 86 K.C. George, “No More Daughters,” Indian Currents (20-26 February 2012): 27. 37 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
Having discussed the phenomenon of FF and FI in India, the factors responsible for the elimination of female life will now be analysed further.
4.1. Factors that Contribute to Female Foeticide and Female Infanticide
This section deals with the analysis of five important factors: cultural, social, religious, economic, and political, that contribute to the devaluation of women and girls in India. They are: the dominant culture of patriarchy; an obsessive preference for sons; the devaluation of and discrimination against women and girls seemingly promoted by religious beliefs; the dowry system, and neglect of women’s issues.
4.1.1. Cultural Factor: Dominant Culture of Patriarchy
Patriarchy is a global phenomenon. It refers to male authority over the family. It also refers to inheritance and the transmission of property and status via the male line.87 “Patriarchal culture is characteristically “androcentric”; that is, the dominant norms and values centre on male perceptions, interpretations, experience, needs, and interests.”88 Indian social historian, V. Geetha defines patriarchy as “the rule of the father or the eldest male member over his family. It is not only restricted to women but over younger and socially or economically subordinate males.”89 Indian society is highly patriarchal in its structure and its existence. Discussing patriarchy, V. Geetha points out that in the Indian context, the poor, the dalit, and lower caste men who are oppressed and exploited by powerfal men also come under the domination of patriarchy. The experience of women in this patriarchal society is that they are dominated over by the socially powerful and powerless men. In the socially powerfol sphere of the upper levels of the hierarchical caste system, women are dominated by the male members of their families. In the socially powerless sphere of the poor, the dalit, and the lower levels of the hierarchical caste system, men also control their wives and other female members of their families, simply by virtue of their maleness.90
Though patriarchy is a global phenomenon, what is specific to India is the lifelong subordination of the female as daughter, wife, mother, and widow to male authority, a phenomenon which has historically been upheld by the Hindu Law Code of Manu. According to Manusmriti “In her childhood a girl should be under the will of her father; in her youth, of
87 Cf. Murray Milner, Jr. Status and Sacredness: A General Theory of Status Relations and an Analysis of Indian Culture, 151. 88 Paula M. Cooey, William R. Eakin, and Jay B. McDaniel, eds. After Patriarchy: Feminist Transformations of the World Religions (Maiyknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1991), xii. 89 V. Geetha, Patriarchy, Theorizing Feminism (Calcutta, STREE, 2007), 4. 90 Cf. Ibid., 6. 38 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI her husband; her husband being dead, of her sons; a woman should never enjoy her own will” (Manusmriti V: 148). The text of Manu’s Code fiirther states that “a woman must never wish separation of herself from her father, husband, or sons, for by separation from them a woman would make both families contemptible” (Manusmriti V: 149). Manu restricts women’s freedom and movement by presenting the rules of conduct which concede women a place of mere dependence in the household. “He treats women as caged birds in the household and regards them as unworthy of sharing the responsibilities of men.”91 Such texts foster the belief that man has authority and superiority over woman, and keeps women in a dependent and subordinate position within the family and society.
Paradoxically, higher-caste women experience less freedom than lower-caste women. They are compelled to follow traditional stereotypical lifestyles and ritual practices.92 Thus women are subjugated and made to shut their minds and hearts towards the potentialities they are endowed with. If women are ill-treated by men, they consider it their fate, the will of God for them. In traditional families, the wife has to wait till the husband completes his meal so that she will be the last one to eat from the food which remains. The husband is given the place of a god. This culture is prevalent even in the 21st century in some Hindu traditional families. These culturally-imposed practices have been observed among the poor and uneducated as well as among elite orthodox patriarchal families.
Moreover, such a patriarchal culture compels women to be silent listeners and actors. From very early years, the message is communicated to girl children that they should not be around while elders speak. Women are not taken into confïdence in decision making either, as it is male family members who take decisions for female family members. Whatever the male member says is to be carried out by the female member, passively or perhaps with suppressed aggression. Such a situation in families shows that women have little or no access to a voice in patriarchal families. In such a context, men believe that women’s roles are biologically defined, they are responsible for bearing and rearing children, for serving men, and attending to household duties while men, who alone have freedom and wisdom will decide, rule, and plan for their families, for society, and the nation.93 Therefore, decisions conceming fertility, fïnance, education of children, and other family matters are taken by the male members of the
91 Deepali Bhargava, Manu Smriti: A SociologicalAnalysis (Jaipur, India: Rawat Publications, 1989), 53. 92 Cf. Vasudha Narayanan, “Brirmning with Bhakti, Embodiinents of Shakti: Devotees, Deities, Performers, Reformeis, and Other Women of Power in the Hindu Tradition,” in Feminism and World Religions, eds. Arvind Sharma and Katherine K. Young (Albany, New York: State University of New York Press, 1999), 28. 93 Cf. R.L. Hnuni, Vision for Women in India: Perspectives from the Bible, Church and Society (Bangalore, India: Asian Trading Corporation, 2009), 30-1. 39 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI family. Thus, Indian women carry the burden of multiplicative structures of oppression in such a patriarchal context, which cannot fail to have a negative influence on the growth and development of women and girls in Indian society.
4.1.2. Social Factor: Obsessive Preference for Sons
Preference for sons over daughters is rooted in India’ s patriarchal society, and parents are often unhappy and indifferent when a baby girl is bom - especially when they consider her to be superfluous. Sudhir Kakar has observed that the attitude and the atmosphere in the family and society dififer when it comes to welcoming the new bom child. Patrilineal families promote having at least one son in order to continue the familial line; many sons constitute additional status to families.94 Parents feel honoured when a male child is bom and the birth of a baby boy is celebrated with joy. On such occasions, the family shares special sweets with relatives, friends, and neighbours. The birth of a baby girl is not celebrated in this way, especially in families which are biased against female children.
Male children are considered an asset to the family. Families believe that sons can generate income through their labour whereas daughters cannot contribute as sons do because of their lack of physical strength, the stereotypical gender roles assigned by society, the limited scope for job opportunities, and the fact that girls will leave the family anyway once they marry. The birth of a female baby is widely considered a financial liability and she is seen as undesirable and a curse to the family. Therefore, female children are neglected as regards health-care, nutritious food, education, and the provision of opportunities to grow on par with their male counterparts. They become unwanted children for their families and society at large. The purposeful deprivation of food and health care results in stunted growth, malnourishment and other dysfunctions. As a result, many of them die at birth and in infancy. In spite of poverty, parents see that the boys are given good care and fed better from their infancy, and thus girls are neglected and discriminated against even in the apportioning of food. In some families the best portion is served to the male members. All this is bom out by the National Plan of Action report, which observes that the root cause of malnutrition among girls is not just poverty but the value attached to the females.95 As we shall see, discrimination based on gender is also prevalent in verbal and nonverbal Communications.
94 Sudhir Kakar, “Feminine Identity in India,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially, 47. 95 Cf. Report of the Working Group on Development of Children for the Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007-2012), 6. 40 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
This section presents some insights as it examines the concept of ‘gender’ and the gender biased attitudes prevalent in Indian society. Gender is understood as “a system of cultural signs and meanings assigned by the sociely and its subsystems to physical difFerences of two distinct bodies—man and woman.”96 This means that gender is not biologically given but is a culturally constructed phenomenon (and in India’s case a phenomenon conditioned by its being a male dominated society). Kochuthara has observed: “Though ‘gender’ has been connected with body and biological sexuality, it is the socio-cultural interpretation and misinterpretation that determine the gender differences. In most societies, this cultural construction of gender has been unfavourable to women.”97 Pushparani contends that, patriarchal culture reinforces behaviours of aggression and domination in males and behaviours of tendemess and subordination in females. If a girl aspires to do anything masculine she is corrected for behaving like a tomboy.98 In some families, the girls are not allowed to laugh loudly for it is expected that the ‘girls’ laughter should not be heard’. Girls are not allowed to express their feelings and their views which result in suppression of their ability to think and be assertive. Forced silence is one of the means employed so that girls become victims of discrimination within their own families. Many girls, though they undergo mental and physical torture, keep silent. They are afraid even to disclose the harsh treatment received from their parents, husbands, in-laws, and other members of the family. The societal stereotype roles ascribed to girls curtail their freedom and growth. The negative messages which they interiorize cause girls great harm as far as their physical, psychological, emotional, and all round development as resourceful human beings is concemed.
Indian society, especially in the rural areas, does not effectively support female children to develop their abilities through education. There is a popular saying: “Educating a girl is like manuring the neighbour’s courtyard.” The study by Narendra Nath Kalia on English and Hindi language-instruction textbooks in Haryana, Punjab, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and Delhi (the states in the northem part of India) points out that the sexist language employed in the school curriculum creates an environment in which women are thought of in unfavourable terms and to believe that women are inferior and bad. Thus, women are excluded from the realm of higher achievement. These textbooks were prepared by the National council of
96 Snehalata Panda, “Empowering Women: A Post-feminist Perspective,” in Empowerment o f Women: Language and Other Facts, ed. Abha Gupta and Smita Sinha (Jaipur (India): Mangal Deep Publications, 2005), 96. 97 Shaji George Kochuthara, “Patriarchy and Sexual Roles: Active-Passive Gender Roles versus an Ethics of Mutuality,” Journal o f Dharma, Gender and Religion 36, no. 4 (October-December 2011): 435. 98 Cf. Martha Pushparani, “How Family, Religion and Caste Reinforce the Girl Child’s Low Status,” In G od's Image 17, no. 2 (1998): 5-8. 41 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
Educational Research and Training (NCERT)99 and Central Board of Secondary Education syllabus.100 Brinda Karat observes that the “NCERT syllabus is equally explicit about the “socially appropriate” role for women.”101 A social Science textbook for high schools, issued by the BJP govemment in Uttar Pradesh stated that “reforms in Hindu personal laws, such as the Hindu Widow Remarriage Act, 1954, and the Hindu Marriage and Divorce Act, 1955, had led to “disorganization within the family.”102 So not only are women adversely affected in the home, but the sexual division of labour and other gender biased attitudes are communicated to young children through school curricula which do not help in building a gender just society.
Knowledge and practice of domestic work is considered necessary for girls because they will continue to be in the domestic sphere in their husband’s homes. In the rural areas the girl children are burdened with domestic work from their earliest ages. They help parents in cooking, washing, and looking after their younger siblings at home and at the work place of parents. A further impetus for obliging them to leam household work when young is explained by the probability of an early marriage. Early marriages and early pregnancies hinder girls’ physical and psychological growth, a fact which is hardly taken into consideration. A proverb in Kannada: “Kotta hennu kulakke horage ” (A daughter given away [in marriage] is outside the family) indicates that a married woman becomes an outsider to her family of birth as she belongs to the family of her husband. Cultural considerations in Indian society see woman as member of the ‘other’ family (namely her husband’s family). Therefore, most Indian girls are treated as somebody else’s property because, as Rajalakshmi puts it “they are of no use to their parents. Once they are married they cannot give precedence to their natal family.”103
Remaining unmarried or infertility in marriage are seen as a shame and dishonour to the woman. Barrenness is always blamed on the woman and the possible impotence of the male is given scant attention it seems. It shows how India’s patriarchal society targets females and just how endemic gender discrimination is. In the rural set up most girls are uneducated and
99 National Council of Educational Research and Training set up by the Govemment of India. It was established intheyear 1961. 100 Cf. Narendra Nath Kalia, “Women and Sexism: Language o f Indian School Textbooks,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially, 233-4. 101 Brinda Karat, “Domestic Violence Bill: Adding Insult to Injuiy,” Times o f India, 16 March 2002,10. 102 Santosh C. Saha, “Hindu Revivalist Cultural Policies and Programs in India: A Critique,” in Religious Fundamentalism in the Contemporary World, ed Santosh C. Saha, 151. See also, Brinda Karat, “Domestic Violence Bill: Adding Insult to Injury,” Times o f India, 16 March 2002, 10 brings to light that in Uttar Pradesh textbooks students of social sciences leam that domestic discord has increased ever since women have got legal rights. In the perception of Indian tradition, girls have to be trained and educated to play their primaiy roles as home builders while boys can get a professional education. 103 T. K. Rajalakshmi, “Male Preserve,” Frontline, 20 May 2011,111. 42 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI are engaged in agricultural occupation and handicrafts, but the domestic work load on girl children denies them educational opportunities and curtails their freedom for economic dependence anyway. Women are mostly unemployed because of their domestic roles which restrict their eaming possibilities.104 Their domestic work is not valued as it does not generate income to the family. Hence, women’s contribution towards family and sociely, which is so vast, is seen as insignificant and taken for granted.
4.1.3. Religious Factor: Devaluation of and Discrimination against Women and Girls
Ranjana Kumari has argued that “religion has provided the ideological and moral basis for the status and role of women in society,”105 and it is argued here that women and girls become victims of violence in society because of the devaluation of and discrimination against females at religious level. It is a truism that the value attached to females in the world religions has historically been inferior and subordinate to that attached to males, and the notion often encountered that women’s bodies are polluting results, even today, in their perceived unworthiness to participate in public religious rituals. Therefore, women are to a large extent excluded from religious experiences, language, and worship. The devaluation of womanhood, corresponding gender inequality, and resulting male domination are strongly prevalent in the religious realm. Although it could be argued that all religions have contributed to the devaluation of and discrimination against women and girls down through the ages, this discussion will be limited to the analysis of such issues from the perspective of Hinduism, Judaism, and Christianity.
In Hinduism, the Manusmriti or ‘Laws of Manu’ have had a significant influence on Indian society, and this has contributed to the prevailing patriarchal cultural bias against women in India. Manu emphasizes the total subordination to and dependence of wives on their husbands. The laws of Manu state that “though of bad conduct or debauched, or even devoid of good qualities, a husband must always be worshipped like a god by a good wife” {Manusmriti V: 154).106 So “a faithfiil wife, who desires to dweil in heaven, should never do anything that might displease her husband, whether he is alive or dead” (Manusmriti V: 156).
104 Cf. Bina Agarwal, ““Bargaining” and Gender Relations: Within and Beyond the Household,” Feminist Economics 3, no. 1 (1997): 16. 105 Ranjana Kumari, “Femaleness: The Hindu Perspective,” in Religions and the Status o f Women, ed. Jyotsna Chatteiji (New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1990), 1. 106 Arthur Coke Bumell, The Ordinances o f Manu. trans, from the Sanskrit with an introduction (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner, & Co. Lt. 1891), 131; See also, Vanita Agarwal, Women in Manusmriti (New Delhi: Indian Council for Cultural Relations, 2006), 25-50. 43 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
These verses also state that women should not do anything independently of men. Manusmriti holds that a wife must accept her husband as god, in fact, her dharma will depend on this acceptance. Manu wams women not to perform any sacrifice, vow or fast without the permission of their husbands. Only when a wife obeys her husband in all matters she will be exalted in heaven.107 The Laws of Manu conceming women have historically affected women’s lives negatively, and down through the centuries, women have experienced subordination and discrimination in the patriarchal context of India.
The discrimination against women in Indian society has been rooted in religious conceptions regarding women. Discrimination is defined here as the special treatment of some (in this case men), and the withholding of those benefits from others (in this case women). In Hinduism, discrimination against females begins even before the child is bom. A prayer in the Atharvaveda108 for obtaining a son reads as follows: ‘May Prajapati (the lord of creatures) elsewhere afford the birth of a female, but here he shall bestow a man!’109 The ancient Pumsavana rite110 is still performed over pregnant women in traditional Hindu families. Adherents to this rite believe that it will elicit the birth of a male infant or even change the sex of the unbom child if it be a female.111 These religious ceremonies that are performed at the birth of a son are not performed at the birth of a daughter. At the birth of a son, sacred verses are uttered aloud; at the birth of a girl, silent prayers are made but there is no utterance of the sacred verses aloud.112 Many elite Hindus espouse son preference for both religious and secular reasons. Where other religious rites are concemed, such as cremation, sons are supposed to perform their parent’s cremation rights, and not daughters.
Likewise in Hinduism, the reading of the sacred texts has historically been the monopoly of the male. The study of the Veda, the independent performance of sacrifices, and officiation at religious ceremonies are all reserved to males. The reason for this, as already mentioned, is the issue of purity and the taboo of women’s supposed pollution. Entrance to Hindu temples is denied to women in menstruation. Menstruation and child birth are considered as impure.
107 Arthur Coke Bumcll, The Ordinances o f Manu. Manusmriti 5, 150-156. 108 Atharvaveda is one of the Sacred Texts of Hinduism, it represents a fourth Veda. 109 F. Max Müller, ed., The Sacred Books o f the East (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1897), (IV. Vi, 11,3), 98. 110 Pumsavana rite (begetting of a son) is a pre-natal rite of passage. It is observed in the third month of pregnancy. lts purpose is to animate the foetus, assuring the birth of a son. It is still occasionally performed today among certain Brahmin families of South India. Frederick M. Smith, “Pumsavana, ” in Encyclopedia of Hinduism, ed. Denise Cush, 633. 111 Cf. Sudhir Kakar, “Feminine Identity in India,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially, 47. 112 Deepali Bhargava, Manu Smriti: A Sociological Analysis, 57. 44 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
According to the official mythic context of Hinduism, menstrual blood is regarded as impure and dangerous because it was the result of Indra’s curse.113
Sïta, the ideal woman of the Indian epic Ramayana, presented as of extreme tolerance, patience, and emblematic of the faithfulness of the Hindu woman as wife is another socio- religious symbol frequently used to teach women what society expects from them.114 These ideas are reiterated in the Laws of Manu in adverse manners. Sushila Singhi has observed that “The women in rural areas in India are veiy much ridden with social dogmas, superstitions, and prejudices,”115 and this is almost undoubtedly because of the lack of education in rural areas previously mentioned. Women remain ignorant of their exploitation by males in the religious sphere because they are accustomed to men being the guardians of religious rituals and practices in a patriarchal society. Through their (enforced) ignorance, women are unwittingly cooperating in the perpetuation of religious discrimination against tiiem.
Judaism and Christianity are also patriarchal religions. In principle, they promote equality and dignity between sexes, as recorded in the first creation account in the book of Genesis, the first book of the Hebrew and Christian Bible, as human beings are ‘Imago Dei’: “God created humankind in his own image, in the image of God he created them; male and female he created them” (Gen. 1:27). However, often it is the second creation narrative of the two presented in Genesis which has been taken literally and used to define the basis on which the relationship between male and female is to be founded. The second creation narrative shows woman created as the helper and partner of man because it is not good for man to be alone (Genesis 2:4b-24). Throughout the centuries, the story of Eve’s creation (particularly in the Genesis 2 account) and her participation in the fall (Genesis 3) have been misused as a divine norm for justifying the inferior status of women in the church and society.116 Joseph Velacherry, discussing the status of women in the Christian scriptures points out that the second narrative of human creation in Genesis 2, with its anthropomorphic description, emphasizes the role of woman, Eve, as wife and companion of man. Woman became the mother of all living people as she brought forth children for man to continue his posterity. Her status, as extrapolated in the later stories of Hagar (Gen. 16: 1-16) and Leah (Gen. 29: 31-35) increases at the birth of their sons. In the patriarchal context, a son was the greater gift, not a
113 Indra—Lord. The Vedic personificalion of thunder/lightening and the fertilization principle of nature, a rain- god. Encyclopedia o f Hinduism, ed. Denise Cush, 369. 114 Cf. Kiian Prasad, “Hinduism and the Spirituality of Women,” in In God’s Image 28, no. 1 (March 2009): 49. 115 Sushila Singhi, “Family Planning and Women,” in Role and Status o f Women in Indian Society, ed. Renuka Ray (Calcutta: Firma KLM, 1978), 122. 116 Cf Teresa Okure, “Women in the Bible,” in With Passion and Compassion: Third World Women Doing Theology, eds. Virginia Fabella and Mercy Amba Oduyoye (Maryknoll, New Yoik: Orbis Books, 1988), 48. 45 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI daughter. Whereas motherhood gave the woman great respect socially, Velacherry argues, it was especially magnified if the child was a boy.117 In the light of the misinterpretation of this second creation text, it has been considered for many centuries that women are subordinate to men. So it is that in Judaism and Christianity, women have been constantly reminded through language and theological concepts such as original sin and perpetual virginity of the inferior status they have been allotted.118
In addition, and to cite one way in which the Hebrew Bible (and for Christians, Old Testament) texts discussed previously were culturally domesticated within Christianity over time, in the first letter of Paul to the Corinthians 11:2-16, Paul advocates the need for “head coverings” for women in liturgical assemblies. Paul states “man is the image and reflection of God; but woman is the reflection of man” (1 Cor. 11:7b). Paul arguably used the theological argument from the creation narrative of Genesis 2 to enforce the covering of women’s heads. Christine Amjad-Ali argues that the text from 1 Corinthians 11 in effect became the justification for shutting women out of all leadership roles in the Church.119 This text further highlights the inferiority of womanhood, where women’s identity subsists in their relation to men, because the husband is the head of his wife; woman the reflection of man. Man was not made from woman, but woman from man (1 Cor. 11:8); woman was created for the sake of man and not vice-versa (1 Cor. 11:9). Therefore, woman needs to submit to his authority. These texts, which have often been misinterpreted and considered in isolation from other positive Biblical texts about women (the focus on the Genesis 2 account over the Genesis 1 creation is one example) have been used to dehumanize them, and indeed have sometimes been considered as a mandate from God for doing so. For centuries people have accepted oppressive misinterpretations of these texts as the natural order of things.120
Further, the analogy of the Church as the bride of Christ was applied by the writer of the Letter to the Ephesians to the relationship between husband and wife (Eph. 5: 21-33). Also, women have to be silent in worship as in 1 Tim. 2: 11-14 the writer states, “Let a woman leam in silence with full submission. I permit no woman to teach or to have authority over a man; she is to keep silent.” The religious authority on the status of women laid down in the
117 Cf. Joseph Velacheny, “Status of Women in the Christian Scriptures,” in Religions and the Status o f Women, ed. Jyotsna Chatteiji (New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1990), 66-7. 118 Cf. Joanne Carlson Brown and Rebecca Parker, “For God So Loved the World?” in Christianity, Patriarchy, andAbuse, eds. Joanne Carlson Brown and Carole R. Bohn (Cleveland, Ohio: The Pilgrim press, 1989), 3. 119 Cf. Christine Amjad-Ali. “The Equality of Women: Fonn or Substance - 1 Cor. 11: 2-16,” in Voices from the Margin: Interpreting the Bible in the Third World, ed. R.S. Sugirtharajah (Maryknoll: NY, ORBIS/SPCK, 2004), 192. 120 Cf. Merlin Stone, When God was a Woman (New York: The Dial Press, 1976), 239- 40. 46 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI creation story is redressed in these texts.121 Though it may appear paradoxical, it is also true that the same Bible which afïïrms humans as ‘Imago Dei’ (Genesis 1:27) elsewhere denies equality to the female section of humanity as far as religious leadership positions are concemed.
The foregoing analysis shows how the Hindu, Hebrew, and Christian scriptures have been used to shape the mindset of men and women with regard to the devaluation of woman’s position in the home, the religious meeting place, and society in general. The resulting religious laws and customs developed in the context of patriarchy have been biased towards men and have made women’s lives more difficult. In the context of marriage, the responsibility for fidelity, marital duties, and the keeping of the laws and regulations, rituals and religious practices within the household have been placed on women. On the other hand prosperity, pleasure, freedom, and wellbeing are favoured to the male. Only men are taken into consideration for their development and the dehumanization of women continues as women have to struggle to live and fight in order to dismantle patriarchal laws which do not enhance their wellbeing. The discussion on the devaluation of and discrimination against women from the religious perspective will be continued in the second and third chapters.
4.1.4. Economie Factor: Dowry System
The practice of the dowry system in India has been prevalent since the Vedic period (1500-600 BCE). In the Epic period (1000-600 BCE) gifts were given to the bride by her parents as her property and security for her married life. These gifts were given with love and affection to their daughter for setting up a home as well as being a security for when her husband eventually died.122 Traditionally, dowries were prevalent only among the higher castes, as higher caste women were not allowed to work outside the family, and because of this, the women of the higher castes were seen as a burden. To compensate the husband for shouldering the financial burden of his new wife, a dowry was given by the girl’s family for her to take into the marriage. As lower caste women worked in the fields, mines, plantations, and factories, and were also able to meet the basic needs of the family by collecting fïrewood, water, and helping with agricultural work and horticultural activities, women in lower castes
121 Cf. Dons Franklin, “Impact of Christianity on the Status of Women fiom the Socio-Cultural Point of View,” in Religions and the Status o f Women, ed. Jyotsna Chatteiji (New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1990), 78. 122 Cf. Rajni Palriwal, “Dowry in Contemporary India: An Overview,” in Expanding Dimensions o f Dowry (New Delhi, AIDWA: Progressive Printers, 1981): 15. 47 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI were regarded as productive family members.123 Gradually the understanding of dowries changed, however, taking on some of the more sinister undertones with which it is perhaps associated today. A dowry is the property given to a daughter to take with her into marriage. It is her property and in her own control, though the husband usually has rights of management over it. A husband cannot use the dowry for his sister’s marriage, for instance, because it is against the spirit of the dowry institution, and it is in his wife’s legal possession. It is meant to be enjoyed by the couple and to be transmitted in time to their children.124 Dowry is practiced among all castes, and is generally practiced among all religions both in urban and rural areas in India. In recent years, together with gifts and omaments for the bride, a huge amount of money and other valuables are demanded by the groom and his family both before and after the marriage.
In India most marriages are ‘arranged marriages.’ The parents and elders in a family take responsibility for their daughters being settled in marriage, though due to poverty, many parents find it difïïcult. When parents do not have sufficiënt money, they are compelled to sell their piece of land or mortgage it, take a loan from others, or try to save something by foregoing their daily food.125 Many families typically struggle and deprive themselves of many things when a girl is to be married. If parents are unable to pay a dowry, they might look for any groom—a widower or an unemployed person, or even somebody less socially desirable. Often they really won’t enquire about the person in question because of the simple, pervading desire to unburden themselves of their daughters.126 After marriage, many daughters go through a tremendous amount of suffering at the hands of their husbands and in- laws. One of the songs presented by Irawati Karve (from the collection of Balutai Saptarshi in Ahmadnagar district from women of different castes) expresses a woman’ s utter desperation. Being unable to bear the harassment inflicted on her at her husband’s house, she says:
By some mistake God gave me the birth of a woman. Like a hired bullock which is hard driven by all, I am on the point o f breaking. God Rama, I f'all at your feet and fold my hands and pray to you, never again give me the birth of a woman.127
123 Cf. Vibhuti Patel, “Missing Girls in India: Science, Gender Relations, and the Political Economy of Emotions,” 30-31. 124 Cf. Tambiah, S. Jeyaraja, “Dowry and Bridewealth, and the Property Rights of Women in South Asia,” in Bridewealth and Dowry, eds. Jack Goody and S.J. Tambiah (Cambridge: University press, 1973), 62. 125 Cf. Rajni Palriwal, “Dowry in Contemporary India: An Overview,” in Expanding Dimensions o f Dowry, 20. 126 The experiences shared by women with me in my encounter with them on various occasions. 127 Irawati Karve, Kinship Organization in India, 2"d rev. ed. (London: Asia Publishing House, 1965), 210. 48 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
Thus, in the situations described above, women are not supported by anyone, including their own parental families, and hence their voice - calling out for support and liberation - remains unheard within them.
The practice of dowry has lead to the deaths of many young brides in rural and urban areas. According to Section 304 B of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), dowiy death is defined as: “Where the death of a woman is caused by any bums or bodily injury or occurs otherwise than under normal circumstances within seven years of her marriage and it is shown that soon before her death she was subjected to cruelty or harassment by her husband or any relative of her husband for, or in connection with, any demand for dowry, such death shall be called “dowry death”, and such husband or relative shall be deemed to have caused her death.”128 Threats of violence, bride buming and actual physical violence occur in families where of husbands and in-laws are covetous for a dowry. Ghadially and Kumar have found that in many cases young women are instructed by their parents to bear everything silently, not to discuss their sufferings in their husband’s family with others, and are simply encouraged to return to their husbands.129 Instead of providing security to women, the dowry serves to perpetuate their constant dependence on the male members of the family at best, and puts them at risk of violence and even death at worst.
Ghadially and Kumar have observed that the Dowry Prohibition Act of 1961 marks the first attempt by the Govemment of India to recognize Dowry as a social evil and to curb its practice. The Act was modified with the Dowry Prohibition Amendment Act of 1984, and fiirther developed with the advent of the Dowry Prohibition Amendment Act 1986, which aimed at providing fiirther clarifïcation to the law in the light of the persistence and even increase of dowiy deaths. 130 It is important to take sufficiënt measures to implement the law and create an awareness of the law.
Rajni Palriwal points out that women activists in India have been arguing that “dowry is a reflection of the devaluation and inequalities which women experience in Indian society from birth throughout their entire life cycle. In order to have gender equality and property rights the women need to fïght against dowry.”131 Women’s organizations in India attempt to publicize cases of dowry-murders and hold public demonstrations and protests. Uma Narayan argues
128 Indian Penal Code (IPC) Section 304-B, “Dowiy Death,” (accessed 31 May 2011) httn://\vww vaknnol.com/bareacts/mdianpenalcode/S304B.htm. 129 Cf. Rehana Ghadially and Pramod Kumar, “Bride-Buming: The Psycho-social Dynamics of Dowry Deaths,” in Women in Indian Society, ed. Rehana Ghadially, 169. 130 Cf., 175-6. 131 Rajni Palriwal, “Dowry in Contemporary India: An Overview,” in Expanding Dimensions o fDowry, 23. 49 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI that such public efforts have an important function in awakening Indian families by calling on them to pledge not to give or take dowries, and for people to boycott marriages where it is proposed a dowiy be involved.132 However, these demonstrations are not achieving the desired outcome because, in a case of extreme and tragic irony, women in India are often the custodians of such socio-cultural norms, and otherwise fail to assert themselves against these traditional and oppressive customs. Mothers-in-law for instance contribute to a great extent to making their daughters-in-law the victims of the dowry system. Thus, women can be seen as perpetrators of crimes against women. Further, the practice of dowry and the notion that the girl child is a liability while the boy is an asset shows that the acceptance of a person in the family depends on one’s economic contribution, and is not viewed with respect to the human worth and dignity of the individual. Women are valued as objects and not as human persons, only usefixl insofar as they can endow others with more economic power and prestige.
The dowry system is one factor among many which contribute to female devaluation in India. S.H. Venkatramani in her article ‘Bom to Die: Female Infanticide in India,’ an explosive cover story, reported that six thousand female babies had been poisoned to death during the preceding decade in Madurai, Tamil Nadu. The following event is cited from the same article which records the painful voice of a woman who killed her female baby.
“I killed my child to save it from the lifelong ignominy of being the daughter of a poor femily that cannot afford to pay a decent dowry”, Chinnammal said, as she sipped water to keep her voice from breaking. “But all the same, it was extremely difficult to steel myself for the act. A mother who has bome a child cannot bear to see it suffer even for a little while, let alone bring herself to kill it. But I had to do it, because my husband and I concluded that it was better to let our child suffer an hour or two and die than suffer throughout life.”133
ChinnammaPs story expressly shows that FF and FI are linked to the dowry system. In the light of her stoiy, we can say that, although the dowry system adversely affects females when they reach adulthood, it is also engenders a retrospective threat to their lives at much earlier stages in their childhood and even their pre-natal development. In poverty-stricken
132 Cf. Uma Narayan, Dislocating Cultures: Identities, Traditions, and Third World Feminism (New York and London: Routledge, 1997), 94; Manini Das, “Women Against Dowry,” Manushi, a bimonthly joumal about women and society July-August 1979, 15-17 carries incidences where Nari Raksha Samiti (Woman Protection Organization) organized public protest of the death of Tarvinder Kaur, aged 24, Delhi. A “Women are not for buming” leaflet carried the message during the demonstration, which was used to create awareness in men and women about the seriousness of the crime. In a separate incident, the family of Premalata of Daiyaganj had the courage to say ‘no’ to dowry and broke the proposed engagement. With the support of Nari Raksha Samiti they held an anti-dowry demonstration to get their money back. Usually when an engagement breaks, people suspect the girl’s character and it will often be difficult for her to many later on. But in this case the family had the courage to bring to light the persistent dcmand for dowry in cash and kind by the groom’s family. 133 S. H. Venkatramani, “Bom to Die: Female Infanticide,” India Today (1-15 June 1986): 26-33. The incident cited above took place in a family of daily-wage agricultural workers belonging to the Kallar group of the Thevar community of Madurai district of Tamil Nadu. 50 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI families, being a daughter is a life-long suffering, and mothers like Chinnammal are coming to the tragic conclusion that their daughters should not have to suffer like them. It gives one an indication of the misery which women suffer, when they are deciding that it is better to eliminate their daughters in their infancy than exposing them to the same. This attitude of parents is mainly due to the burden of their economic situation.
4.1.5. Political Factor: Neglect of Women’s Issues
The leaders of the nation, who hold power and live regally, are totally unmindful to the need of the people; they sprout during elections and make empty promises of development. The common people support them during elections hopeful that these promises will be honoured. Politically, it seems that while attention might be paid to women’s issues, there is often no follow-through in implementing legislation. Even if crimes against women are registered, they can take a staggering amount of time to be processed and for justice to be served. In many cases, justice is not only delayed, it is denied too. The victimizers get off scot-free and the victims bear the pain for life and continue to struggle for their survival.
The Constitution of India provides to all her citizens protection of life and personal security. In 1994, the Government of India passed the Pre-conception and Pre-natal Diagnostic Techniques Act (PNDT) (Prohibition of Sex Selection) with the aim of preventing female foeticide. It was later amended and replaced in 2002 with the Pre-natal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of misuse) Act.134 However, these Acts are not implemented with conviction or with proper measures, as the data presented here shows that we are seeing an increase in the sex selective medical termination of pregnancies in India, denying the girl child the right to be bom.
Various other measures have been taken to eradicate FF and FI, both by the Central and State Govemments, in the form of financial incentives and projects for the development of girl children. A National Plan of Action exclusively for the girl child was formulated in 1992 for the “Survival, Protection, and Development of the Girl children.” The plan recognized the rights of the girl child to equal opportunities, to fireedom from hunger, illiteracy, ignorance, and exploitation. The launching of the Balika Samridhhi Yojana (Girl Child Welfare Scheme) in 1997 is a major initiative of the Government to raise the overall status of the girl child.135
134 Cf. Krishna S. Nehra, “Sex Selection and Abortion in India,” June 2009, (accessed 22 June 2011) http://wvyw.loc.gov/law/help/sex-selection/india.DhD 135 Cf. Sneh Lata Tandon and Renu Sharma, “Female Foeticide and Infanticide in India: An Analysis of Crimes against Girl Children,” International Journal o f Criminal Justice Sciences 1, no. 1 (January 2006). 51 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
The field research by Sharada Srinivasan in Tamil Nadu shows that through Cradle Baby Schemes, unwanted female babies can be handed over to the Government in order to prevent the killing of female infants. These schemes encourage parents to absolve responsibility towards their girl children and son preference.136 K.C. George also reports various policies taken for the benefit of the girl child in the state of Madhya Pradesh. However, the impacts of these schemes have not yet been able to reduce the growing desire for boy children over girl children among parents.137
To summarise, VAWG has traditional, socio-cultural, religious, and economic roots interlinked to the discrimination and devaluation of women. Women’s limited rights over property and a lack of job opportunities make them vulnerable and economically dependent on men. Legally, women become victims because of the discriminatory laws on marriage, divorce, inheritance, violence, and the insensitive treatment of women and girls by the police and judiciaiy. Politically, a lack of sufficiënt women representatives in politics to take up the cause of women is also a contributing factor to the persistence of VAWG. As we have seen, women are obliged to be dependent on men in every respect. This pattem of the devaluation and subordination of women has been created and rooted in the country’s social and religious consciousness. Thus, gender discrimination and female devaluation in the fields of culture, religion, economy, and politics contribute greatly to VAWG.
This section has made an attempt to analyse various factors that contribute towards the many-level oppression and devaluation of female life with specifïc reference to FF and FI in a broader perspective. All these factors indicate that VAWG in India takes different forms, and the evidence shows that despite various schemes and projects to enhance the life of girl children, the practice of FF and FI continues in India.
4.2. Impact of Female Foeticide and Female Infanticide on Women
The discussion in the previous sections focused mainly on the causes of the elimination of female life and the current situation of FF and FI in India. On the one hand, men treat women as objects and destroy them in heinous ways, on the other, women’s involvement in their own exploitation and violence also needs to be taken seriously. It means that women are not only victims but also victimizers. In this section, the impact of FF and FI on women is
136 Cf. Sharada Srinivasan, Daughter Elimination in Tamil Nadu, India, 217-220. 137 Cf. K.C. George, Cover Story, “No More Daughters,” Indian Currents, (20-26 February 2012): 26. 52 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI examined from two perspectives: health hazards for women and women’s struggle in a vicious circle of violence.
4.2.1. Health Hazards for Women
FF and FI endanger the mental and physical health of the women who are subjected to or who submit to participating in them. Women victims experience intense pain when their babies are killed in the womb. The intemal cry of women remains buried in their personhood.138 Moreover, women become passive objects and victims, and this attitude of victimhood can fïll them with guilt, shame, fear, and frustration. The crimes which are committed against their own babies make many women to live in fear and guilt, unable to face ‘self because of the intense bond they once had with their child, which is now lost. John G. McKenzie contends that guilt feelings contain a moment of recognition of one’s sense of responsibility, of accountability for what one did.139 Victimization also produces fear. Therefore, women victims hesitate to discuss their problems with others or with their own family. As Ghadially and Kumar point out, women fear that reporting may aggravate domestic violence or lead to the breakdown of their marriage. Women may also believe that others cannot change their situation anyway.140 Besides, they may feel ashamed to share their struggles and experiences of domestic violence with others. The experience of being victims in turn engenders further physical, mental, emotional, cultural, and social violence against women. Some women do share their sad pathetic stories with other women in order to seek comfort and avail themselves of a much needed release.
Women victims also blame themselves. They blame themselves for being unfortunate enough not to be able to bear male children and for their condition of helplessness. Sharon Lamb points out that “self-blaming can be seen as an actual re-enactment of the very real blaming of one’s peipetrator or one’s own guilt.”141 To cite an example recorded in Manushi, a joumal about women and society in India, a woman named Ranjana ended her life two months after her wedding to one N.K. Verma. Her letter to her husband expressed the following:
131 Cf. Sharada Srinivasan, Daughter Elimination In Tamil Nadu, India, 201. 139 John G. McKenzie, Guilt: Its Meaning and Signiflcance (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd. 1962), 99. 140 Cf. Rehana Ghadially and Pramod Kumar, “Bride-Buming: The Psycho-social Dynamics of Dowry Deaths,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, 170. 141 Sharon Lamb, The Trouble with Blame: Victims, Perpetrators, and Responsibility (Cambridge: Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1996), 35. 53 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
From the moment of my coming to your house, your family has had difficulties, which means that my coming is not a good thing...that is why I am going... I would like you to get married again as soon as possible...142 The woman cited above does not want her husband to undergo any pressure or suffer any pain. She wishes him to get married and to be happy in his second marriage. Ranjana blames herself, her coming into her husband’s family was “not good”. Victims often blame themselves for their fate which is a response to their helplessness. Sharon Lamb emphasizes that “to be a victim is to have been harmed and to have been powerless. It is not the physical harm that makes victimization feel so demeaning but the powerlessness.”143 In the following chapters we will look at ways for women to positively address this feeling of powerlessness.
Jisha Krishnan in The Week magazine reports that every year in India, about 78,000 women die during pregnancy, childbirth or within a few days after delivery. The reasons of matemal mortality might be: child marriage leading to girls give birth before their bodies are ready; poverty and poor nutrition, unsafe abortions, and unattended deliveries in often unhygienic conditions.144
Table 7: Matemal Mortality Ratio (MMR) India
■ 1997-98 1999-2001 ! 2001-03 2004-06 2007-09
398 327 j 301 254 212
Source: Sample Registration System (SRS), Office of Registrar General, India, 7ft July, 2011
MMR measures the number of women aged 15-49 years dying due to matemal causes per 100,000 live births. Between 2007-09 and 2004-06, MMR rates in India feil from 212 to 254, a fall of about 17% ,145 but there is still neglect of mothers and baby girls. When a woman has bome a baby girl, she is sometimes condemned by being deprived of sufficiënt food, rest, and medical care. The increase of abortions due to son-preference also counts heavily on women’s health.
The cover story article by K.C. George, in Indian Currents (February 2012) entitled ‘No More Daughters,’ records the shocking story of Rani, who was married to Sanjay Dangi in Indore, Madhya Pradesh. At the birth of their first daughter Nishita, Rani’s in-laws said, “No more daughters in this family, but only sons.” Rani then became the target of humiliation and
142 Editor, “Letters Written at Death’s Door,” M anushi 1 (January 1979): 13, 14. 143 Sharon Lamb, The Trouble with Blame: Victims, Perpetrators, and Responsibility, 41-2. 144 Cf. Jisha Krishnan, “Dying to be a mother,” The Week, 12 September 2010,17. 145 Sample Registration System (SRS), Office of the Registrar General, India, 7th July, 2011. 54 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI physical and emotional harassment in her husband’s family. Thereafter she had to undergo forced sonography followed by abortions on three occasions. The sonography carried out during the fourth pregnancy confirmed Rani was carrying a female foetus and she tragically ended her life by committing suicide because of the further violence awaiting her in the family.146 This is one story among the thousands of women being targets of domestic violence because of bearing female children. The number of children, abortions, and closely spaced births also can contribute to health hazards for women.
4.2.2. Women’s Struggle in Vicious Circle of Violence
Women constantly struggle to be liberated from structures of oppression and various modes of violence against them. We have seen how women are sometimes participants in the violence perpetrated against them in the form of FF, FI, dowry deaths, domestic violence and so on. In order to protect themselves from abuse from in-laws or the anger and indifferent attitude of their husbands, women are willing to be the accomplices in the crimes of FF and FI. Are women exercising the power to choose insofar as their pregnancies are concemed, or are they being socially conditioned to participate in a drive to produce male children? Vibhuti Patel argues that, oflen, their ‘choice’ depends on the fear of harassment at the hands of their husbands and in-laws.147 There is also a tendency in women to assume too much responsibility for the act. By demanding women eliminate their child, men escape from guilt and responsibility. Men justify their actions by blaming women, by their indifferent attitude, and by consuming alcohol. Women are blamed both for eliminating or resisting eliminating their girl babies.
According to Radhika Coomaraswamy, the reasons for women’s vulnerability to various forms of violent treatment are as follows: first, because of a woman’s sexuality and gender, woman is susceptible to rape, female circumcision or genital mutilation, female infanticide, and sex-related crimes. These are fundamentally connected to society’s construction of female sexuality and its position in the social hierarchy. Second, because of woman’s relationship to man, woman is subjected to violence including domestic violence, dowry deaths, satï, and crimes of honour, etc. These are animated by a society’s concept of women as the property and dependent object of a male protector, namely her father and later her husband. Third, because of the social group to which woman belongs, in times of war, riots or class and caste
146 Cf. K.C. George, “No More Daughters,” Indian Currents, 20-26 Februaiy 2012,27-9. 147 Cf. Vibhuti Patel, “Sex Determination and Sex Preselection Tests: Abuse of Advanced Technologies,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially, 183. 55 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI violence, women are victims of violence and rape because to rape women is to humiliate their community. This is linked to male perceptions of female sexuality of women as the property of men, in this case their rivals. Therefore, to attack her is to exploit one’s enemy’s vulnerability.148
Heise et al. point out that standards of acceptable behaviour for men and women are defined from oral traditions through to formal educational and legal systems. Children leam from an early age in their families in many societies that males are dominant and that violence is an acceptable means of asserting power and resolving conflict. Gender-based behaviours in families are fiirther reinforced by peer pressure, community institutions, and the mass media. Women, as mothers and mothers-in-law, unwittingly perpetuate violence by socializing girls and boys to accept male dominance and by acquiescing throughout life to male demands. By intemalizing patriarchal pressure, Heise et al. continue, mothers teach their daughters to accept the roles that society assigns them, and they punish “deviant” behaviour to ensure their daughters’ sexual and social acceptance.149
It must also be admitted that in many of the crimes against women, the perpetuators of the crimes are women themselves. Sometimes, mothers-in-law and sisters-in-law of the newly married women are the instigators of the crime, particularly in cases of dowry deaths.150 Women in India do have a strong preference for male children and they feel secure and honoured when they are blessed with sons. Women themselves go for sex detection tests and opt for abortion of their own choice where the child being carried is female because of their preference for sons. Therefore, women also need to be held responsible for the problem of violence against women.
Very few women resist decisions imposed on them regarding the elimination of female foetuses and female infants as well as the ill-treatment that they themselves experience in their families. However, some do gather courage to challenge their husbands or family and look for possibilities to save their daughters. S. Krishnaswamy points out that when a woman does attempt to save her infant daughter, it often results either in divorce or indifference from her husband and the family at large. Moreover, if she does resist the elimination of her female
148 Cf. Radhika Coomaraswamy, “Of Kali Bom: Women, Violence and Law in Sri Lanka,” in Freedom from Violence: Women’s Strategies FromAroundThe World, ed. Margaret Schuier (New York: UNIFEM, 1992), 50. 149 Cf Lori L. Heise, Jacqueline Pitanguy, and Adrienne Germain, “Violence Against Women: The Hidden Health Burden,” World Bank Discussion Paper 255 (Washington D.C.: The World Bank, 1994), 1. 150 Cf. Vasudha Narayanan, “Brixruning with Bhakti, Embodiments of Shakti: Devotees, Deities, Performers, Reformers, and Other Women of Power in the Hindu Tradition”, in Feminism and World Religions, eds. Arvind Sharma and Katherine K. Young, 34. 56 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI child, a woman may face the demand that she return to her parental home to bring more resources in the form of gold or money sufficiënt to marry off the daughter she hopes to save.151 Nevertheless, resistance to FF and FI must fall to women.
5. Summary and Conclusion
This chapter attempted to analyse FF and FI in the complex Indian context. It examined how socio-cultural, religious, economic, and political factors contribute to the elimination of female life with a view to understanding VAWG and more specifically why and how FF and FI are carried out in India. The observation is that the attitude towards the girl child is negative in India. From this analysis it is clear that the patriarchal system focuses on the following: sons are an asset and therefore the obsessive desire for sons; daughters are a liability and therefore to be eliminated; the domination of male over the female is manifested in societal expectations of woman’s obligation to be an ideal and a faithful wife as the ‘mother of sons’, confined to the domestic sphere.
FF and FI can be understood as a culturally and socially constructed and - as far as women’s participation in them - self-destructing phenomenon. The socially and culturally constructed phenomenon can be described as ‘son preference’, comprising gender biased attitudes, female devaluation, and the deliberate neglect of baby girls. Women participate in their own violence due to their interiorized inferiority. By doing so, they destroy their autonomy, worth, dignity, and womanhood. Women degrade themselves as they come to believe that they are less valuable and less resourceful human beings who cannot contribute to the development of society. These are the long term consequences of the crimes of FF and FI as women struggle in this vicious circle of violence.
The census data of 2011 with regard to the female-male child sex ratio poses an urgency to address FF and FI with individual and collective commitments. FF and FI are anti-woman practices which constitute serious crimes against women in India. In spite of various measures taken by the Central and State Govemments and the NGOs, the actual progress is veiy little. The main reasons are: lack of political responsibility to implement the laws; lack of awareness among the masses, especially women, about their own dignity; lack of knowledge regarding the resources available; ignorance about their rights and responsibilities; and deep seated cultural and religious attitudes towards the devaluation of females.
151 Cf. S. Krishnaswamy, “Female Infanticide in Contemporaiy India: A Case-Study of Kallars of Tamilnadu,” in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially, 192. 57 An Analysis on the Causes and Impact of FF and FI
This poses an essential question: ‘How can women build up self-esteem and self- confïdence while they are the victims of discrimination?’ An answer, as ofifered by Sushila Singi, a social activist, might be: “Greatest sufferers as they are, greatest crusaders they ought to be.”152 Therefore, this chapter concludes by presenting the need for the emancipation of women in India. Ursula King, a scholar of spirituality reflecting on violence and spirituality says that women “have to struggle and resist violence, but that alone is not enough, for it will only confirm our victim and at best our survivor status. We need more to transform ourselves and our world; we need to recognize, foster, and gather empowering resources of strength for new cultural creation and transformation.”153 The inhuman crimes of FF and FI that exist in India today need to be challenged and eliminated in order to promote the sacredness and dignity of women’s life and the protection of human rights. It is an ongoing process which involves the collaboration of both individuals and society.
Having confronted these challenges, this study explores the resources to resist VAWG which can transform women’s lives. It is essential to gather transforming resources to affïrm women and girl children as valued human beings capable of contributing towards the development of society, the nation, and the world at large.
As Part I “Mapping the Pathway” suggests the gathering of resistance resources, Part II “Exploring Resources on the Pathway” serves to address the issues that are central to this study from religious and philosophical perspectives. Next, the focus is on resistance resources in Hinduism, in an attempt to explore resistance resources which will help to overcome and transform the structures of oppression against women, by women, as they are empowered from within.
152 Sushila Singhi, “Family Planning and Women,” in Role and Status o f Women in Indian Society, ed. Renuka Ray, 124. 153 Ursula King, “Spirituality for Life,” in Women Resisting Violence, ed. Mary John Mananzan et al. (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1996), 151. 58 Part 11
EXPLORING RESOURCES ON THE PATHWAY Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition CïiafïtetTN»©
“Unwelcome at birth, yet referred to as Lakshmi of the house; neglected in childhood, yet worshipped as the Virgin incarnation ofDevi; given away in marriage in order to gain merit in the next world, yet valuedfor the material wealth she can transfer to her marital family.
1. Introduction
In the Hindu tradition, the ‘Divine’ is perceived as male and female, and the pantheon of innumerable Hindu gods and goddesses represents aspects of an indescribable and incomprehensible spirit or divine being, as conceived by the finite human mind. These gods and goddesses help believers to realize their secular and spiritual ideals and attain liberation from the miseries of human life.2 The Hindu belief is that all these different gods and goddesses lead to the same Divine Being, as evidenced in the Rig-Veda: “To what is One, sages give many a title” (Rig-Veda, 1.164.46).3 Thus the various gods and goddesses are conceived to be manifestations of one and the same god.
Sakti pertains primarily to the female deities of the Hindu religion. It also refers to the active power of a male deily, namely his corresponding female divinity or wife.4 The worship of goddesses plays a vital role in Hindu life. In Hinduism there is no difficulty in accepting god as feminine, unlike the monotheistic religions of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, in which the Supreme Being has traditionally been perceived exclusively as male. Rather, the important question that arises for our purposes is: to what extent does the deification and glorification of the female impact the lives of Hindu women? As we have seen, in human terms - and with the support of religion - feminine power is oppressed and (when possible) eliminated in India. Thus there is a dichotomy between divine glorification and female emancipation in India.
1 Prabha Krishnan and Anita Dighe, Affirmation and Denial: Construction o f Femininity on Indian Television (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1990), 96. 2 Cf. Ramakrishna Paramahamsa, Ramakrishna: Prophet of New India: Abridged from The Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna, trans, with an introduction by Swami Nikhilananda, foreword by Aldous Huxley (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1948), 7. 3 Ralph, T.H. Griffith, trans. The Hymns o f the Rigveda, vol. 1,3rd ed. (Benares: E.J. Lazarus & Co. 1920), 227. 4 Cf. V.S. Apte, The Student's Sanskrit-English Dictionary (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1959), 544. 60 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
This chapter makes an attempt to explore the resistance resources which the concept of Sakti, the divine feminine principle might afFord to the women of India in empowering them to address VAWG. Various studies and scholarly research on Sakti, the divine feminine principle in Hindu theological and philosophical thought, would be helpful to the understanding of Sakti principle, this chapter attempts to explore.5 The analysis presented here of the potential relevance of Sakti for our study is divided into two sections:
The first section comprises a study exploring the meaning of the term Sakti, and the way in which the concept can be seen in both transcendent and immanent terms. The second section critically analyses the use and function of Éakti in the Indian context. In order to critically analyse the function of Sakti in Hindu social life, a distinction is made between three aspects of divine feminine powers: the divine power used for the glorifïcation, oppression, and liberation of women respectively. The presentation of Sakti as an attribute of goddesses in the Hindu pantheon represents one way in which divine power is represented to adherents of the religion. The way in which the Sakti associated with goddesses is glorified in Hindu religious cults and cultural practices, and how the dynamics of male power predominate in goddess worship, is also critically analysed in this section. Moreover, liberating resources such as: the power of resistance, the power of justice, the power of wisdom, and the power of compassion — and how they can be mobilized as prospective sources for the enhancement and affirmation of the life and dignity of women and girls - are discussed.
In addition, the second section fiirther discusses Sakti (as it is understood to be present in human beings) through an analysis of garba, an important cultural and religious symbol. The concept of garba seeks to affirm the sacredness and dignity of the human person, and communicates a belief that the divine is present in every human person. These empowering resources in Sakti have the potential to contribute to reshape the mindset, attitudes, and cultural ethos of the people of India, and in so doing to address the problem of FF and FI. In essence, this chapter aims to explore the resources available to combat VAWG and enhance female life in India from the perspective of the Hindu religious tradition.
5 To acknowledge the valuable resources helpful in this study: Sir John’s Woodrottë, Sakti and Èakta: Essays and Addresses o f on the Sakta Tantrasastra, 5"1 ed., 1959; Ajit Mookeijee, Kali: The Feminine Force, 1988; David R. Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Visions o f the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition, 1986; John S. Hawley and Donna M. Wulff, eds. Devï: Goddesses o f India, 1996; Thomas B. Cobum, Encountering the Goddesses: A Translation o f the Devï-Mahatmya and a Study o f Its Interpretation, 1991; Ramakrishna Paramahamsa, Ramakrishna: Prophet o f New India, 1948 where we find his personal experience of K ali as Divine Mother and Vandana Shtva, Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Development, 1988, her contribution on nature as the feminine principle, 38-54. 61 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
2. Sakti, the Divine Feminine Principle
In this section, a brief explanation is given of the concept of ‘sakti understood as energy manifested through the human, the universe, and the divine. There then follows a reflection on the divine feminine principle of Sakti in the Hindu religious realm.
2.1. Understanding the Concept of ‘Sakti’
Sakti is a Sanskrit word, whose root ‘shak’ means “to be able”, “to do”, “to act”. It has connotations of power, energy, ability, capacity, and strength.6 It is a feminine word. According to Kwok Pui-lan, Sakti is said to be the power, the feminine energy, or the energizing force of divinity, humanity, and of creation.7 This power is manifested in three aspects: through the human, the universe, and the divine. In terms of the human, sakti can be understood as physical energy, mental energy, and spiritual energy and it is experienced as the power of wisdom, intelligence, freedom, reason, and will. In terms of the universe and nature, cosmic energy is manifested in the five elements of nature: earth, air, fire, water, and space, which encompass the entire cosmos. In this theology, divine power is revealed in various forms from the beginning of creation, especially through the creation of human beings, of flora and fauna, and of inanimate beings in the universe. The divine power is manifested through its own words represented by the plurality of expressions of the concepts of the god(s) found in both written and oral traditions. Each religion tends to have has its own theology and mythology with regard to the creation of the universe and divine intervention in human affairs, and in this Hinduism is no different.
The Hindu spiritual leader Sai Maa Lakshmi Devi asserts that “it is the sakti that binds us all as pearls on one thread.”8 As human beings are part of the cosmos and interrelated to each other, the power of each good or bad experience or thought of the individual person affects others because of a collective interconnectedness. The divine power emerges from each person as spiritual energy, with tremendous power to contribute substantially to the common good. The common good here embraces the concerns of the entirety of humanity. The divine power in human beings connects humans with the divine being. Humans have the power to do good and the power to do evil. When human beings use their energy for negative purposes, it destroys humanity and the cosmos. Hence, sakti can be viewed in both life-affirming and life- negating ways. Thus, there is unity and interconnectedness between human beings, the
6 V.S. Apte, The Student’s Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 544. 7 Cf. Kwok Pui-lan, IntroducingAsian Feminist Theology, (Sheffield: Sheiïield Academie Press, 2000), 74. 8 Sai Maa Lakshmi Devi, “The Glory of the Divine Feminine,” in The World’s Religions: A Contemporary Reader, ed. Arvind Sharma (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2011), 319. 62 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition cosmos, and the divine as encompassed by sakti. The above description introducés sakti as a concept of energy or power with regard to humans, the cosmos, and the divine.
2.2. Sakti, the Divine Feminine Principle in the Hindu Religious Realm
India is a country of diverse religions, but Hinduism is acknowledged as taking the prime place. The term “Hindu” in itself does not carry any particular religious significance. Sharada Sugirtharajah observes that it encompasses the complex pattem of beliefs and practices, diverse scriptural, mythological, philosophical, and popular stands, and rituals, caste traditions, and even varied religious groups and movements within what has come to be called “Hinduism.”9 Hinduism as a way of life and religion plays a dominant role in a Hindu’s life. Hindu religious life gives importance to the anubhava (experience) of the divine in worship, in nature, and in different stages of human life. It is also centred on bhakti (devotion) which is expressed through devotional practices such as: the reverence of images as meditational aids, the presentation of food and other offerings to the deities, pilgrimages to temples and shrines, the chanting of verses from sacred texts, and the performance of other diverse gestures of servitude.10 The Hindu religious texts, traditions, and the other sacred sources provide inspiration and motivation for believers in tangible form. The main sacred texts of Hinduism are the Vedas, 11 the Puranas,12 and the Bhagavad-Gita.13 All these three texts provide sources of inspiration for the worship of gods and goddess in Hinduism.
Hinduism traditionally encompasses both masculine and feminine principles. The feminine principle in Hinduism assumes two forms: 1) an independent feminine principle in which the goddess is the supreme reality and all the gods are subject to her; and 2) one which
9 Cf. Sharada Sugirtharajah, Imagining Hinduism: A Postcolonial Perspective (London and New York: Routledge, 2003), xi. 10 Cf. Sandra P. Robinson, “Hindu Paradigms of Women: Images and Values,” in Women, Religion, and Social Change, eds. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Ellison Banks Findly (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 195. 11 The Vedas are the sacred books of Hinduism. They are “the most ancient of books in the library of mankind.” F. Max Muller, ed. The Sacred Books o f the East (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879), xxxi. 12 The Puratfas are the most important bodies of sacred literature in Hinduism. They include myths, legends, and methods of worship, geographical and historical details. They probably were originated before the fïrst century CE but in the form available today they date from the second to fourth centuries and later. Eighteen Puranas are listed as mahapuranas or great Puratfas and eighteen upapuranas or minor Puranas. They fimction as a method of codifying a particular view of reality. Greg Bailey, Puranas,” in Encyclopedia o f Hinduism, ed. Denise Cush, 634; see also, Roshen Dalai, The Penguin Dictionary o f Religion in India (Delhi: Penguin Books India Pvt. Ltd, 2006), 374. 13 Bhagavad-Gita (the ‘Song of God’) fourth century BCE is one of the best known religious works of the world. It is an insertion into the epic Mahabharata in the form of a conversation between Lord Krishna and Aijuna which took place in the battlefield of Kuruksetra before the start of the Great War. Its main message concerns the method of disinterested action in fulfïlling one’s duties, while still pursuing the path to salvation. Karei A. Wemer, Popular Dictionary o f Hinduism (USA, Curzon Press, 1997), 41. 63 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition is subordinate to the masculine principle, in which case various goddesses appear as the wives of gods.14 According to Arvind Sharma, “the Ultimate Reality, when viewed as a male ‘person’ is called Isvara (God). When the same reality is viewed as a female person, it is called ‘Devï’” (Goddess).15 The divine also transcends male and female attributes, however, and can be manifested beyond the confines of sex or gender. For example, Ardhanarïsvara is understood as a symbol for the breaking of the distinction and limitation of male and female. It is also a symbol to show that the godhead in Hinduism transcends sexual particularity. In iconography for example, this concept is in evidence when Siva is represented as half-male and half-female. Siva can also be represented in iconography with his wife the goddess Parvatï or Sakti by his side.16 The divine couple Siva and Parvatï are considered to be “world parents”. They can be combined in the one representation in order to manifest a dual aspect.17 When they are shown together, it does not appear that they are one being, as when Siva is represented as Ardhanarïsvara. This image of Siva emphasizes that the godhead is incomplete without the union of both male and female deities, for they need each other in order to proceed with creation.18
In the Vedic period (1500-600 BCE), the concept of the female principle is almost absent. In terms of their standing in the Hindu pantheon, goddesses were insignificant during this period. They occupied a subordinate position, primarily as the wives of the gods. Goddesses start to receive attention in the later Vedic period, especially in the two Sanskrit epics of India: Mahabharata and Ramayana.19 It is in the Markandeya and later Sakta Puranas that goddesses were glorified and received greater prominence.20 From the fifth century CE onward, the Puranas became the main source of popular Hindu religion and were considered as scriptures containing eveiything required for salvation. One of the major innovations of that period consisted in granting, to women, of equal access to the means of grace and the promise of liberation independent of their role as wives and mothers. In all Puranas
14 Cf. Arvind Sharma, Classical Hindu Thought: An Introduetion (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000), 4, 5. 15 Ibid., 68. 16 Cf. Constance A. Jones and James D. Ryan, Encyclopedia o f Hinduism (New York: Facts on File, 2007), 43. 17 Cf. Klaus K. Klostermaier, A Survey ofHinduism, 2“* ed. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 291. 18 Cf David R. Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Visions o f the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University o f Califomia Press, 1988), 50. 19 Cf. Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, The Indian Mother Goddess, 2nd ed. (Columbia: South Asia Books, 1977), 98-101. 20 Ibid., 119. 64 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition goddesses play a major role as consorts of gods such as Visnu and Siva, and serve as channels of their grace to the faithful.21
In Hinduism, Sakti also denotes, “the Mother of the Universe”, the highest female deity. She is said to have originated in the Supreme Being of Hindu belief. Mythologically speaking, the term ‘sakti’ also means consort of a deity. For example, ParvatI is the Sakti of Siva; Sarasvatï is the Sakti of Brahma.22 Sakti is commonly associated with Siva as she is the consort of Siva. In the Saiva Siddhanta, her philosophical aspect is also prominent. Sakti represents the highest power (parasakti) who has neither beginning, middle, nor end. She is existing etemally (nitya) with Siva, with whom she is in intimate and inseparable union.23
David R. Kinsley’s comprehensive book on Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition provides a starting point for the study of the divine feminine expressed in the Hindu tradition. He interprets the significance of most of the important goddesses within Hinduism. One among them is Mahadevï or Sakti. According to David Kinsley, Mahadevï is a powerful, Creative, active, transcendent female being 24 One of the central philosophical ideas of Mahadevï as sakti is that she one, indivisible, unchangeable and unmodifiable. She has many powers - all called saktis - through which she conducts all her functions. Of all these éaktis, three are most important: ischasakti, representing her wish, jnanasakti, her knowledge, and kriyasakti, her activity. While all these powers are integral to goddesses, they are also integral to every person,25 and these saktis or powers manifested in goddesses are invoked by the believers and experienced by them.
The worship of female divinities is popular throughout India. In Hinduism, the female aspect of a person’s adopted personal god is often more honoured than the male. Worshippers sometimes have more devotion to the goddesses than the gods because of their benevolent characteristics and the closer involvement of goddesses in the life of human beings.26 Barren women fast and worship many goddesses for the gift of a child. People invoke goddesses for their care and protection in times of financial problems, relationship crisis, natural calamities,
21 Cf. Klaus K. Klostermaier, A Survey o f Hinduism, 364-5. 22 Subodta Kapoor, Encyclopaedic Dictionary o f Hinduism: Its Mythology, Religion, History, Literature and Pantheon (New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 2000), 315. 23 S.C. Nandimath, Theology o f the Saivagamas: A Survey o f the Doctrines o f Saiva Siddhanta and Veerasaivism (Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram: International School of Dravidian Linguistics 2001), 163-4. 24 Cf. David R. Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Visions o f the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition, 133. 25 Cf S.C. Nandimath, Theology o f the Saivagamas: A Survey of the Doctrines af Saiva Siddhanta and Veerasaivism (Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram: International School of Dravidian Linguistics, 2001), 165. 26 Cf. Subodh Kapoor, Encyclopaedia o f Indian Heritage, Sakta Philosophy: Saktism and Goddess Worship, vol. 73. (India: Cosmo Publications, 2002), 138. 65 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition and in other circumstances of need.27 Goddesses are worshipped by both men and women with great respect and admiration. They are depicted in various art forms, sculptures, paintings, poems, myths, and stories. The world of art brings vivid spiritual richness of the goddesses and brings them alive in the life of the people. The various feasts celebrated in their honour are occasions for devotees to seek blessings and benevolence from those goddesses whom they venerate with much love and devotion.
As agriculture is the main occupation of Indian people, every village has its Mother- goddess. People depend on the earth’s production for their survival. They are attuned to nature’s rhythms and feel that they experience the power of the goddesses revealed in it. Villagers believe that the village deities restore the soil, that their families and land are blessed when the deities are pleased. Hence, they centre their religious life on the rituals that pertain to their deities. The majority of grama-devatas (village deities) are feminine, and people worship them with devotion and fear.28 Worshippers fear that if the goddesses are not pleased, their crops will be destroyed or their families will be endangered. Thus, the goddesses are invoked for agricultural production, farming, fertility, family welfare, prosperity, and different cycles of human growth and development29 They are worshiped in the temples, village squares, way shrines, and within homes with devotion, respect, and much festivity. In some places, annual feasts are celebrated in their honour. Most of the Hindu religious festivities are centered around the glorifïcation of goddesses. In this way, the power of female deities is experienced by the people of the Hindu faith.
From the above discussion on Sakti, the divine feminine principle in Hinduism, it is clear that the divine feminine Sakti is both transcendent and immanent. In Hindu philosophy and theology, Sakti is understood to be the active dimension of the godhead, the divine power that underlies the godhead’s ability to create the world and to display itself.30 Hindus generally believe that the principle of energy consists in the feminine. Every male deity is activated by his Sakti, his female consort.31 In diverse forms and shapes, this divine power is perceived as
27 Cf. James J. Preston, Cult o f the Goddess: Social and Religious Change in a Hindu Temple (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd, 1980), 13. 28 Cf. Ajit Mookeijee, Kali: The Feminine Force (1988), reprinted ed. (London and New York: Thames and Hudson, 1995), 22. 29 Cf. David R. Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Visions o f the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition, 200. 30 Cf. Ibid., 133. 31 Cf. Sandra P. Robinson, “Hindu Paradigms of Women: Images and Values,” in Women, Religion, and Social Change, eds. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Ellison Banks Findly, 184. 66 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
identify themselves with female energy to gain more power, as Kalï-cult is an entirely male- dominated art form in which men act in the place of women. Men impute violent supematural power to women’s biological bodies, and vicariously experience and reify this power through their participation in Kalï worship. Part of the ritual’s function is to help men to deal with their fears of women’s sexual and reproductive power. Cal dweil observes, when women express their emotions, it is viewed as form of insanity or possession by evil spirits. As a result, women try to remain self-controlled, seldom acknowledging or expressing their frustrations. In worship, they remain on the periphery as they are prohibited from direct participation. Very often their devotion is motivated by fear and not by love, but they are forced to tolerate the situation though it is unjust and unyielding towards them.37
The power play in the Hindu religious worship of goddesses can be summarized as follows: “On the one hand, that the woman (goddess Kalï) is put on a pedestal and worshipped. This is largely a substitute for not giving women a sacred place in day to day life. On the other hand, it is also due to the real recognition of woman power and fear of this power. Feelings of shame and guilt among men about female revenge make them believe that woman power must be curtailed by a patriarchal system.”38 The inherent power of women creates fear in men which leads them either to control women through social restrictions or to honour them through gestures of respect paid to the goddesses.39
Though some women realize that the ritual practices are unjust towards them, they do not raise their voice as they are controlled by male power and are indoctrinated by religious norms. Thus women fail to recognize their own inherent power, which is not only limited to the sexual and biological realm but extends beyond it. It is a positive Creative power, as Lina Gupta puts it, it is a power to act creatively in the world, to critique, and to create social structures that enhance life.40 However, cultic practices invented and controlled by men take into account only their experiences and concerns and neglect those of women, their wellbeing, and their empowerment.
37 Cf. Saiah Caidwell, “Bhagavati: Ball of fire,” in Devï: Goddesses o f India, eds. John S. Ilawley and Donna M. Wal ff, 195-226; and John Stratton Hawley, Prologue: Devï: Goddess o f India, 217, See also, Sarah Caidwell, Oh Terrifying Mother: Sexuality, Violence and Worship o f the Goddess Kali (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 155-7. 38 Interview, The Times o f India, Tuesday 9 February 1999. Dr. Gabriele Dietrich, Professor of Theology and Director of Centre for Social Analysis in Madurai expresses her views to Sudha G. Tilak on the dichotomy between worshipping female deities and the increase of female foeticide in Tamil Nadu. 39 Cf. Lina Gupta, “Kali, the Saviour,” in After Patriarchy: Feminist Transformations o f the World Religions, eds. Paula M. Cooey, William R. Eakin & Jay B. McDaniel (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1991), 20. 40 Cf Ibid., 29. 69 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
One of the reasons for the exclusion of women in Hindu worship is the taboo of menstruation. The notion of purity and pollution comes to the fore with rules and restrictions on entering religious temples. Women in menstruation are considered as ritually unclean. The ritual seclusion of women during their menstrual periods and the consequent perception of women as polluting further isolates them and is a fiirther instance of their subordination.41 Again, women must remain silent about such religious systems of discrimination since they are excluded from wielding any power in religious matters. Instead, they are forced to contain their aggression and return to their homes after worship in order to maintain the only status granted them - as pious and submissive women - and carry on the normal chores of life, accepting the norms prescribed to them by men.
3.1.2. Glorification of Bharat Mata (Mother India)
The word bharat comes from the root word br which means to hold or to grow, and bharat is feminine in gender which implies life or the place where life grows. The concept ‘Bharat Mata ’ represents India in the form of mother goddess. It is a symbol of patriotism and national unity. However, in a subversion of all these positive feminine characteristics, this feminine symbol of ‘Bharat Mata’ is actually used by men to acquire political, economic, religious, and socio-cultural powers for themselves at the expense of women.
The symbol of ‘Bharat Mata’ was instrumental in creating a Hindu consciousness among the people of India through the song “Vande Matarani” (I bow to Thee Mother) which was composed by one of the greatest novelists and poets of India, Bankim Chandra Chatteijee. The song played a vital role in the Indian independence movement.42 Bankim was hailed as the seer of the nationalist movement, the force behind which was identified at the time as the divine sakti or energy of the mother goddess.43 The song expresses a conception of Indian identity in which the motherland is adored as a goddess, and in which her children are ready to shed their blood in her cause.44
41 Cf. Lawrence A. Babb, The Divine Hierarchy: Popular Hinduism in Central India (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1975), 81. 42 Cf. Sanjay Mulye, “History of ‘Vande Mataram’: The Source of Inspiration,” Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, (Uniting Hindus globally) (accessed 7 December 2011) http://www.hinduiagmti.org/activities/campaigns/nationaJ/vandemataraiii/historv.php. 43 Cf. Lou Ratté, “Goddesses, Mothers, and Heroines: Hindu Women and the Feminine in the Early Nationalist Movement,” in Women, Religion, and Social Change, eds. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Ellison Banks Findly, 360. 44 Cf. Martha C. Nussbaum, The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence, and India ’s Future (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007, 11. 70 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
The following poem is from Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s novel Anandmath (The Abbey of Bliss). It was written in Bengali and Sanskrit as a hymn to the goddess Durga or Kalï, and comprises what is now known as the “Vande Mataram”:
Thou art wisdom, thou art law, Thou art heart, our soul, our breath Thou art love divine, the awe In our hearts that conquer death. Thine the strength that nerves the arm, Thine the beauty, thine the charm. F.veiy image made divine In our temples is but thine.
Thou art Duiga, Lady and Queen. With her hands that strike and her swords of sheen, Thou art Laksmï Lotus-throned, And the Muse a hundred-toned. Pure and perfect without peer, Mother, lend thine ear. Rich with thy hurrying streams, Bright with thy orchard gleams Dark of hue O candid-fair 45
In this poem, the goddess is revered as mother and praised for her heroic attributes. During the independence movement, the Bharat Mata' Symbol had broader and more liberating connotations. Then, it embraced all citizens of India as her children irrespective of their religion, caste, and gender. In recent years, though, it has become a symbol of communal disharmony. The divine feminine power mobilized in the service of liberation during the independence movement is now used for oppression and division. At present, Bharat Mata1 symbol seems to be being used by the Hindu religion to exclude other religions in India, mainly, Muslims and Christians, creating conflicts and communal disharmony.
Moreover, the goddess Bharat Mata is worshipped in Hindu temples. There is a magnifïcent temple built in honour of Bharat Mata at Haridvar (Hari, is a name of Visnu\ dvara, is the Sanskrit word for ‘door’ or ‘gate’) in the Northern part of India. This temple is said to inspire “pride, faith and confidence in Bharat, and a resolve for dedication to the cause of Motherland India”46 in the minds of those who visit it. However, power attributed to Bharat Mata only came to prominence when the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) employed
45 W. Theodore de Bary, Gen. ed. Sources o f Indian Tradition (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1958), 159,160. Two verses of the hymn Vande Mataram, a National song of India are taken. 46 The text quoted ftom The English guidebook Bharat Mata Mandir: A Candid Appraisal (Hardwar: Samanvaya Publications, 1986) in Lise McKean, Bharat Mata: Mother India and Her Militant Matriots in John S. Hawley and Donna M. WulfF eds. Devi: Goddess o f India, 264. 71 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition the feminine symbol of ‘‘Bharat Mata' in the service of Hindu unity. The goddess is commonly portrayed dressed in a Saffron-coloured sari41 with a flag in her hand.48 The colour Saffron and the lotus flag are the symbols of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), one of the major political parties in India. However, Lise McKean has observed that whereas “Bharat Mata may be the divine embodiment of Bharat ’s holy soil, but like a Hindu woman, her identity is defined with reference to a male.”49
Another important (and regrettable) feature of the Bharat Mata' temple is the Satï shrine within it. As previously discussed, through Satï, Indian womanhood is glorified through the emphasis of woman as an ideal and virtuous wife. The statue of Satï Mata in the Bharat Mata' temple reminds Hindu women that they can be raised to the position of divinity provided they bum themselves alive after the death of their husbands. It continues to remind them of the value of such a perverse self-sacrifice. The Satï shrine is seen as symbolic of chastity, loyalty, and dedication in Indian marital life.50 Can Bharat Mata’ become a symbol which uplifts the status of women in India or will it continue to oppress women under the umbrella of dharma or correct, prescribed behavior, is the question under consideration. At present, in the propagation of Bharat Mata', the traditional roles of women as daughters, wives, mothers, and widows are emphasized at the expense of any other model for women to aspire to.
3.1.3. Divine Feminine Power Manifested in Indian Cosmology
Mother earth is regarded as sacred in India. In Hinduism it is believed that Indian geography is blessed by the presence of female deities, and various temples are built throughout the country in their honour. According to Devï Mahatmya (1.9),51 the Sakti is a primordial cosmic energy, present in all animate and inanimate beings in the cosmos. Hindus assert that the Indian land is infused with Sakti; one aspect of it is manifested in the sacred rivers associated with goddesses. Wherever rivers originate, Hindu temples are built to draw devotees for worship. There are seven rivers that bear the name of Hindu goddesses, namely,
47 A sari is an Indian subcontinental women’s clothing. It is about 6 meters long and is wom in all occasions. Etymologically the word sari or saree is from the Sanskrit word ‘s a tf which means strip of cloth. 48 Cf Lise McKean, “Bharat Mata: Mother India and Her Militant Matriots,” in Devï: Goddesses o f India, eds. John S. Hawley and Donna M. Wulff, 264. 49 Ibid., 266. 50 Cf. Ibid., 272-3. 51 Devï Mahatmya (The Specific Greatness (or Virtue) of (the) Goddess or the Durga Saptasati (Seven Hundred (Verses) to Durga) is a unique and autonomous text of Hindu religious tradition. This classical Hindu text is part of Markandeya Purana was probably composed in or somewhat north of the Narmada river valley sometime in the fifth or sixth century CE. Thomas B. Cobum, Encountering the Goddess: A Translation of the Devï Mahatmya and a Study o flts lnterpretation, 1. 72 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
Ganga, Yamuna, Godavari, Sarasvatï, Narmada, Sindu, and Kaveri. These rivers are considered by Hindus as rivers of blessing and purification. Ganges or Ganga is said to be present in other rivers and other rivers are also present in her.52 The theological interpretation associated with the sacred rivers and especially that of river Ganges will be analysed below.
First, the heavenly origin: The Ganga river is said to have originated in heaven. Though there are many myths associated with Ganga’s heavenly origin, the focus here is on the most celebrated myth, in which the role of Siva is prominent. The Ganga feil from heaven in order to revive the sixty thousand sons of King Sagara, bumed to ashes by the scorching heat of the glance of the sage Kapila, whose meditation they had rudely disturbed. It was Bhagïratha whose rigorous ascetic discipline finally won the favour of Ganga. She agreed to come down to the earth. Though she was certain that the earth would shatter under the force of her feil, Siva promised to catch her on his head and tame her in the thicket of his ascetic’s hair before rèleasing her to flow upon the earth. Thus did the Ganga fall, winding her way through Siva’s hair and out upon the plains of India, where Bhagïratha took charge of her and led her to the sea. From there she reached the netherworld and became the saving funeral waters for the sons of Sagara. Thus, the Ganga has become the intermediary between heaven and earth and between heavenly deities and human beings because of her heavenly origin and her readiness to come down to the earth. Her role in leading devotees to experience forgiveness for sin is very prominent, and stems from her having saved the sons of Sagara in the myth explained above.53 The myth is narrated in detail here because of the element of subordination of Ganga to male figures present in her glorification. It is Siva who has power to tame her and channel her powers and it is Bhagïratha who took charge of her and led her to the sea.
In Hinduism, the Ganga is hailed as river, goddess, and mother. As a river “her waters are said to be the liquid embodiment of sakti as well as the sustaining immortal fluid (amrta) of mother’s milk. Her avatarana,S4 her “descent” to earth, brings both her power and her nurturance to incamation on the plains of India.”55 The Ganga sakti flows wherever the river goes and makes that place sacred and fertile. It makes the crops to grow and sustains human
52 Cf. Diana L. Eek, “Ganga: The Goddess Ganges in Hindu Sacred Geography,” in Devï: Goddesses o f India, eds. JohnS. Hawley and Donna M. Wulff, 138, 143. 53 Cf. Ibid., 145. See also, Diana L. Eek, Banaras: City of Light (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1994), 211. Together with the mythical aspects, Eek highlights the sacredness of the living waters of the river Ganges with its healing and liberative powers. The Sakti is experienced in its liquid fonn. 54 The word ‘ avatarana' is used to describe the divine “descents” of the gods/goddesses. Diana L. Eek, Darsan: Seeing the Divine Image in India, 3rf ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 68. 55 Diana L. Eek, “Ganga The Goddess Ganges in Hindu Sacred Geography,” in Devï: Goddesses o f India, eds. John S. Hawley and Donna M. Wulff, 137. 73 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition life. As a goddess, she is worshipped as Ganga Mata (Mother Ganges). The temples dedicated to Ganga Mata are found in many places especially along its river-banks. In many places she is identifïed as Parvatï or one of the other forms of mother-goddess. In Banaras, she is identified as Annapuma, goddess of food.56 As a goddess, Ganga is the concert of Siva and Visnu. Her divinity is manifested in her personification as a goddess and people’s devotion is maintained through their belief in her divine power. As mother, she nourishes all her children through her abundance of life-sustaining resources. It is because of this that she is hailed as Ganga Mata. She fulfils the material as well as spiritual quest of her children.
Second, the power to generate life: Ganga is regarded as benevolent. She is the giver of health, children, and prosperity. The river Ganga is nature’s bounty for human beings to sustain life. Ganga water is sacred for the Hindus. It is carried to all parts of India by pilgrims. It is used as a charm to repel evil spirits, dropped into the mouths of the dying, used to sprinkle over the bride and the bridegroom at marriages, poured into new water tanks to sanctify them and it is also used as a medium for the taking of oaths.57 At the start of the ploughing season and before the seeds are sown, some farmers in the state of Bihar put Ganga water in a pot and set it in a special place in the field to ensure a good harvest. Newly married women also unfold their saris to Ganga and pray for (male) children and a long life for their husbands.58
Third, the power of purification: It consists in the purification of body and soul. People go to the river Ganga as pilgrims and bathe, symbolizing forgiveness of sins and the renewal of their life. They believe that as Mother Ganga, the river is ever a dispenser of grace. She accepts everyone with all their physical and spiritual dirt. No child is dirty to her, rather she embraces them as a loving mother.59 Each year Hindus celebrate the descent of the Ganga in the month of May and early June. The day is called Ganga Dasahara, the tenth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Jyesta. It is called the “birthday” of the Ganga. It is believed that on that day, a dip in the Ganga forgives ten lifetimes of sins.60 A man or a woman can approach her. Believers express their devotion through ritual bathing, and offer to Ganga Mata flowers, fruits, and nature’s gifts received through her blessings and the work of people’s labour. At dusk, it is fascinating to behold the floating oil lamps as devotees fïilfil
56 Subodh Kapoor, ed, The H indus — Encyclopaedia o f Hinduism, vol. II, (New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 2000), 732. 57 Cf. Ibid., 732-3. 58 Cf. Steven G. Darian, The Ganges in Myth andHistory (Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1978), 37. 59 Cf. Diana L. Eek, Banaras: City ofLight (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1994), 216. 60 Cf. Diana L. Eek, “Ganga The Goddess Ganges in Hindu Sacred Geography,” in Devi: Goddesses o f India, 144. 74 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition their vows as well as express their gratitude to their Ganga Mata. Hindus also believe that when the ashes of a dead person are thrown into the river Ganga, it becomes a means for their liberation. Such is the aspect of sacredness attributed to the river Ganga.
The three factors reflected above show that the goddesses are deemed to make their appearance and their presence feit in remarkable ways. Hindu goddesses are seen as powerful, active, strong, and experiential. Both men and women fïnd no difficulty in accepting and worshiping them, though women are more numerous in participating in temple worship and festivals. Most often women remain silent spectators, seemingly unaffected by the unjust system which restricts them in ritual and festival contexts, and it is men who are the greater benefïciaries of the power of the divine feminine. The question is why feminine symbols and feminine concepts are used by men to acquire power for themselves instead of masculine symbols and concepts? It is difficult to answer this question. One of the solid reasons could be that women are the ones in whom life grows and they are the effective instruments to sustain human life as they are the bearers of life: “Because a woman is able to give birth, she is the particular manifestation of the unlimited power that gives rise to the universe.”61 The ‘earth’ is considered as ‘mother’ because in many languages it signifies that entity which holds life or makes life grow. Animate and inanimate beings take shelter on her lap. All forms of life are generated, nurtured, sustained, and contained in the womb of mother earth. While the ‘mother’ symbol is elevated in Indian cosmology and worshipped as a deity, to a great extent, the glorification of the divine feminine remains a myth as the status of women continues to be threatened in India. Therefore, how for feminine power is affirmed and celebrated; whether women benefit from goddess worship; and to what extent feminine symbols used for the glorification of feminine power actually empower women, are some of the questions seeking answers in the historical unfolding of India.
3.2. Divine Feminine Power used for the Devaluation and Oppression against Women
Women are devalued and oppressed in both divine and human spheres. Three salient examples which do not empower women because of their negative application in the human realm illustrate this. They are: the Satï myth, Strïdharma, and motherhood. These three examples are selected since they concern the context of this study. These examples compel women to intemalize the message that their worth depends on their passivity and
61 John R. Dupuche, “Devï and Tantric Practice,” in The Iconic Female: Goddesses o f India, Nepal and Tibet, eds. Jayant Bhalchandra Bapat and Ian Mabbett (Clayton: Monash University Press, 2008), 117. 75 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition submissiveness to patriarchal demands and the dying to self in order to give life to their husbands and children (and especially to sons). Such structures are maintained by the patriarchal system to keep women in a subordinate position. These oppressive elements are given religious sanction and perpetuated in order to suppress the power of women in Indian society.
3.2.1. Oppressive Elements of Satï Myth
The word satï (suttee) means a virtuous, good, or faithful wife.62 The satï myth is used to illustrate the epitome of Indian womanhood: ideal, good, and faithful after the model of Satï, the daughter of Daksa. According to the versions of the Devïbhagavata and the Kalika Purana, Daksa (the father of Satï) organized a great ritual sacrifice (yajna). Satï, the first wife of Lord Siva, had married him without her father’s consent, thus Daksa did not invite Siva to his sacrifice because of the previous quarrel between him and Siva. Satï was very angiy and the humiliation led her to destroy her own body. She bumt herself to death by kindling an inner fire through her yogic power. Siva was enraged and destroyed the sacrifice of Daksa.63 Other sources relate that Siva became so inconsolable at the death of his wife that he took her dead body on his shoulder and travelled aimlessly. Brahma and the other gods became extremely worried. In order to save Siva from this madness the gods planned to cut the dead body of Satï piece by piece. Visnu took up his bow and arrow and cut away the limbs of Satï. The parts of her body thus feil at different places, and these places came to be known as the Pïtas (shrines).64 The sakti of the goddess is thus believed to be infused throughout India where different temples have been built. The famous Kalï temple in Kolkata, Kalighat is said to be where SatPs big toe feil; Kamagiri in Kamrupa (Assam) where the yoni (vagina) of Satï feil and is now known as Kamakhya temple.65 In Assam Kamakhya temple is closed to the public while goddess Kamakhya has menstrual rites, so that she can take rest.66 The myth fiirther says that whoever worships Siva with great devotion in these places will find nothing unattainable; their prayers will be answered because the great Mother is constantly present in
62 V.S. Apte, The Student’s Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 579. 63 Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, History o f Sakta Religion, 133; see also, Amold Kunst and J.L. Shastri, eds. Siva-Purana, vol. 1,274. 64 Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, History o f Sakta Religion, 133. See also; Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, The Indian Mother Goddess, 2”d ed., 235-6 where he mentions how D evï shrines came into existence. 65 Klaus K. Klostermaier, A Survey o f Hinduism, 2nd ed. 291. See also, Encyclopedia o f Hinduism, ed. Denise Cush, 771. 66 Cf. James J. Preston, Cult o f the Goddess: Social and Religious Change in a Hindu Temple, 12. 76 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
her own limbs there.67 Because of Satï’s death, Siva came to even greater prominence, thus it is devotion and worship of Siva which is promoted, whereas Satï is only recognized as leading devotees to Siva, her husband. In this way, she continues to give her feminine energy (sakti) to Siva and seeks union with him forever which is the duty of an ideal and faithful wife according to Hinduism. She comes to the aid of believers who are devotees of Siva.
The suicide of the goddess Satï is also associated with the practice of satï, in which a widow bums herself on her husband’s funeral pyre. During the medieval period, the custom of widow buming was accepted as the act of a faithful wife. However, it cannot be concluded that the custom of satï in India, rare though still practiced in isolated cases, is entirely inspired by the myth of Satï. Goddess SatFs suicide was due to the insult given by her father to her husband. But the custom of satï entails following a dead husband even to death, therefore Kinsley argues that Satï’s act cannot be exclusively cited as the source of the custom of satï.6* However, Satï remains as a model of a faithful and devoted wife and many Hindu women tiy to emulate her example. It is a “code prescribing self-sacrifice without complaint.”69 Though the Sati system has less religious justifïcation than is ascribed to it, it continues even to the present day with religious connotations attached to it, as we saw in the case of Roop Kanwar in Rajasthan in chapter one.
Thus this goddess was slain, cut into pieces, and temples are built in honouring those fallen parts where they feil on the ground. Similarly, a woman’s body is bumt alive as self- immolation in the satï custom to give sakti (power/energy) to her deceased husband in order that the woman receive a reward in heaven. What is the reward for such a sacrifice? The reward is that the wife who immolates herself purifies her husband from sin even if: Her husband be guilty of the murder of a brahmin (man belonging to a priestly caste); or of a friend; or of ingratitude. She will be praised in heaven and thus attain her liberation and union with her husband forever.70 This example represents the perverse application of a religious myth relating to the loyalty of a goddess to her husband, to real-life women who, in the few isolated cases where Satï still occurs, deny themselves (or are denied) the right to their own existence.
67 Wendy Doniger O’Flaherty, Hindu Myths: A Sourcebook, trans, with an introduction (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books, 1975), 251. 68 Cf. David Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Visions o f the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious tradition, 1988, 40; Encyclopedia o f Hinduism, ed. Denise Cush, 771-2. 69 Sandra P. Robinson, “Hindu Paradigms of Women: Images and Values,” in Women, Religion, and Social Change, eds. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Ellison Banks Findly, 195. 70 Cf. Pandurang Vaman Kane, History o f Dharmasastra (Ancient and Mediaeval Religions and Civil Law) vol. II, Part 1,2“* ed., 631. 77 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
3.2.2. Strïdharma (Dharma of the Woman)
The word ‘Dharma’ is derived from Sanskrit, the root ‘dhr’, meaning “to sustain”, “to uphold”, or “to nourish.” The dictionaries give various meanings for Dharma such as: ordinance, usage, religion, virtue, righteousness, duty, justice, right, morality, good works, and the customary observance of a caste, function or characteristics.71 Dharma refers to one’s duties and responsibilities towards the caste hierarchical order. It influences all the facets of Hindu life which are specifïcally recorded in Manusmriti, the laws of Manu. The benefit of following dharma is summarized by Manu as follows, “For that man who obeys the law prescribed in the revealed texts and in the sacred tradition, gains fame in this (world) and after death unsurpassable bliss” (Manusmriti II: 9). Dharma is used with reference to ‘religion’ in the specific sense of its socio-ethical laws and obligations.72
Stndharma refers to woman’s (strï) religious rituals, duties, gender roles, and rules of decorum. Theoretically, it brings together duties according to class and stage of life (varna- asrama-dharma) with those that are common to all women. In classical and medieval Hindu works, an elite woman’s life-cycle had three phases: maidenhood, marriage, and sometimes widowhood or sati An elite man’s life-cycle had four phases: studentship, marriage, modified asceticism in the context of marriage, and renunciation of marriage and life as a wandering ascetic.73 In the context of a matriarchal system, the role of a wife and mother is not restricted to the extent of considering husband as god and women thus enjoy a certain amount of freedom and respect.74
First and foremost, strïdharma emphasizes that a woman should preserve her virginity in her maidenhood. The family must train her to be a good wife, to understand the importance to producing male children, and of sacrifïcing her life for her husband’s and his family’s welfare. A woman has to direct her life based on such pre-marital instruction, failing which her life can end in misery. Therefore, young girls are presented with the ideal of goddesses such as Uma, Sati, ParvatI, Draupadï, and Sïta who are depicted as the intimate, submissive, and ideal wives of male gods.75 These kinds of instructions are passed on by women themselves to their succeeding generations. As Hindu goddesses are portrayed in religious
71 Cf. V.S. Apte, The Student's Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 268; Pandurang Vaman Kane, H istory o f Dharmasastra (Ancient and Mediaeval Religious and Civil Law in India), vol. I, Part I, 2ad ed. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, 1968), 1. 72 Klaus K. Klostermaier, A Survey o f Hinduism, 52. 73 Cf. Katherine K. Young, “Strïdharma,” in Encyclopedia o f Hinduism, ed. Denise Cush, 836-7. 74 Cf. Klaus K. Klostermaier, A Survey o fHinduism, 364. 75 Cf. Katherine K. Young, “Strïdharma,” in Encyclopedia o f Hinduism, ed Denise Cush, 837. 78 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
worship by idealizing them as benign, submissive, and attractive, Indian womanhood is idealized in the same way according to dharma.
An important aspect of strldharma is pativratadharma. The three words contained in this concept are: pati (husband or lord), vrata (vows), and dharma (moral action). It encompasses those morally significant actions, duties, and attitudes that are appropriate to the status of a married woman.76 Prathibha Jam and Rajan Mahan have asserted that “the pativrata image led to the strict management of sexuality, and restricted women’s social interaction and mobility but has also ensured that women remain in an inferior, subordinate, and distinctly dependent position in the marital equation.”77 The central focus here is the woman’s overriding concern welfare of her husband, his household, reputation, kin, ancestors, descendants, deities, and life circumstances. The ethos of pativratadharma demands that more power and responsibility be transferred from a wife to her husband and his family. The wife’s responsibility is to promote her husband’s longevity. Through ritual acts of devotion such as prayer, fasting, and service, the wife gathers together her inherent generative power (sakti) for the wellbeing of her husband.78
The images and ideals, together with the restrictions and taboos imposed on them, remind women of their specific roles in the patriarchal society. For instance, the mangalasutra (a gold chain wom by married women as a mark of marital status) is a very powerful symbol in Hindu tradition. A Hindu woman must succumb to the power of the mangalasutra which is considered as binding her to her husband and making her subservient to man.79 It is worth noting here that widows are considered as omen of bad luck and their presence is not welcome at important deliberations or celebrations.
In this context Eva Helltnan discusses six Hindutva codes for ideal womanhood based on her field research at the Rashtra Sevika Samiti (Hindu Woman’s Voluntary Organization), which is the oldest and one of the largest of the Hindutva Women’s Organizations in India. The six codes of ideal womanhood are: woman as political mother, as activist for hindutva, as citizen in a Hindu India, as daughter of Bharat Mata, as female cell in the living organism of Hindu society, and as the symbol of Hindu society itself. Hellman observes that the hindutva codes for ideal womanhood facilitate better living conditions for women: there is scope for
76 Cf. Paul B. Courtright “Sati, Sacrifice, and Marriage: The Modemity o f Tradition,” in From the Margins of Hindu Marriage: Essays on Gender, Religion, and Culture, eds. Lindsey Harlan and Paul B. Courtright, 186. 77 Prathibha Jain and Rajan Mahan, eds. Women Images (Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 1996), 15. 78 Cf. Paul B. Courtright, “Sati, Sacrifice, and Marriage: The Modemity of Tradition,” in From the Margins o f Hindu Marriage: Essays on Gender, Religion, and Culture, eds. Lindsey Harlan and Paul B. Courtright, 188. 79 Kiran Prasad, “Hinduism and the Spirituality o f Women,” In God’s Image 28, no. 1 (March 2009): 49. 79 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition education, economic independence, and a certain degree of freedom to choose how to live their lives as political mothers, activists, and citizens. Thus, to some extent, being a member of Rashtra Sevika Samiti enhances women’s empowerment. Hellman also identifies the limitations on women’s empowerment in the hindutva movement. She observes that, while one fundamental goal is to modemize tradition (by ascribing value and dignity to women) another is to maintain tradition (in clothing, behaviour, beliefs). According to this theory, a woman who develops her feminine qualities in the proper manner lives correctly according to dharma. The prime duty of a woman is to be the “circle-point” of the family, to care for it, to keep it together, to suppress her personal aspirations, and to transmit hindutva values to its members. To gain acceptance in the Rashtra Sevika Samiti, women must espouse a common female identity by transmitting and conforming to the culturally conservative hindutva values which, it is believed, will build up the Hindu nation.80
The women in Rashtra Sevika Samiti build up their identity based on strxdharma, which is handed on to them. Only when women adhere to codes of strïdharma can they be accepted as members of the samiti. Their powers are restricted because the power they acquire from the Hindutva movement is structured and controlled by Hindu men, and in order to receive support and collaboration from the males, the females have to subordinate themselves to the demands of the movement.81 As long as it maintains these vestiges of male domination at the core of its philosophy, the Rashtra Sevika Samiti will represent only a limited vehicle for the emancipation of Hindu women.
3.2.3. ‘Motherhood’ used for Oppression against Women
One of the concepts that recur olten in our discussion is that of “mother”. The ‘mother’ is held in high honour and reverence in Hindu society because of the concept of goddess as divine mother, and because of the Creative capacity of the mother to bring new life into the world. The divine, human, and cosmological interpretations attributed to “mother” are inexhaustible. Goddesses are exalted as mothers, women have the potential to be mothers, and the earth is considered as mother. There is mutual interconnectedness and similarities between them. The Creative energy inherent in the female is a power that sustains life in the universe. However, motherhood is both glorified and demeaned in Hindu society. The ways in which motherhood is used to oppress women will now be discussed further from the point of view of the divine, the human, and of nature.
80 Eva Hellman, “Open Space and Double Locks: The Hindutva Appropriation of Female Gender,” in Fundamentalism and Women in World Religions, eds. Arvind Sharma and Katherine K. Young, 15-7. 81 Cf. Ibid., 17. 80 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
In the divine realm, goddesses are revered as mothers for their feminine qualities of compassion, Creative and generative energy, for their benevolence, and for their affectionate and channing personalities. These powers are recognized and celebrated in goddess worship, and devotees approach them with a child-like attitude. However, motherhood is also presented as oppressive by highlighting the goddesses in their attitudes of submissiveness, fidelity, mothering, nurturing, and devotion to their male counterparts. Since the males are the interpreters and creators of Hindu cults, they hold the power over the sacred texts and highlight these latter, domestic attributes of the goddesses, in celebrations and worship, rather than the former, positive attributes, mentioned above. This appeals to the males, because in this way they can gain more power to exercise control over females.
The goddesses are mirrored in the lives of women. Motherhood in the human realm is valued insofar as it conforms to the prevalent form of “conditioned motherhood” in which women are conditioned to bear sons. Only when they do, is there a sense of fiilfilment and honour attached to it. Mothers are conditioned to face all the pains involved in bringing up the new lives which they have bome. Motherhood thus involves both pleasure and pain. Adrienne Rich points out that motherhood is eamed through an intense physical and psychic rite of passage—pregnancy and childbirth.*2 Rich further highlights: “The woman’s body, with its potential to bring forth and nourish new life has been through the ages a field of contradictions: a space invested with power and an acute vulnerability.”83 Women’s reproductive qualities, giving birth, and nurturing life are valued as necessary and important in Hindu society, but the attitudes and values attached to these processes make the position of women vulnerable and dehumanizing. The value attached to motherhood is limited to its child bearing and nurturing aspects, and women continue to be seen as o f little value and polluting, even though a mother is the starting point of every human life.
As far as nature and the concept of mother earth are concemed, culturally developed notions devalue the concept by interpreting it in ways that favour male superiority. One such subordinating element present in Indian cosmology are purusa-prikrti principles. The purusa- prikrti principles are represented as Siva and Sakti. The male spirit (Siva or purusa) is passive but his existence is necessary to stir up energy in Prikrti (Sakti or the female principle).84 The prikrti remains in a subordinate position to the purusa principle. There is an inherent
82 Adrienne Rich, O f Woman Bom: Motherhood as Experience and Institution (London: VIRAGO Limited, 1977), 12. 83 Ibid., 102. 84 Cf. Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, The Indian Mother Goddess, 2”d ed. 226. 81 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
Indra, lord of the immortals, gave a thunderbolt; and Yama gave her a staff.95 By using all the weapons and energies given her by the gods, Durga was victorious. Although Durga is portrayed as a powerful goddess, her power is derived from the male gods. The male gods are shown as the source of her power.96 If one studies the mythology behind the creation of the goddess Durga carefully, one can see that the subtle notion of gender power play predominates: Durga acquired her power from the gods and therefore she was victorious. The myth does not speak about her feminine energy, rather her power comes from the male gods. Durga had to risk herself and fïght against the enemy in order to restore the powers of the male gods, and thus reinforces negative female stereotypes amongst devotees.
In Siva-Purana, the goddess Durga is praised in the hymn to her as creator of the universe and therefore as interchangeable with the pure supreme reality of Brahman.97 According to the narrative in the Devï Mahatmya story of the Markandeya Purana text (which bears some resemblance to the Devï Mahatmya text we have just looked at), Durga was created to fight against the demon Mahisasura, in this rendering the bufïalo demon. Goddess Durga represents the power of the supreme being that preserves moral order and righteousness in creation. She is known as the warrior goddess as she defeats the demon, which symbolises the force of evil power. It is said that the creation of the goddess Durga took place in the context of a cosmic crisis precipitated by this demon. The male gods were unable to subdue it. The context calls for a woman, Durga, a superior warrior who defeats the demon decisively by demonstrating both superior martial ability and superior power. On the battlefield she creates female helpers from out of her own being: the goddess Kalï and a group of ferocious deities known as the Saptamatrikas (seven divine mothers). The band of gods and goddesses praised and worshiped Durga for her victory, because she accomplished the salvation of devas (gods) and humans. In Markandeya Purana, Durga is depicted as Mahamqya (the great illusion).98 Durga is worshipped throughout India and especially in the state of West Bengal. During Durga-püja (worship of goddess Durga) Hindus commemorate her victory and praise her greatness."
95 Cf. Thomas B. Cobum, Encountering the Goddess: A Translation o f the Devï-Mahatmya and a Study o f its Interpretation, 39-44. See also, Wendy Doniger O’Flaherty, Hindu Myths: A Sourcebook, trans, w ith an introduction, 239-241. 96 Cf. Sandra P. Robinson, “Hindu Paradigms of Women: Images and Values,” in Women, Religion, and Social Change, eds. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Ellison Banks Findly, 186. 97 Cf. Amold Kunst and J.L. Shastri, eds. Ancient Indian Tradition and Mythology: The Siva-Purana, vol. I, trans. Board of Scholars (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1969), 320. 98 Cf. David Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Visions o f the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition, (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University ofCalifomia Press, 1988), 97 99 Cf. Klaus K. Klostermaier, A Survey o fHinduism, 281-2. 86 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
Durga, the embodiment of divine feminine power, is personifïed as the power of justice. She is gentle, tender, and sweet to those who approach her in an attitude of childlike simplicity and surrender, but terrible and indomitable to those who tyrannize others.100 The power of justice in Durga is illustrated in the various symbols which are associated with her. She rides on a tiger, which represents her unlimited power. With her unlimited power she unites all divine power and destroys the negative forces of evil and wickedness. The sound that emanates from her conch is the sound of the sacred syllable AUM or OM. It is said to be the primordial sound, the sound of creation. Durga holds the conch shell in one of her hands, symbolizing the ultimate victory of good over evil, and righteousness over unrighteousness. Other weapons such as mace, sword, disc, arrow, and trident convey that one weapon cannot destroy different kinds of enemies, but that different weapons destroy different evil forces accordingly. For example, selfishness must be destroyed by detachment, jealousy by desirelessness, and prejudice by self-knowledge and so on.101
The power of Durga has social significance. In his History of Sakta Religion, Narendra Nath Bhattacharya emphasizes the liberating aspect of the divine feminine principle in the historical context of India. He observes that the female principle which Saktism upholds “stood for the oppressed people, symbolizing all the liberating potentialities in the class divided, patriarchal and authoritarian social set up of India.”102 He also points out that the popularily of the goddess Durga - with particular regard to her slaying of demons - had special social significance during the Gupta period (300-700 AD). During this period, class divisions became very strong. The priestly and ruling classes, landlords and important traders became richer and more powerfiil at the expense of the Südras, who were in the lowest rank in the Hindu varna (caste) system, and were socially oppressed within it. In the face of continuous oppression, the Éüdras dreamt of their freedom by adopting for themselves the imaginary of goddess Durga’s victory over the demons. Her battle with the demons served as one of the best available ideologies to address their social oppression. The cult of Sakti came to denote the cult of that power which would lead to the victory of the oppressed class, which would ensure the Devï’s (the female aspect of the divine’s) fïnal triumph over the demons. During the Muslim invasions, the Südras expressed their non-cooperation with the ruling and upper classes, which depended heavily on them for their services. Thus the Sakti principle in
100 Cf. Anandi C, “Durga,” in Shabda Shakti Sangam, ed. Vandana Mataji (Rishikesh, 1995), 45. 101 Cf. Bansi Pandit, “Kashmir Hindu Deities: Goddess Durga,” (accessed 15 November 2011) httD://www.koausa.org/Gods/Godl himl 102 Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, History o f Éakta Religion, xi. 87 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition the goddess Durga served as a tooi for the denial of caste rigidity and the promotion of social justice.103
It is argued here that Durga can be a model to empower women. The weapons that Durga holds are all different aspects of divine grace. Durga uses them confidently and effectively in destroying evil. By valuing their female life and affirming their own unique power, women can counter and triumph over the devaluation of themselves and of their female bodies promoted by religion and society. As a goddess of justice, Durga, could empower women to both develop positive self-images and fight for justice in situations where they are discriminated against and denied justice. Durga destroys in order to build again. To destroy ignorance, darkness, pain, sorrow, and misery, it is believed she bestows knowledge, light, bliss, joy, and immortality. Durga is said to be the terrible destroyer of all evil and the benign bestower of blessedness and beatitude. Being the active aspect of the immanent divinity in the Hindu conception, she is Sakti, the supreme power which creates and sustains the universe. Durga is worshipped as the divine mother, the all-compassionate.104
3.3.3. Power of Wisdom
In the Vedas, Sarasvatï is associated with river. As a river she is praised for her ability both to cleanse and to fertilize. River Sarasvati is also associated with purifying power in the Vedic texts as she is called upon to heal sickness and is referred to as a healing medicine.105 Later Vedic literature associates her as the goddess of Vac (speech). She is regarded as the consort and sakti of Brahma, the god of creation. Goddess Sarasvatï is hailed as the goddess of wisdom (Devï Mahatmya 11.22). She is also associated with leaming and culture.106 She is usually depicted as a graceful young woman with a gleaming white body and white garments symbolizing purity and transcendence. The two symbol s associated with her are the swan and the lotus. Sarasvatï is portrayed as calm and peaceful in her vehicle, the swan, which is a symbol of spiritual transcendence and perfection in Hinduism. Sarasvatï is shown seated on a lotus. The lotus suggests her transcendence of the physical world, as she floats above the muddy imperfections of the physical world. In the Hindu religion, Sarasvatï inspires in devotees the desire to live in such a way that they transcend their physical limitations through their education, leaming, and culture. Her presence is sought by devotees in libraries and
103 Cf. Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, History o f Éakta Religion, 83-7. 104 Anandi C, “Durga,” in Shabda Shakti Sangam, ed. Vandana Mataji, 46. 105 Cf. David Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Visions o f the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition, 56. 106 Cf. Ibid., 57. 88 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
schools, because they believe she bestows blessings of wisdom, eloquence, poetic inspiration, and artistic skill as these gifts contribute towards the perfection of culture.107
In Hinduism (as in other religious traditions) wisdom is a feminine concept, and thus using the goddess Sarasvatï as an example for this reflection on the power of wisdom seems appropriate. In Hindu thought, goddess Sarasvatï’s wisdom plays an important role in the act of creation as the Creative power of Brahma. Also, in Hindu belief, she helps devotee cross the ocean of ignorance and reach the supreme absolute Brahman.108 She directs and promotes all inspired thoughts.109 Sarasvatï represents the human ability to think and she enlightens the human intellect to gain the power of memoiy (Smrtisakti), the power of knowledge (Jhanasakti), the power of intellect (Buddhisakti), the power of forming ideas (Kalpanasakti), and the power of intelligence (Pratibha). Therefore, students, scholars, and those who desire to obtain wisdom and produce inspired thoughts invoke her as she is the patron goddess of leaming.
Goddess Sarasvatï can be a model and inspiration to ignite the power of wisdom in women. Firstly, Sarasvatï is presented as a goddess who possesses wisdom, purity, charm, beauty, confidence, nobility, and who is worthy of honour. The portrayal of her with different symbols and gestures communicates feminine characteristics that can be awakened in women. Self-knowledge enables one to cross the ocean of ignorance and reach the shore of enlightenment. The Sakti of Sarasvatï as wisdom could enable women to find and be their true selves. Goddess Sarasvatï could inspire women to gain confidence in their strength and pówer. For it is by an awareness and acknowledgement of the power within, that women can attain knowledge of the self. This would enable women to embrace their own unique self as women. Women could gain wisdom to cross the ocean of ignorance and leam of their own worth.
Secondly, Sarasvatï’s motherhood is seen as metaphorical. She is said to give birth to artistic creations by providing inspiration and to have given birth to the Vedas in the sense that she personifies wisdom.111 The concept of Sarasvatï’ could suggest to women a way to transcend their stereotyped roles as ‘wife’ and ‘mother’. Such a re-evaluation of her could
107 Cf. Ibid., 62,63; Cf. Ron Geaves, ‘Sarasvati,’ in Encyclopedia o fHinduism, ed. Denise Cush, 765-6. 108 ££ vandana Mataji, “God as Mother in the Hindu & Christian Traditions,” Word and Worship, (October & November, 1993): 302-3. 105 Cf. Catherine Ludvik, Sarasvatï, Riverine Goddess o f Knowledge: From the Manuscript-Carrying Vïria- Player to the Weapon-Wielding Defender o f the Dharma. (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2007) 26-37. 110 Cf. David Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Visions o f the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition, 59. 111 Cf. David Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Visions o f the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition, 63. 89 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition challenge women not to be confined to the domestic sphere alone. Therefore, this could present possibilities for women and girls, for their self-development, for the attainment of knowledge, and for the exploration of their resources. Moreover, a re-evaluation of the goddess Sarasvatï could help women to develop inspirational thoughts to courageously articulate the injustice that they are subjected to in society. Thus, women can gain wisdom to know how to proceed wisely and resist oppression against them.
3.3.4. Power of Compassion
Kali, the most terrific personifïcation of Sakti, the feminine principle, is worshipped with great pleasure and admiration by devotees because of her intervention in the specifïc context in human life. To cite an example of how Kalï is also believed to be a benevolent and compassionate mother, the following text unfolds the experience of Ramakrishna Paramahamsa (1826-1886), revered as a great Hindu saint and sakta (devotee of Sakti), who worshipped Kali and believed he experienced her as his divine mother. Ramakrishna had a yeaming for a living vision of Kalï, the mother of the universe. He thus describes his first vision of her:
I feit as if my heart were being squeezcd like a wet towel. I was overpowered with a great restlessness and a fear that it might not be my lot to realize Her in this life. I could not bear the separation from Her any longer. Life seemed to be not worth living. Suddenly my glance feil on the sword that was kept in the Mother’s temple. I determined to put an end to my life. When I jumped up like a madman and scized it, suddenly the blessed Mother revealed Herself. The buildings with their different parts, the temple, and everything else vanished from my sight, leaving no trace whatsoever, and in their stead I saw a limitless, infinitc, cfïulgent Ocean of Consciousness. As far as the eye could see, the shining billows were madly rushing at mc from all sides with a terrific noise, to swallow me up! I was panting for breath. 1 was caught in the rush and collapsed, unconscious. What was happening in the outside world I did not know; but within me there was a steady flow of undiluted bliss, altogether new, and I feit the presence of the Divine Mother.112
It was the first of many such experiences of Kalï for Ramakrishna, and he committed himself to her worship throughout his life. His self-described filial relationship with her led him to regard women as the manifestation of the divine mother.113 Ramakrishna’s experience reflects his experience of Sakti as a Hindu devotee, and until the end of his life, he was delighted to be a devotee of Kali and experience what he believed to be immense power and wisdom in her.
Sakti in Kali is thus presented as a compassionate mother, and in the Hindu tradition, goddess Kalï is shown as revealing her matemal and compassionate powers in various ways.
112 Ramakrishna Paramahamsa, Ramakrishna: Prophet of New India: Abridged from The Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna, trans, with an introduction by Swami Nikhilananda, 9, 10. 113 Cf. Ibid., 11, 14. 90 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
One of the narrations in Bhagavata Purana explains how Kali protects a wise and saintly man. A saintly brahmin youth was kidnapped by the leader of a group of thieves and was brought to offer blood sacrifice to Kalï in order that he might have a son. Kali was furious at the man’s evil method of trying to gain her favour, but greatly regarded the virtuous life of the youth. She killed the leader and his entire band. In this incident, she is projected as the protector of the good.1'4 In some areas of India, Kalï is revered as a tribal or village goddess who protects and grants desires. She is also revered as a tantric and yogic goddess of death and transcendence who gives the gift of liberation to her followers. She is seen as a loving mother who protects her devotees from hartn and offers entry into her heaven.115
Kalï is worshipped widely in India. Devotees approach Kalï as their divine mother because “she gives birth to a wider vision of reality than the one embodied in the order of dharma.”116 The dharmic order in Hindu religious tradition favours the high priestly class and is oppressive to the lower rank. Kalï is regarded by her devotees as capable of transcending this order to bring equilibrium in the social order. The dark complexion of Kalï may indicate her ancient origin as a tribal fertility goddess worshipped by the dark-skinned indigenous people of India (who were close to the earth and depended on it for their sustenance) before the Indo-Aryan settlement. Her dark colour signifies her connection to the earth and its fertility. Her human associates come from the Südras, the lowest caste of the Hindu varna system. 117
It would be essential to examine how compassion can be a vital power for the empowerment of women. Compassion denotes “sympathy for the sufFering of others, causing a desire to help them.”118 It means empathizing with the other in their suffering; promoting and encouraging life in others without making demands and without expecting anything in return. The compassionate action is performed only in the interests of the other, and it is done with love. Compassion is considered the greatest of all virtues in many religious traditions. It has two facets: a gentle one and a firm one. There are goddesses who are presented as compassionate by being gentle and sublime as well as terrific and fearsome. Sarasvatï
114 Cf. C. Mackenzie Brown, “Kali: the Mad Mother,” in The Book o f the Goddess: Past and Present, ed. Carl Olson, 112-3; See also, David R Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Visions o f the Divine Feminine, 117. 115 Cf. Knut A. Jacobsen, Editor-in-Chief. Brill's Encyclopedia o f Hinduism, vol. I (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2009), 587. 116 David R. Kinsley, “Kali: Blood and Death Out of Place,” in Devï: goddess o fIndia, eds. John S. Hawley and Donna M. Wulff, 85. 117 Cf. Lina Gupta, “Kali, the Saviour,” in After Patriarchy: Feminist Transformations o f the World Religions, 22- 30. 118 Della Summers and Michael Rundell, Longman Dictionary o f Contemporary Enelish, New ed. (Harlow: Longman, 1987), 203. 91 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition represents gentleness while Kalï and Durga symbolize firmness. Women are traditionally regarded as compassionate. They have the power to create an environment of ahimsa (nonviolence) which embraces every facet of human life. It can be said that the first step towards gender justice is compassion. Compassion is a passion for change. It is a non-violent form of resistance against social oppression.
To conclude, goddesses play a significant role in the lives of Hindu women. Liberating resources have emerged in this study such as power of resistance, power of justice, power of wisdom, and power of compassion, which can all be asserted as prospective sources for the empowerment of women and girls to affirm their life and dignity as females. These four types of powers of liberation drawn from the stories behind these Hindu goddesses are interrelated. These resources could help women to decolonize their minds of the patriarchal mindset imposed on them and assert themselves as resourcefiil human beings able to enhance female life. Kalï and Durga are most often presented as independent goddesses, free from male god domination and power, and thus they challenge the male-female relationship of domination- subordination in the family and in society. The destructive powers that the goddesses are seen to manifest are analogous with the powers that destroy ignorance, destroy the negative forces that bind the individual and society, and destroy false ideologies which prejudice human wellbeing. One can commit oneself towards the transformation of the socio-cultural structures of society only with the realization of self, which is the gift of wisdom.
3.4. Garba - Cultural and Religious Symbol of Sakti
Hinduism does contain some religious concepts which reveal the sacredness of human beings. This section explores the religio-cultural Symbol of Sakti known as garba, which is believed to unfold the divine in the human and position everyone on an equal footing. The analysis of the signifïcance of the garba symbol is imperative in the context of this study as FF and FI are the crimes that destroy sacred female life. Therefore, it is essential to focus on the value of life and its potentialities.
Religions give importance to human life and consider human life as precious and sacred. To communicate this understanding, religions use different symbols. Carol Christ says, “symbols speak to both the conscious and the unconscious mind, uniting rational awareness with our deepest non-rational knowledge.”119 Carol Christ points out that religious symbols shape the way we see ourselves and the world. They are connected to the lives of individuals
119 Carol P. Christ, Rebirth o f the Goddess: Finding Meanins in Feminist Spirituality (New York, London: RouÜedge, 1997,161. 92 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition and the cultures within which they operate.120 The Hindu religious concept of garba could help make visible the divine presence so that it can be experienced in human life, and this proposition will now be discussed.
Garba is a Sanskrit word meaning ‘womb’, a foetus, a child in the womb, the source of all Creative energy. It also denotes the sanctuary of a temple, the chamber where the image of a deity is placed.121 The presence of Sakti - the divine feminine - in humans, is celebrated in dance form. Garba is a popular folk dance performed in the State of Gujarat, western India, during the celebration of Navratri (nine nights). The Hindu festival of Navratri is a nine-day period of worship of Sakti, the divine female principle, and it is celebrated eveiy year all over India. It is a feast to honour goddess Durga, during which the divine feminine form of Sakti is worshipped in nine forms. These are the nine forms of Durga, understood as the invincible mother—Bhadrakali: the mother of fortune and wealth; Amba Devï: the mother of the universe; Annapürna Devï: the one that feeds the world and provides the world with plenty of anna (rice); Sarvamahgala Devï: the divine mother that brings peace and joy to the world; Bhairavi Devï: the divine mother, who does good to the good people and evil to those who are wicked and destroys negative energies in the universe; Chandika Devï: the supreme goddess, the fïerce one; Sarasvatï Devï: the goddess of beauty; Bhavani Devi: the goddess of mercy, the one that gives life and finally Mükambika Devï: the goddess of Shiva and Sakti}22 All these forms of goddess reveal Sakti in diverse ways, which devotees believe make present her divine power in human life.
Symbolically, garbo or garba means an earthen pot with small holes in it. It is a clay pot, inside which is contained a lit lamp, an indication of the continuity of life. A picture of Durga is placed outside it. It is believed to be the mother goddess who is present in the lamp inside the clay pot. During the dance, women and young girls dance rhythmically to the drums and instruments carrying on their heads the special cultural symbol, ‘garba’. The symbol is connected with Saktipüja (worship of a goddess having overall powers). It is a symbol of worship and devotion to Aadya Sakti (the primordial power) who is Jagadmata (the mother of
120 Cf. Ibid., 48. 121 V.S. Apte, The Student's Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 183. 122 Sai Kolluru, “Shakti: The Divine Element of the Feminine,” (accessed 9 January 2012) http://vww.stateoffomation.org/2011/09/shalrti-the-divine-element-of-the-feminine/ 93 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition the universe) in Hinduism.123 Garba dance is also performed during Holi, Sharad Pürnïma, Vasant Pancamï (Hindu feasts) and other festive occasions.124
The significance of the garba symbol for our discussion can be seen in diverse ways. The pot symbolizes a womb, a dwelling place for the new life yet to be bom. The lamp within the clay pot symbolizes an embryo or foetus in the womb which contains the presence of the divine. The new life has to be protected and nourished. The garba songs communicate the joy of motherhood, the preciousness of a child, and the protection and care offered by the mother goddess.125
The garba symbol is used in a joyful setting where people come together for the celebration of religious rituals, and these symbols become part of the religious ceremony. During the festival, the dancers dance in a circular way, which signifies the Hindu understanding of time. It communicates that there is birth, a process of life, death, and rebirth. The ‘rebirth’ is the key term to explain the Hindu belief in the reincamation of the soul after death. It is based on the law of karma (action). Karma is the deposit of all human actions and their eventual consequences. The Hindu understanding is that with good karma one can attain a healthy body, a wealthy family, or birth into a higher caste. Bad karma results in rebirth into a less desirable human circumstance or into the animal kingdom and so on.126 According to the law of karma, a person attains a certain form of life depending on the actions performed during a previous life.
The light in the clay pot also symbolizes the knowledge and wisdom which dispel the darkness of ignorance. The enlightenment one receives broadens the horizons of perception to affirm life in its fullness. The garba symbol evokes mutual respect and represents a call to recognize the presence of the divine energy in the other. It is a powerful symbol to enhance and affirm life. “Women are a combination of aksaya patra127 and amrit128 (Nectar of immortality) holding in their bodies the promise of abundance and immortality for the
123 Cf. Manorma Sharma, Folk India: A Comprehensive Study o f Indian Folk, Music, and Culture, vol. 6 (New Delhi: Sundeep Prakashan, 2004), 271. 124 Cf. Vasudha Narayanan, “Bmmning with Bhakti, Embodiments of Shakti: Devotees, Deities, Performers, Reformers, and Other Women of Power in the Hindu Tradition,” in Feminism and World Religions, eds. Arvind Sharma and Katherine K. Young, 51. 125 Cf. “Garba Raas Dance,” (accessed 1 February 2012) http://www.dandivazone.com/cms/garba-dandiva- raas/garba-raas-dan ce-2.html 126 Cf. Klaus K. Klostermaier, Hinduism: A Short Introduction (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 1998), 41. 1 2 7 ‘Aksaya patra'is an inexhaustible vessel. According to the legend, during the time of Mahabharata, when the Pandavas were in exile, Lord Krsna presented them an ‘aksaya patra ’ a bowl which would never go empty and which would produce an unlimited supply of food. 128 A m rit is the term used in the Vedas for Soma ( Vedic ritual drink), comparable to the ambrosia of the Greeks. It is considered a nectar of immortality. James D. Ryan “Amrita," Constance A. Jones, ed. Encyclopedia of Hinduism, 25. 94 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition family”129 according to Devdutt Pattanaik, who has written about garba. The garba is a symbol of the human body and of the dwelling of the divine in every human person. The divine element is present in our innermost being, in the inner sanctuary of our self. It is also a symbol of holiness that is present in eveiy human person. To attain holiness in a world in which there is widespread evil, one has to be courageous in destroying evil. Only through destroying evil, can we create a conducive environment for holiness.130
3.5. Relevance of Sakti in the Context of FF and FI
Many scholars agree that goddesses in Hinduism are held in high honour, but the status of women shows that this is not extended to human life. Previous discussions in this study show how males have been the benefïciaries of the divine feminine power perceived as being manifested in goddess worship. The consequence of this is the suppression of women’s power, wellbeing, and their agency in favour of their own emancipation. In fact, female devaluation continues in all aspects of social life and results in female discrimination and elimination. The very fact that FF and FI is gender specific, means that women have a great responsibility to resist such violence. “In Hinduism, eveiy woman is said to be a manifestation of the divine Sakti. The power of Sakti, the feminine principle is directly present in creation in the form of our mothers, sisters, daughters, and wives.”131
Indian theologian, Corona Mary points out that in India, there is a galaxy of goddesses all of whom are associated with dignity, strength, and courage and who could inspire women to assert their personhood.132 The concept of the power of Sakti could be a source of inspiration to affirm the life of women and therefore, the life of female children. Goddesses in myths appear in both conventional and nonconventional roles. While ParvatI represents the ideal wife in her domestic role, Durga and Kalï depart from the conventional model of an ideal wife. Durga and Kalï indicate that feminine roles need not necessarily be confïned to being a daughter, sister, wife, or mother. These mythologies could illustrate the power of liberation from various forms of oppression.133
Another dimension of Sakti is that the divine is presented both as male and female. In the same way, divine energy is present both in man and in woman. This suggests the fundamental
129 Devdutt Pattanaik, “Garbha, Dance Of The Pot,” The Times o f India, October 15,2010. 130 Cf. Corona Mary, The Divine Dream, 54. 131 Frank Morales, “The Concept of Shakti: Hinduism as a Liberating Force for Women,” (10) [7/11/2000 7:52:46 AM] 5, (accessed 14 July 2011) http://www.dharmacentral.com/shakti.htm 132 Cf. Corona Mary, The Divine Dream (Madras: Salesian Institute of Graphic Arts, 1993), 15. 133 Cf. Sharada Sugirtharajah, “Hinduism,” in Women in Religion, eds. Jean Holm and John Bowkcr (United Kingdom: Pinter Publishers Ltd. 1994), 73. 95 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition
dignity of human beings being created as equal, even in Hindu belief. From this standpoint, goddesses could become symbols of liberation for Hindus, to lead human beings from the ignorance of human discrimination to knowledge of human dignity. Women, by drawing inspiration from the stories associated with goddesses, could assert themselves and safeguard lives of their daughters. Women could gain courage to resist traditional norms of son preference and affirm the life of their daughters and sons, as Hinduism teaches Sakti is present in both. Women could choose to resist the circumstances surrounding the elimination of their daughters and uphold the wellbeing of their female children and of themselves.
Likewise, women are called to embrace the divine power present in the children within their wombs, and to offer it to the world so as to enrich it through the gift of human life. They have a special responsibility to nurture life and not to destroy it by blindly complying with oppressive economic and cultural dictum. Women are endowed with the sacred privilege of, and responsibility for, the Creative energy that sustains human life. As goddesses are seen as protecting the innocent, women can be compassionate and protect the lives of their babies. Women are invited to participate in the Divine compassion by being compassionate. Change in women’s attitude towards their own selves could help women to develop an optimistic attitude to life. When women assert themselves they will be in a position to accept the gift of their daughters and not to treat them with disgust.
4. Summary and Conclusion
In conclusion, Sakti, the divine feminine principle is manifested in various goddesses. Sakti, the divine feminine power in Hindu thought has influence in human life through the devotion of Hindu men and women to goddesses. Goddesses are seen as present in natural phenomena, and are described in religious concepts, and through symbols which are believed to reveal their divine power and which devotees believe they can experience and be enriched by. Therefore, as Francis X. Clooney has argued, encountering goddesses becomes a kind of mirror in which humans see their own untapped capacities, the transcendental dynamism of their own desires. Goddesses are not demythologized and tumed into historical women in the Hindu context; rather, the devotee of the goddess is divinized.134 Having become divinized, a person is able to perceive reality in freedom and with an unprejudiced mind. The spiritual resources of goddesses could also contribute towards the transformation of gender differences
134 Cf. Francis X. Clooney, Divine Mother, Blessed Mother: Hindu Goddesses and the Virgin Mary, 229-30. 96 Resistance Resources from Hindu Religious Tradition and individual egos into a meaningfiil unily of male-female relationships in marriage which could lead to healthier family life for all.135
As pointed out with regards to Kalï worship, her perceived divine power is used and misused by humans, often with a view to circumventing and appropriating economic, political, and religious powers. It is observed that the participants and benefïciaries of divine power through cultic practices are the male section of society in Hindu society’s patriarchal system. It is also observed in this study that orthodox Hindus resist any empowerment of women via, for example, the abolition of the twin evils of the dowry system and satï, increased property rights for women, rights to education, and rights to divorce. Orthodox Hindus are also great supporters of customs, traditions, and other religious practices.136 They maintain their dharma and take pride in it, thus upholding the feminine-repressive status quo.
Moreover, in the Hindu tradition, the Sakti principle of the religion’s goddesses are seen as immanent by devotees, in terms of the concepts of benevolence, compassion, care, and protection which the goddesses are seen to afford. Sakti is believed to be present not only in the temples and the cosmos but also in every human being. The celebration of the feminine power of Sakti, symbolically represented through ordinary symbol like ‘garba’, could provide inspiration and motivation to people to value human life as sacred in religious and cultural contexts. Lynda Sexson in Ordinarily Sacred offers a theology of everyday experience. She says that “we can discover or recognize the sacred within the secular, or the divine in the ordinary.”137 The affirmation of a divine presence in the human invites men and women to a pro-life culture, to accept human life as precious and sacred. This realization makes one affirm one’s own dignity and respect the worth of everyone. Above all, a genuine transformation of the mindset of both men and women is vital towards the promotion of human life. Therefore, it is important to destroy negative forces and dehumanizing behaviours in order to build up society, a society in which men and women taste freedom and experience trust, and can contribute substantially to fullness of life for all. It is within the realms of possibility to dream of such a haven.
135 Cf. Lina Gupta, “Kali, the Saviour,” in After Patriarchy: Feminist Transformations o f the World Religions, 36. 136 Cf. Klaus K. Klostermaier, A Survey o fHinduism, 375-6. 137 Lynda Sexson, Ordinarily Sacred (Charlottesville and London: University Press of Virginia, 1992), 3. 97 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity Chapter Thrw RESISTIANCK Mmmmm FROM JUIMISM AND CHRISTIANITY; mmm sophia, jksus» and mary, r a t m other o f jksus
“Not God alone has createdyou O maiden, Man has completed your being by givingyou Beauty and grace (of his hearts ’ desire). 1. Introduction
Judaism and Christianity are monotheistic and androcentric religions. Androcentric in their Scriptures, traditions and hierarchies, and in many of their rituals and practices, and this has arguably contributed to the discrimination and the devaluation of females within those religions down through the centuries. In this context, two female figures Divine Sophia or wisdom as personified in the feminine form and Maty, the Mother of Jesus, have at times been diminished because of patriarchal context of both religions. Thus the liberative potential of the concepts, doctrines or beliefs associated with Divine Sophia and Maiy respectively have not always been emphasized; rather, in the case of Mary, for instance, it is her submissiveness which has been extolled. In ancient Israël, Divine Sophia is the sole acceptable feminine image of God. She is an inalienable part of Jewish and Christian traditions because she appears in the Hebrew Bible.2 Whereas Divine Sophia in the Hebrew Scriptures has sometimes been used in support of male power by relegating or dispensing with her femaleness, it is part of this thesis that she actually unfolds feminine resources that can be translated to enhance female identity in society today, and particularly in the context of Indian society.
In Christianity, the significance of Divine Sophia as such disappears once we come to the writings of the New Testament because the role and characteristics of Divine Sophia are attributed to Jesus, the ‘prophet of Divine Sophia’ and the son of Mary. The prophetic acclamation of Mary revealed in the Magnificat is seen as being realized in the prophetic mission of Jesus.
1 Quoted from Ashapuma Devi, "Indian Women: Myth and Reality," in Indian Women: Myth and Reality, ed. Jasodhara Bagachi (Hyderabad: SangamBooks, 1995), 19. 2 Cf. Silvia Schroer, “Wise and Counselling Women in Ancient lsrael: Literary and Historical Ideals o f the Personified Hokma,” in A Feminist Companion to Wisdom Literature, ed. Athalya Brenner (England: Shcffield Academie Press, 1995), 68. 98 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity
As the Christian Scriptures testify to her, Mary is generally acknowledged to be a historical figure and, though insignificant, she has received widespread devotion from Christians since the early Christian period to the present day. In her role as Immaculate, Virgin, and Mother, Maiy is presented particularly in the Roman Catholic and Orthodox traditions as a hoiy, pious, and submissive handmaid, a lowly, docile, and self sacrifïcing woman. By attributing these idealized virtues to Mary, she is to a certain extent confined to the enclosure in the hierarchical patriarchal Catholic Church. By presenting such a model, women have been discriminated against and silenced and ignored of their presence, experience, and participation in Church and society.
Chapter three is a study of three representative figures from Judaism and Christianity: Divine Sophia, Jesus the ‘prophet of Divine Sophia’, and Mary, the mother of Jesus. It explores in detail the resistance possibilities which can lift dehumanizing structures of oppression against women. The discussion on the “inclusive” dimension of Divine Sophia in Wisdom Literature provides resources of resistance for the contemporary struggle of women for social justice. The hermeneutical interpretation on the inclusive character of Jesus’ mission and how Jesus can be imaged as the ‘prophet of Divine Sophia’ through his mission manifesto provides resources of resistance against socio-cultural, political, and religious structures of oppression. Moreover, women in Jesus’ tradition are seen as agents of transformation by resisting the structures of oppression and by reclaiming their liberation. This is seen, for instance, in his encounters with the Syrophoenician woman, with Martha of Bethany, with the Samaritan woman at the well, and with Mary Magdalene among others, all of which will be discussed here. Likewise, Mary, the mother of Jesus could be seen as a symbol of liberation for women. Going beyond the glorification of Mary in the Catholic Church, Mary could be a symbolic resource of resistance to structures of oppression, especially through her revolutionary song the Magnificat. Mary’s Magnificat offers motivation and inspiration to resist the present day devaluation and oppression against women and inspires them in turn to recognize their potential power to affirm their identity as resourcefïil women.
It is hoped that the contribution of contemporary theologians and scholars will contribute to a critical analysis and theological reflection in exploring resistance resources to enhance the development of women and girls. In this study on three traditions: Divine Sophia, Jesus, and Mary, an attempt is made to analyse how these three figures are seen as constantly resisting religious and social structures of oppression towards the enhancement of the people being 99 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity oppressed, with particular reference to patriarchal systems here. Therefore, the focus is on distinguishing the elements of oppression and devaluation and of the liberation of women. This distinction will help us to examine how Judaism and Christianity can be seen as contributing both to the oppression and liberation of women. Thus, the liberating resources from the perspectives of Judaism and Christianity can motivate women to ‘fight’ for justice with faith, with courage, and in defiance of oppressive social and religious systems in order to reclaim their rightful power.
2. Personification of Divine Feminine: Divine Sophia
In the first section the focus of study is on Divine Sophia, the personification of the Divine tèminine in the Hebrew Bible. The emergence and fimctions of Divine Sophia are analysed in the patriarchal context of monotheistic Judaism. This will help us to understanding why the Hebrew-Judaic community gave importance to the female figure as part of the divine. A fiirther discussion is on the oppressive and liberative dimensions attributed to Divine Sophia which have relevance for transforming the lives of women today. The help of the scholarly work of the biblical scholars Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Claudia V. Camp, and Silvia Schroer and others is sought in an attempt to explore empowering resistance resources in encountering Divine Sophia, the feminine image of God.
2.1. Personification of Divine Sophia in the Hebrew Bible
“Personified Wisdom appears for the first time in biblical writings from the period after the Babylonian exile.”3 Divine Sophia is the personification of wisdom and the concept’s grammatical form is feminine.4 She is named Sophia in Greek, Hohkma (Chokmah) in Hebrew, Sapiéntia in Latin, and is known as Lady Wisdom in the Wisdom Literature. The Buddhist concept of prajna, and the Sanskrit Hindu Scripture’s “Vedas” (knowledge) are closely related.5
Divine Sophia is the personification of the divine feminine and she comes across as a mythical figure in the Hebrew Bible. Here, the two terms ‘personification’ and ‘mythical figure’ could be explained in the following way. Firstly, personification denotes endowing nonhuman objects and abstract ideas with human characteristics. People give an expression to
3 Silvia Schroer, “The Book of Sophia,” in Searching the Scriptures: A Feminist Commentary, vol. II, ed. Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza (New York: Crossroad, 1994), 17. 4 Cf. Judith Ochshom, The Female Fxperience and the Nature o f the Divine (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1981), 158. 5 Cf. Grace Ji-Sun Kim, The Grace o f Sophia: A Korean North American Women’s Christology (Clevcland: The Pilgrim Press, 2002), 81-2. 100 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity their innermost desires which can be met only by the divine but in human terms, expressions, and symbols. The divine is represented not only by an abstract concept and transcendent figure but also the divine is presented as actively present in the life of people. Secondly, the term ‘mythological figure.’ Theologically, a myth is used to explain those events which cannot be explained in ordinary terms. A ‘myth’ communicates powerfully the transcendent in immanent form. “Mythology has a religious basis; it is rooted in the complex and mysterious passion of the human race to explain through symbols what it cannot justily through ideas.”6 The mythologies in religions have played a vital role in shaping the worldview of peoples. Thus, the Divine is not a distant figure but present in the here and now in human existence and human experience. In the Wisdom Literature, the mythical figure Divine Sophia is communicated by using human language and human characteristics, enriched by theological interpretation.
Why the Hebrew-Judaic community gave importance to the Divine feminine in the Wisdom literature7 can be seen from two perspectives. First, Divine Sophia emerged at a time when the Israelite monarchy was lost. The Israelite prophets thus invited the Jewish people to understand the mercy of God in a more universal way, expressed in the imagery of Divine Sophia setting a table and inviting people to a feast (Proverbs 9: 1-6).8 Schüssler Fiorenza has observed that the female imagery for Divine Sophia was placed against the social background of post-exilic Israël. This was a time when the ‘mighty acts of God’ on behalf of the chosen people seemed to have come to an end. Schüssler Fiorenza has pointed out that
the change from a monarchic, centrally-administrated society to a society oriented towards the needs and interests of families and extended households was positively expressed in the image of the ideal Israelite woman in Proverbs 31 and in the praise of Woman Wisdom who builds her cosmic house (Proverbs 9).9
The monarchy no longer existed after the exile, so Israël were no longer a nation ruled by a king but a community built up of families. The focus was on the house and the family rather than on the king and his court. This modification, from the patriarchal royal court to the domestic environment as the prime socio-religious context constituted a substantial impulse
6 C.P. Bhatnagar, The Crisis in Indian Society, 27. 7 The Wisdom literature in the Hebrew Bible consists o f seven books: Psalms, Proverbs, Job, the Song of Songs, Ecclesiastes, Wisdom o f Solomon, and Ecclesiasticus. The Wisdom of Solomon and I 'cclesiasticus are not ineluded in Jewish and Protestant biblical canons, but are retained among canonical books by the Roman Catholic Church. Cf. John H. Hayes, General Editor, Dictionary o f Biblical Interpretation, vol. II (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1999), 650. 8 Cf. Mary Grey, Introducing Feminist Images o f God (Shefficld: ShefBeld Academie Press, 2001), 103. 9 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Jesus, Miriam 's Child Sophia ’s Prop het: Critical Issues in Feminist Christology (London: SCM Press, 1995), 134. 101 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity
way: One embraces Wisdom (4:8) or conversely the bosom of the strange woman (5:20). One grasps Wisdom and Instruction (3:18; 4:13) or conversely one is grasped by the woman wily of heart (7:13). Wisdom and the adulteress are both to be found ‘in the streets’ or ‘in the marketplace’ respectively (1:20-21; 7:12). The teaching of the sage (1:5; 4:2; 9:9) is contrasted with the seductive speech of the adulteress (7:21). Both Wisdom and Folly offer bread at their respective banquets (9:5, 17). The imagery of water is used both to allure the young man to his own wife, namely to Wisdom (5:15-18) and to seduce him to Folly’s house (9:17). With either the wife (5:19) or the adulteress (7:18) man can fill himself with love (and with opposing consequences). Camp says that the negative possibilities which exist in the human realm can and only be combated by reference to an altemative path that is understood to have its origin with the divine. Thus, the strange woman and personifïed Wisdom function as literary devices used by the wisdom writers.25
Second, according to Claudia Camp, in the context of the whole Book of Proverbs, the interpretive stress on the ‘strange woman’ imagery in Proverbs 1-9 emphasizes the strange woman’s status as an adulteress. Camp points out that adultery in the context of the Wisdom Literature, was understood as a social disorder with religious implications—adultery is a disturbance of the order of social relations established by God. The woman of worth ‘fears God’ (31:30), while the strange woman forsakes ‘the companion of her youth’ and ‘forgets the covenant of her God’ (2:17). The young man is enjoined to ‘rejoice in the wife of his youth’ (5:18), lest he comes to the point of his utter ruin (5:14; 2:22; 7:27). Thus, personal, social, and religious implications are integrated in this one image of the ‘strange woman.’ Camp stresses that it is the poetry and editing that have fashioned this archetype and not something that existed in some ‘collective unconsciousness’ of Israel. It is only when the strange woman is interpreted as an adulteress that she has the capacity of disruption at all levels of existence. In this way, the strange woman becomes a metaphorical vehicle for the disruptive and chaotic forces that threaten the peace of an individual and of a society. The strange woman stands in direct antithesis to the afBrmation of life present in Wisdom’s - in Divine Sophia’s - allusions to the covenant of love between woman and man.26
2.2.2. Ambiguity of Female Roles
In the Book of Proverbs, Divine Sophia is seen as embodied in the ideal Jewish woman in her role as wife and mother. This positive paradigm is depicted in contrast to the bad wife.
25 Cf. Claudia V. Camp, Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book o fProverbs, 117-8 26 Cf. Ibid., 118-20. 106 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity
The “good” wife is the one who brings honour to her husband and she is described as the ‘crown’ of her husband (12:4a). She is described as gracious (11:16) and prudent (19:14). To be blessed with such a wife is a favour from God (18:22, 19:14). The ‘bad’ wife is regarded as “one who causes shame” (12:4b). She disgraces herself and her husband. She is also labelled as “loose woman.”27 The woman in Proverbs 7, for example, is described as a strange and an unfaithful wife. In Prov. 6:24-26 and 5:15-20 such a woman is identified as an adulteress. The ‘Strange Woman’ is the negative antitype of Wisdom, against whom the young man is wamed in lurid terms (2:16-19; 5:1-23; 6:24-35; 7:5-27).28
The needs and interests of families and extended households are positively met by the ideal Israelite woman in Proverbs 31:10-31.29 The woman is praised from “a male point of view, her economic initiative and business acumen are taken for granted.”30 The author of the Book of Wisdom identifies Divine Sophia as the spirit of prophecy: “in every generation she passes into holy souls and makes them friends of God and prophets” (7:27). “All good things came to me along with her, and in her hands uncounted wealth” (7:11). She is the teacher who leads the student to discipline, understanding and to moral life (8:6-7; 9:11), and divine wisdom is acquired through prayer—“Therefore I prayed, and understanding was given to me” (7:7). The femaleness of this divine figure is also linked with knowledge, rule, teaching counsel, the most exalted origins, the power to create, trustworthiness, salvation, guidance, virtue, and justice. Most of these characters are not ordinarily associated with the roles assigned to women in patriarchal societies.31
It can be argued that some images associated with women in the Hebrew Bible have impacted negatively on the real life situations of women in the past In the Jewish culture, a woman was controlled and guarded by her father up until the point of marriage. At marriage she became the property of the man her father had chosen to be her husband. At the death of her husband she is placed under the guardianship of her eldest son or must wait to see if one
27 Cf Phyllis Bird, “Images of Women in the Old Testament,” in Religion and Sexism: Images o f Woman in the Jewish and Christian Traditions, ed. Rosemary Radford Ruether, 57-8. 28 Harold C. Washington, “The Strange Woman of Proverbs 1-9 and Post-Exilic Judean Society,” in A Feminist Companion to Wisdom Literature, The Feminist Companion to the Bible 9, ed. Athalya Brenner (Sheffield: Sheffield Academie Press, 1995), 157. 29 Cf. Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Jesus Miriam’s Child, Sophia’s Prophet: Critical Issues in Feminist Christology, 134. 30 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, In Memory o f Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction o f Christian Origins (New York: Crossroad Publishing Company, 1983), 109. 31 Silvia Schroer, “The Book of Sophia,” in Searching the Scriptures: A Feminist Commentary, 25. 107 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity
of her husband’s brothers will many her.32 The ‘male’ was the authoritative fïgure in the life of a Jewish woman. Without man she had no existence, no identity of her own. Even today, Jewish males are taught to recite this daily prayer “Blessed Art Thou O Lord our God, King of the Universe, who has not made me a woman”.33 In this negative understanding, the concept of ‘male’ is considered holy, great, powerful, and resourceful, whereas woman is considered negatively, as created inferior, dependent, weak, who cannot exist without a man. Many scholars have demonstrated both the negative and liberative interpretations of the biblical concept of Divine Sophia in order to disassociate the Bible from oppressive structures and show it as meaningful and life enhancing. Important elements from this line of scholarship are taken into account in this analysis. This chapter further explores the liberative resources of Divine Sophia for the empowerment of women.
2.3. Empowering Resistance Resources
In the previous sections, the discussion centred on the personification of Divine Sophia and the elements of female devaluation in the Book of Proverbs. A further exploration of the liberative dimensions of Divine Sophia could be relevant for transforming the life of women today, and this is the sub-question stated in the general introduction of this study. The attempt to answer this question will be developed in three stages: Inclusive House of Divine Sophia, Empowering Functions of women, and Shekinah - Empowering Divine Feminine Presence.
2.3.1. Inclusive House of Divine Sophia
During the last two decades several scholars have rediscovered the treasures of Divine Sophia in diverse ways. As a theological concept, the feminine Divine Sophia has been truncated and suppressed at a number of different times in her histoiy. Though she is not a fully developed symbol in the Hebrew Scriptures, she is of considerable promise, rooted as she is in the biblical traditions.34 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza and Mary Grey affirm with Silvia Schroer that the figure of Divine Sophia seeks to integrate masculine and feminine elements into the image of God.35 Schüssler Fiorenza also highlights Schroer’s argument that “the discourse on personified Wisdom seeks to connect such an ‘inclusive monotheism’ with
32 Cf. Ivone Gebara and Maria Clara Bingemer, Mary: Mother of God, Mother of the Poor, trans. Phillip Berryman (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1989), 47. 33 Merlin Stone, When God was a Woman, 224. 34 Cf. Susan Cady, Marian Ronan and Hal Taussig, Sophia: The Future o f Feminist Spirituality (San Francisco: Harper& Row, Publishers, 1986), 79. 35 FJisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Jesus Miriam’s Child, Sophia’s Prophet, 134. See also, Mary Grey, Introducing Feminist Images o f God, 103. 108 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity the experience of women in Israël. She locates such reflective Wisdom theology in the social situation after the Exile in which women appear as religious subjects.”36
According to Schüssler Fiorenza, this inclusive monotheism is of great relevance for human inclusiveness, which is expressed in the imagery of Divine Sophia’s cosmic house without walls and her table set for all.37 The imagery of a ‘cosmic house’ of Divine Sophia in Wisdom Literature indicates that in Wisdom’s house all are welcome irrespective of class, colour, religion, and gender. There is no hierarchy, there are no religious boundaries, no male and female discrimination but all are free to leam and seek wisdom. There is no space for pride, arrogance, and perverted speech in Wisdom’s house (Pro. 8:13b). Wisdom rejoices with the creation of human beings. Her ‘delight’ communicates a vision of human wellbeing. Divine Wisdom manifests her vision for the realisation of human worth by inviting people to leam from her the ways of wisdom. She will unfold her wisdom ways along the way. She takes her public position on the heights, by the wayside, at the crossroads (Prov. 8:2), so that she will be seen and heard. She seeks out individuals where they usually congregate; all who wish can respond to her wisdom ways.38 Standing at the crossroads has its own significance. It is a place where people need more attention and direction in their quest for wellbeing. To heed the call of the Divine Wisdom at the crossroads signifïes urgency, right focus, and an attentive listening. Divine Wisdom manifests her agency and her potential power to direct people as well as her interest in the wellbeing of people. She shows people where the right way is.
Similar expressions can be found in the Book of the Prophet Jeremiah. In it the people were asked by Yahweh: “Stand at the crossroads and look, and ask for the ancient path, about the path of the good: then walk in it and find rest for your soul” (Jer. 6:16). Thus God advises his people to consider the various ways of life open to people, and having considered the various paths, to choose the right way. This invitation was similar to the invitation that was central to the covenant renewal ceremony (cf. Deut. 30:l-20).39 The people should reflect on the “ways of antiquity,” namely the way of life and faith walked by their ancestors, which was the way of covenant (cf. Ps.1). In the covenant ceremony the people would respond to the
36 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, .Jesus Miriam ’s Child, Sophia ’s Prophet, 134. 37 Cf. Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Wisdom Ways: Introducing Feminist Biblical Interpretation, 27. 38 Cf. M. Jack Suggs, Katharine Doob Sakenfeld, & James R. Mueller, eds. The Oxford Study Bible: Revised English Bible with the Apocrypha (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 659. 39 In the book of Deuteronomy Moses, addressing the people, says, “See, I have set before you today life and prosperity, death and adversity” (Deut. 30:15). Moses proposes the exercise of freedom and possibility. He also wams them about the effects of the choices. He encourages them to choose life and live. 109 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity
invitation positively whereas in the context of Jeremiah 6:16, the people said, “We will not walk in it.” The people refused to respond positively to the divine invitation.40 Thus the consequence of life or death, blessing or curse will depend on the choice people make for themselves.
2.3.2. Empowering Functions of Women
Silvia Schroer investigates Divine Sophia’s place in the literature and the life of ancient Israël in Divine Sophia’s role as a wise and counselling woman. Wisdom personified as a counselling woman can be a resource for contemporary women’s identity. Schroer asserts that women all over the world experience themselves in the role of a counsellor and an adviser— especially within marriage and family, in society and in political life as well. Schroer notes that the ancient and the modem women experience their counsel as being ignored by those in power. Therefore, women can find ideals in the women of ancient Israël who were filled with wisdom, and in the counselling of Divine Sophia. Wise, counselling women and counselling Divine Sophia strive for justice and particularly the promotion of life. Divine Sophia presents a programme for life by stating: “Whoever finds me finds life and obtains favour from the Lord; but those who miss me injure themselves; all who hate me love death” says Divine Sophia (Prov. 8:35-36).41 Schroer highlights empowering resources in Divine Sophia, saying, Divine Sophia “is linked to a multi-faceted image of God. She is a Creative figure, highly self- conscious, not too shy to praise herself. She can be inflamed with anger; she can insist on teaching her rules.”42 These characteristics of Divine Sophia become a source of empowerment for women to resist the negative stereotyped attributes assigned to them by society and religion, and could empower women to express their anger towards their dehumanizing situations and to affirm their potential power.
The prevailing socio-cultural and political powers are challenged by Divine Sophia in the Wisdom Literature. It is commonly accepted that societal structures have great power either to promote human life or to destroy it. According to Judith Ochshom, Divine Sophia “establishes herself as the source of all the secular authority of kings and those who rule with justice.”43 To those who consult her, she offers them nobility, prudence, truth, and justice. She
40 Cf. Peter C. Craigie, Page H. Kelley, and Joel F. Drinkard, Jr. Jeremiah 1-25, Word Biblical Commentary, vol. 26 (Dallas, Texas: Word Books, Publisher, 1991), 106. 41 Cf. Silvia Schroer, “Wise and Counselling Women in Ancient Israël: Literaiy and Historical Ideals of the personified Hokma,” 81. Ibid., 81-2. 43 Judith Ochshom, The Female Experience and the Nature o f the Divine, 158. 110 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity says, “By me kings reign, and rulers decree what is just; by me rulers rule, and nobles, all who govem rightly” (Prov. 8: 15-16). For instance, the Divine Wisdom instructed King Solomon to build the temple. She is shown as a wise guide to King Solomon in all his deliberations because she understands what is pleasing to the Lord and what is in accord with his commands (Wis. 9:8-11). In the Israelite king’s court, the role of counsellor was reserved for men, whereas Silvia Schroer has contended that Divine Wisdom takes on that counselling role because of the influence of the Ancient Egyptian goddess Maat who appeared as a feminine guide to rulers.44
Susan Cady et al. in Sophia: The Future of Feminist Spirituality emphasize that just as Sophia calls aloud in the streets, calling out wamings of disaster to those who are foolish to ignore her (Prov. 1 and 8), so women should be free to voice their anger and impatience with those who wrong them. In claiming their anger and directing it at those people and institutions who have sought to keep them invisible and powerless, women can open untapped stores of energy and vitality within themselves. Cady et al. argue that anger redirected brings with it the possibility of real change in society and in women’s lives.45 Thus, the resistance power of Divine Sophia can be drawn to the contemporary struggles of women for social justice. Sophia is a powerful symbol to resist the victimized position of women. In order to resist the powers of domination, women need to call on a power higher than the structural powers to motivate the victims for personal and social change.
2.3.3. Shekinah - Km po wering Divine Feminine Presence
The Divine feminine presence became experiential for the people of Israël in the form of Shekinah. ‘Shekinah ’ is a Hebrew word, meaning ‘that which dwells or resides’. The word as well as the concept, originated after the close of the Hebrew Canon. It is characteristic of Judaistic theology.46 It was used by the Jewish Rabbis in the fïrst or second century BCE to indicate God’s presence among the people of Israel. Shekinah depicts the visible expression or residence of God’s glory within the creation.47 It is “described as a special female way God being present.”48 Shekinah is feminine gender. Both in Hebrew and Aramaic, the gender of
44 Cf. Silvia Schroer, ‘Wise and Counselling Women in Ancient Israel: Literary and Historical Ideals of the Personified Hokma,” 70. 45 Cf. Susan Cady, Sophia: The Future o f Feminist Spirituality, 85. 46 Cf. J.J. Marshall, “Shekinah,” in Dictionary o f the Bible, eds. J. Hastings and John Alexandcr Selbie, vol. IV (Edinburgh: Clark, 1898-1904), 487. 7 Cf. Virginia Ramey Mollenkott, The Divine Feminine: The Biblical Imagery o f God as Female (New Yoik: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1983), 36. 48 Mary Giey, Introducing Feminist Images o fGod[ 36. 111 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity the subject plays a great role in the sentence structure.49 Shekinah is frequently used in Talmudic term signifying the visible and audible manifestation of God’s presence on earth.50 In this tradition, the female divine presence Shekinah was also manifested as God’s dwelling in the cloud of glory.51
In the Rabbinic literature, the title Shekinah was used to refer to God’s presence. “The word Shekinah does not appear in the Bible but the concept does.”52 The verb refers to God’s indwelling presence among the people of Israël, and more specifically to God’s presence in the Temple. Shekinah, the divine presence (Ex. 16:7-10; Lev. 9: 16, 23; Num. 14: 10, 16, 19, 42; 22.6) refers to the manifestation of the presence of God. The power of Presence through Shekinah is a power that offered direction to the Israelites in their wanderings. This power of Presence was a hope to them as Yahweh accompanied them throughout their life’s movements through Shekinah.53 God’s presence understood as Shekinah’s was real to them. They approached the concept of Shekinah as if it was a person. Through it they experienced the divine feminine amidst the daily realities of their life. The Talmudic period portrays Shekinah as the face of God and manifests itself to the created world, especially to Israel. The images that are related to her are: queen, bride, sister, daughter, wife, matron, mother, earth, sea, moon, field, orchard, and a host of other related feminine symbols. Shekinah is a channel through which divine efflux is transmitted to the created universe.54
Divine Sophia becomes accessible in Torah and thus she finds her true home among the people to whom Torah is given, the people of Israel. As Torah contains God’s precepts, Divine Sophia’s function is to guide people according to God’s will revealed in the Torah. Baruch also makes clear the immanence of Divine Sophia as “She is the book of the
49Raphael Patai, The Hebrew Goddess, 107. 50 Ibid., 96. 51 The Hebrew religion considered Yahweh as the God of heaven and earth. In times of storm God was very close and real to the Hebrews. They conceived of Jehovah as sitting on the storm cloud, He rode upon a cherub and even did fly (Ps. 18:10). The brilliance gleaming forth from the cloud was conceived to be due to the very presence of God. Cf. J.J. Marshal, ‘Shekinah’ in J. Hastings, Dictionary o f the Bible, Volume IV, 488. This was clear when God encountered Moses symbolically. Moses saw the Glory of the Lord fills the tabemacle like a cloud (Exod. 40:34-35; Numb. 9: 15-23). “The cloud covered the tent of meeting, and the glory of the Lord filled the tabemacle” (Exod. 40: 34). Moses was not able to enter the tent of meeting because the cloud settled upon it, and the glory of the Lord filled the tabemacle” (Exod. 40:35). “For the cloud of the Lord was on the tabemacle by day and fire was in the cloud by night, before the eyes of all the house of Israel at each stage of their joumey” (Exod. 40:38). Thus, for the Jews Shekinah was a tangible divine presence. 52 Virginia Ramey Mollenkott, The Divine Feminine: The Biblical Imagery o f God as Female (New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1983), 37. 53 Cf. Michael E. Lodahl, Shekhinah/Spirit: Divine Presence in Jewish and Christian Religion (New York: Paulist Press, 1992), 51. 54 Cf. H. Tirosh Samuelson, “Kabbalah,” in Dictionary o f Biblical Interpretation, Gen. ed. John H. Hayes, vol. II (Nashville TN: Abingdon Press, 1999), 2, 3. 112 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity
^ of God, the law that endures forever. All who hold her fast will live and % sak e her will die” (Baruch 4:1).* God’s compassion was revealed through 1 she accompanied the people of Israël into exile. H er presence was comforting, them direction and continually inviting them to retum to Yahweh and to remain to the covenant. It was also a symbol of God’s fidelity to the covenant and His loving ïpaniment in the life of His people. God was with them in every facet of their life’s Aey: in sufferingand in gladness, in struggles and in freedom, in disappointments and in pe. Shekinah wasa symbol whose meaning asserted that the Divine Sophia is present mong suffering humnity. The Hebrew Bible records Israel’s salvation joumey and, in this understanding, how h e k in a h accompanied the people along their joumey in their exiles, offering them comfe and motivation by her very presence. Thus, S h e k in a h refers to divine' presence in femininform, manifesting itself in clouds, in the Torah, in the temple, and
among the people of-ael. Though these are specific places, the concept of S h e k in a h implies that God’s presence pades everywhere. It suggests divine neamess and divine intimacy.56
2.4. The Visiftf Divine Sophia to Affirm Human Life
The empowering >n of Dlvine Sophia offers an inyitation affirm ^ ^ author of the Book of rbs states lhat Divine Sophia a ^ ^ ^ ^ who come to know her gain life Her ^ value js her assocjation ^ ^ ^ ^ life in her nght hand M . Divine W H u creaUo„ of ^ ^ ^ ^ genius“d Michelangelo T, ” f m t » „„ 57 KatWeen M. O’Connor, The Wisè. Grace Ji-Sun Kim, The Grace ofSoph ^ ° ' lef evlI,e’ Mrnn.: Liturgical Press, 1988), 74. See also 58 Flizabeth A Johnson, She Who Is. orth American Women’sChristology, 106-7. York Cro^road, 1997), 88. > *■ « Feminist Theological Discourse, Repr. (New 113 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity God to the poor but also made it experientially available to all through his miracles and minisby.72 Schüssler Fiorenza identifies historical theological discourses that seek to articulate the significance of Jesus with the help of the traditions of Divine Sophia. Her approach helps to see how the theological possibilities offered by Divine Sophia can be realized in history.73 Schüssler Fiorenza discusses how the early Christian theological discourses used the traditions of Divine Sophia to elaborate the theological significance of Jesus. She points out that some of the earliest traditions of the Jesus movement understood the mission of Jesus as that of a ‘prophet’ of Divine Sophia sent to proclaim that the Sophia-God is the God of the poor, the outcastes, and all those suffering from injustice. These early Jesus traditions interpreted the Galilean mission of Jesus as that of Divine Sophia. As Sophia’s messenger and prophet Jesus made experientially available God’s justice through his table fellowship, his miracles, and his ministry.74 Elizabeth A. Johnson, a Catholic feminist theologian, states that Wisdom Christology asserts that Jesus is Sophia in human form. Jesus as the Incamation of Divine Sophia or God’s Wisdom manifested the depth of divine mystery in his gracious saving presence in the world. Therefore, Wisdom Christology reflects the depths of the mystery of God and points the way to an inclusive Christology through female symbols.75 Elizabeth Johnson affirms that Jesus’ incamation is inclusive of all human beings irrespective of race, historical conditions or genders. She points out that Jesus’ ability to save does not reside in his maleness but in his loving, liberating presence in the midst of evil and oppression.76 Further, Grace Ji-Sun Kim, a Korean-American theologian, evaluates how Sophia is personified in Jesus through a discussion of Jesus’ identity as Sophia’s ‘prophet’ from the perspectives of the Gospels of Matthew and John, and from the writings of Paul. She says in the New Testament Jesus- Sophia offers grace and unconditional love to humanity through His prophetic mission. She points out that Sophia in Jesus invites everyone into full human existence. Jesus offers the fullness human existence through his inclusive mission, like that of Divine Sophia.77 Emphasizing the similarities between Divine Sophia and Jesus, Schüssler Fiorenza argues: “like Sophia, Jesus speaks in the revelatory “I am”—style, and with the symbolism of 72 Cf. Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Jesus Miriam‘s Child, Sophia's Prophet: Critical Issues in Feminist Christology, 140. 73 Cf. Ibid., 131-2. 74 Cf. Ibid., 139-40. 75 Cf. Elizabeth A. Johnson, She Who Is: The Mystery o f God in a Feminist Theological Discourse, 99. 76 Cf. Ibid., 167. 77 Cf. Gracc Ji-Sun Kim, The Grace o f Sophia: A Korean North American Women’s Christology, 114-124, see also John 10:10b “I have come that they may have life, and have it to the full.” 118 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity bread, wine, and living water s/he invites people to eat and drink. Like Sophia, Jesus proclaims his/her message aloud in public places. Like Sophia, Jesus is the light and life of the world. To those who seek and find her/him Sophia-Jesus promises that they will live and never die. Like Sophia, Jesus calls people and makes them his/her children and friends.”78 Like Sophia, Jesus is identified with the Torah. Those who seek him and find him are promised the gift of etemal life.79 These similarities explain Jesus’ prophetic mission being realized in history in its all-inclusive character and as a universal invitation to all to experience God’s unconditional love and justice. Moreover, Rosemary Radford Ruether claims that Jesus, as ‘prophet of Divine Sophia’ projects a new model for the transformation of life through innovative methods of resistance. She affirms that Jesus, the Wisdom teacher, goes beyond male-female stereotypes and upholds the dignity of each individual person. Ruether states that Jesus, as the Christ, the representative of liberated humanity, manifests the announcement of the new humanity through a lifestyle that discards hierarchal caste privilege and instead he speaks on behalf of the lowly.80 Elizabeth A. Johnson further emphasizes that Jesus spells out the reality of the gracious goodness and renewing power of Divine Sophia through his imaginative parables, compassionate healings, and his inclusive table community with the people most devalued and excluded by society: the tax collectors, sinners, and prostitutes. Jesus’ liberating words and deeds are the works of Divine Sophia or Divine Wisdom re-establishing the right order of creation.81 It is clear in this analysis of the interpretations of various scholars, how Jesus is portrayed as the prophet of Divine Sophia. The discussion on how Jesus in diverse ways made Divine Sophia present in and through his prophetic mission will be continued in the next section. Jesus employed empowering resistance methods to proclaim the God of all-inclusive love and he made God’s justice experientially available through his life and prophetic mission of liberation. 3.2. Jesus on Resistance Engagement Jesus’ use of the powers of resistance is analysed in this section. First, by focusing on two narratives: the threat to kill Jesus and the narrative of the temptation of Jesus. Second, how Jesus resists the structures of domination is highlighted by focusing on his theological 78 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Jesus: Miriam ’s Child, Sophia 's Prophet, 152. 79 Cf Grace Ji-Sun Kim, The Grace o fSophia: A Korean North American Women ’s Christology, 122. 80 Cf. Rosemary Radford Ruether, Sexism and God-Talk, Toward a Feminist Theology (Boston: Beacon Press, 1983), 137. 81 Cf. Elizabeth A. Johnson, She Who Is: The Mystery o f God in a Feminist Theological Discourse, 157. 119 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity discourses on divorce and resurrection. These discourses expose the exploitative patriarchal power structures of his day and emphasize the equality and dignity of men and women. Third, how Jesus resists violence against women is examined by emphasizing two narratives: Jesus’ healing of the woman bent over and the woman accused of adulteiy. These narratives illustrate multiple forms of violence against women which have contributed to the devaluation of and discrimination against women. Finally, how women reclaimed their own liberation through their resistance power is explored by reflecting on the encounter of Jesus with the unnamed Syrophoenician woman and the Samaritan woman at the well, with Martha of Bethany, and with Mary Magdalene. These women played a significant role in the mission of Jesus by affirming their own identity as women of dignity. 3.2.1. Jesus Displays Resistance Two narratives, the threat to kill Jesus when he was a child and the narrative of his temptation unfold the power of resistance to change the structures of oppression. These narratives present how Jesus encounters the structures of oppression before beginning his public ministry. According to the gospel of Matthew (Matthew 1:18-2:23) the birth of Jesus represented resistance against the kingly power of Herod. The ‘King of the Jews’ became a threat to King Herod, who was afraid for his own kingly position. In order to strengthen his position, he planned to kill the baby Jesus secretly in the guise of worship. As a result of failing to implement his plan, he ordered the infanticide in and around Bethlehem. A similar narration is found in the Book of Exodus, chapters one and two. Pharaoh, the king of Egypt was afraid of the Israelites who were numerous and powerful and thus they were a threat to his power. Therefore, Pharaoh commanded the Hebrew midwives Shiphrah and Puah to kill the male Hebrew babies when they assist as midwives to the Hebrew women. But Shiphrah and Puah feared God and they resisted the heinous crime of eliminating the male babies through their noncooperation with Pharaoh’s command. Moved by the matemal instinct to preserve life, Moses’ mother devises a means of hiding her child Moses. Pharaoh’s daughter took pity on the child realising that the child must be one of the Hebrew’s children who had resisted her father’s command. Moses’ sister, who was on the alert to see what would happen to the child, became the instrument through whom the child’s own mother is chosen once more to bring him up, though on behalf of Pharaoh’s daughter.82 Thus, women 82 Teresa Okure, “Women in the Bible,” in With Passion and Compassion: Third World Women Doing Theology, 53; Rekha M. Chennattu, “The Dignity of Women: Perspectives of the Christian Vision and Mission,” in Pro Dialogo, Pontificium Consilium Pro Dialogo Inter Religiones, 444-5. 120 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity challenged the patriarchal power structures by affirming and preserving human life through their resistance power. Charles L. Campbell in The Word be/ore the Powers discusses how Jesus’ mission begins to take shape with the temptation stories (Mt. 4:1-11; Mk. 1:12-13; andLk. 4:1-13). He points out that the temptation stories present the conflict between the way of God and the way of misuse power. First, Jesus refuses to use his power to secure his own survival. Jesus says ‘no’ to making his own survival the top priority and to using his power to meet his own needs. Second, Jesus refuses to use his power to establish a political empire grounded on the ways of the world—the ways of domination and violence. He says ‘no’ to the path of domination and violence. And third, Jesus refuses to use God for his own ends, to make God an instrument for his own success and popularity. He also says ‘no’ to idolatry.83 Thus, through the representation of his temptations, Jesus is presented in the synoptic gospels as rejecting earthly titles of honour and gloiy; he rejects the false motivation to misuse his powers to make an impression on people. In resisting his temptations, Jesus triumphs as victor of liberation and transformation, rather than succumbing to victimhood at the hands of the powers of oppression and domination. According to Luke, Jesus, filled with the power of the Spirit begins his prophetic ministry by proclaiming his message of liberation; read from the scroll of the prophet Isaiah (61:1-2) thus: “The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to bring good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim release to the captives and recovery of sight to the blind, to let the oppressed go free, to proclaim the year of the Lord’s favour” (Lk. 4:18-19). This “mission manifesto” of Jesus holds within its embrace the fullness of God’s love revealed to humankind especially to the marginalized sections of society, who have become victims of patriarchally dominant system which is exploitative and oppressive. Schüssler Fiorenza uses the term “kyriarchy,” to explain patriarchally dominant system. She says that “kyriarchy as a socio-cultural and religious system of domination is constituted by intersecting multiplicative structures of oppression.”84 Jesus proclaims liberation from the structural powers of oppression that seek to hold people captives to pride, power, and possession. Jesus, by placing persons before wealth and power, proclaims the jubilee year, in which wealth will be 83 Cf. Charles L. Campbell, The Word Before the Powers: An Ethic o f Preaching (Louisville, London: Westminster John Knox Press, 2002), 45-8. 84 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Wisdom Ways: Introducing Feminist Biblical Interpretation, 118. 121 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity redistributed and people will live free, as the accumulation and misuse of wealth distorts human life and serves as a source of violence against human beings.85 3.2.2. Jesus’ Mission of Resistance to Structures of Domination In the discussion of Jesus’ resistance to powers, an attempt is made to highlight the ways in which Jesus challenges the structures of domination through his life and his prophetic mission which are relevant to every age and nation. The public resistance movement of Jesus began with His ministry. Jesus’ message included what others have never taught: the inclusive character of God’s reign.86 It is important to note that Jesus not only resists the powers of the oppressive domination system which prevailed and continues to prevail in society, but offers an altemative which is liberative and aims at empowering the victims. For instance, the “Sermon on the Mount” presents the altemative system of liberation. Charles L. Campbell discusses how Jesus in his “Sermon on the Mount” presents the traditional teachings of the Old Testament with new value and new vision. In a series of eschatological blessings, Jesus proclaims that beatitudes in the new order belong not to those who lord their power over others through violent domination but to the “poor in spirit,” “those who moum,” “the meek,” “the merciful,” “the pure in heart,” “the peacemakers,” and even “those who are persecuted for righteousness sake.” In making these pronouncements, Jesus envisions a new order.”87 This new order Walter Wink calls “God’s Domination-Free Order.”88 Wink points out that Jesus announces this domination-free order to his audience. Most often the audience of Jesus’ preaching and teaching were the victims of social injustice, the poor, the women, the sinners, the social outcasts, and the sick. They were the victims of “dehumanizing treatment by the hierarchical system of class, race, gender, age, and status.”89 Campbell also emphasizes that Jesus’ “Sermon on the Mount” continues with the concrete practices of the new community. He observes that in this new community, reconciliation takes priority over vengeance (Mt. 5:21-26); women are no longer treated as objects or property (5:27-32); love of enemies and nonviolent resistance replace violent domination of the “other” 85 Cf. Charles L. Campbell, The Word Before the Powers: An Ethic o f Preaching, 50. 86 Cf. Virginia Fabella, "Christology from an Asian Woman's Perspective,” in We Dare to Dream: Doing Theology as Asian Women, eds. Virginia Fabella and Sun Alice Park (Hongkong: Asian women’s Resource Centre for Culture and Theology, 1989), 5. 87 Charles L. Campbell, The Word Before the Powers: An Ethic o fPreaching, 49. 88 Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discernment and Resistance in a World o f Domination (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1992), 107-37; Charles L. Campbell, The Word Before the Powers: An Ethic o f Preaching, 48-51. 89 Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discernment and Resistance ina World o f Domination, 176. 122 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity (5:38-48) and the desire for wealth is not the driving motivation of life (6:19-34).90 This new order Jesus envisions unfolds God’s all-inclusive love and compassion to humanity. Moreover, the new order Jesus preached was an inclusive community of disciples. The social outcasts, the sinners, the prostitutes, the poor, the tax collectors, all received a welcome in Jesus’ mission. They were the group of people who were marginalized because of their social status. They experienced injustice at socio-cultural and religious levels. Rosemary Radford Ruether comments that the prophetic ministry of Jesus entailed risks and challenges. She says that Jesus proclaims an iconoclastic reversal of the system of religious status: the last shall be first and the first last (Matthew 20:16). It is the outcasts of society — the publicans, the Samaritans, the sinners, and the prostitutes who are able to hear his message. This reversal of the social order aims at a new reality in which hierarchy and dominance are overcome as defïning principles for social relations.91 Jesus through his life and teachings becamé a revolutionary in transforming the structures of oppression. Two Markan dialogues on the patriarchal marriage structures (Mk. 10:2-9 and 12:18-27) analysed by Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza help to realize how Jesus held theological discourses to expose the exploitative patriarchal power structures in order to emphasize the equality and dignity of men and women. The texts are on the teaching about “divorcc” and “the resurrection.” Schüssler Fiorenza points out that in Mk. 10: 2-9, the question put before Jesus by some Pharisees was totally androcentric “Is it lawful for a man to divorce his wife?” The first exchange between Jesus and the Pharisees shows that divorce was allowed by Moses because of the men’s “hardness of heart,” that is, because of men’s patriarchal mind-set and reality. Schüssler Fiorenza emphasizes that as long as patriarchy is operative, one is not allowed to abolish it within the structures of patriarchy. However, in this passage, Jesus seems to insist that God did not create or intend patriarchy but created persons as male and female human beings. These two persons —man and woman — enter into a common human life and social relationship because they are created as equals. Therefore, what God has joined together in equal partnership, a human being should not separate.92 In the second text, Mk. 12:18-27, Schüssler Fiorenza critically questions patriarchal structures with reference to the eschatological future. The Sadducees who did not believe in the resurrection pointed out that belief in the resurrection cannot be harmonized with the 90 Cf. L. Campbell, The Word Before the Powers: An Ethic o f Preaching, 49. 91 Rosemary Radford Ruether, Sexism and God-Talk, Toward a Feminist Theology, 136. 92 Cf. Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, In Memory o f Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction o f Christian Origins, 143. 123 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity Torah’s commandment of “levirate marriage” (Deut. 25:5-10). Schüssler Fiorenza points out that the law of levirate marriage served the purpose of continuing the patriarchal family, by securing its wealth and the inheritance within it. It was a concern of great importance for the Sadducees, many of whom were upper class priests, rich landowners living in Jerusalem. They profited both from the fees due to them as priests and those due to them from the tenants who worked on their land. Jesus’ response states that the Sadducees did not know either the Scriptures or the power of God, because they did not realize that marriage does not exist in heaven, either for men or for women. At the resurrection people will neither marry nor are given in marriage; they will be like the angels in heaven (Mark 12: 25).93 The critical evaluation of the above mentioned Markan dialogues by Schüssler Fiorenza makes plain the patriarchal power structures operative in culture and religion which legitimize domination by men over women. These dialogues also unfold how these power structures are challenged by Jesus by his emphasizing of the value of the dignity and equality of men and women. The challenging teachings, life style, and mission of Jesus presented a threat to the established social and religious order. Jesus, taking his option for humanity as his point of departure directed strategies against the dehumanizing ‘laws’ found in the power structures. Therefore, he constantly reacted against all types of injustice and oppression.94 The Gospels also portray Jesus as ready to challenge oppression in the strongest terms in his speech and in his actions; for instance, Jesus cleanses the temple (Mk. 11:15-19) of all the money changers who represented a system whereby people were being fïnancially oppressed even in their compliance with religious regulations and laws. Jesus used strong words to condemn the scribes and the Pharisees for their hypocritical ways. He did not oppose their acts of righteousness such as, fasting, praying, and almsgiving but he condemned their use of these acts of righteousness to elevate themselves and condemn others (Mt. 23:13-36).95 Jesus’ teachings and deeds brought him into conflict not only with the Jewish religious authorities but also with the Roman authorities. Jesus denounced their hypocrisy, oppression, and misuse of power.96 The Pharisees confronted Jesus for not conforming to the tradition of washing hands before meals, for not following the Sabbath laws, for claiming to be the Son of 93 Cf. Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, In Memory o f Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction o f Christian Origins, 143-4. 94 Cf. George Therukattil, “Jesus’ Conirontation with the Violence of Legalism,” Jeevadhara, A Journal for Socio-Religious Research XLI, no. 243 (May 2011): 200. 95 Cf. Ibid, 196-7. 96 Cf. Virginia Fabella, "Christology from an Asian Woman's Perspective,” in We Dare to Dream: Doing Theology as Asian Women, eds. Virginia Fabella and Sun Alice Park, 6. 124 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity God, for claiming to have authority to forgive sins. They also confronted him for associating freely with sinners, the women, the lepers, and the outcasts. Jesus’ very presence and his preferential love for the poor and the marginalized and his association with them presented a threat to them. They, therefore, sought to eliminate him and finally sentenced him to death by crucifixion. The challenging principle “love of enemies” (Mt. 5:43-48) was translated in Jesus’ life by his unconditional forgiveness on the cross “Father, forgive them; for they do not know what they are doing” (Lk. 23: 34). Thus, the gospels present how Jesus resisted all types of injustice and oppression against the marginalized people because of his understanding and consciousness of his mission as he was sent by his Father to proclaim the good news of liberation. Jesus’ words and actions have a meaning that goes beyond the specific context in which they were expressed. The power of Jesus’ words and actions carried the message of unconditional love, compassion, forgiveness, and justice. Jesus’ birth, life, death, and resurrection are the supreme events of resistance to the oppressive structures operative in the world. Jesus resisted the structures of oppression under which people have become carriers of the heavy burdens of the cultural and religious laws placed on their shoulders in order to offer them freedom and new life. He showed to his disciples that he has come not to be served but to serve, by symbolically washing the feet of his disciples (John 13: 1-17). Jesus in his mission manifested how God who sent him and whom he experienced as the intimate parent (Abba) is to be found and served in one’s neighbor (Luke 10:25-37). While he identified himself with the poor, the sinners, the women, the Samaritans, he challenged whatever was dehumanizing in the society. 3.2.3. Resistance Resources in Jesus’ Encounter with Women The inferior status attributed to women in the patriarchal contexts of religion and society is a universal phenomenon which is one of the reasons for the oppression against women. The situation for women in the patriarchal context of Jesus’ time was oppressive. The women were not recognized as human persons with equal dignity like the males. The women in Palestine were excluded from social and public life. They were denied their physical presence, their words did not count, and they were also treated as objects and often misused sexually.97 There was also discrimination against women in the temple. They were treated in the same 97 Cf. Shalini Mulackal, “Violence against Women and a Jesuan Response,” Jeevadhara, A Journal for Socio- Religious Research XLI, no. 243 (May 2011): 226-7. 125 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity way as slaves with regard to the obligations of prayer.98 Jesus approached women with respect, understanding, compassion, and acceptance. Although, the Jewish women were not to speak to men in public, Jesus conversed freely with women (see Jesus’ encounter with the woman at the well—Jn. 4: 4-42 and with the Syrophoenician woman—Mk. 7: 24-30). A woman was to touch no man but her spouse; Jesus was touched by women, and he touched them (a woman suffering from hemorrhage—Mk. 5: 25-34; Jesus healing Simon’s mother-in- law—Mk. 1: 29-31; Jesus healing a crippled woman—Lk. 13: 10-17; the healing of Jairus’ daughter—Mk. 5: 21-24a, 35-43; the woman who anointed Jesus’ feet—Lk. 7: 36-50)." Jesus respected women, recognizing them as persons of worth. Some women also accompanied Jesus in his mission and provided for him out of their resources (Lk. 8: 1-3). Two narratives further describe in detail diverse elements of Jesus’ resistance to the oppressive systems pitted against women: first, Jesus’ healing of a crippled woman who was bent for eighteen years (Lk. 13:10-17); and second, Jesus’ encounter with the woman accused of adultery (Jn. 8: 3-11). These two narratives highlight multiple forms of violence against women that have become part of women’s experience of discrimination. In the first narrative, Walter Wink presents how Jesus challenged the powers of domination by taking the initiative to heal the woman who was bent over. Wink says that in eveiy action performed by Jesus in this narrative, a specifïc form of violence is symbolized which prevailed in Jewish society: Jesus addresses her as “daughter of Abraham.” As women were considered being saved through their men, to call her “daughter of Abraham” was to make her a fully-fledged member of the covenant and of equal standing before God and people. Jesus heals the woman on the Sabbath. To heal her on a Sabbath was to liberate the Sabbath and make it a jubilee of release and restoration. To touch her was to revoke the holiness code with its male scruples about menstrual uncleanness and making supposedly sexual advances. To speak to her in public was to discard men’s restraints on women’s freedom, restraints bom of sexual possessiveness and the labelling of women as seducers. To place her in the midst of the synagogue was to challenge the male monopoly on the means of grace and access to God. To assert that her illness was not a divine punishment for sin, but an illness which stemmed from satanic oppression, was to declare war on the entire domination system, whose driving spirit is satan.100 The text continues. The synagogue ruler was angiy 98 Cf. Tissa Balasuriya, The Eucharist and Human Liberation (London: SCM Press, 1977), 56. 99 Cf. Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discernmerti and Resistance in a World o f Domination, 129. 100 Cf. Ibid., 129. 126 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity because Jesus healed her on the Sabbath. When the synagogue ruler rebukes the woman publicly, Jesus defends her (Lk. 13: 14-16). Thus, Jesus challenges the oppressive patriarchal system of domination by emphasizing the powers of resistance with its potential for liberation and transformation. The second narrative is Jesus’ liberating approach to a woman condemned for sexual perversion. For example, the Scribes and the Pharisees brought the woman who had been accused of the act of adultery (Jn. 8:1-11). The men who brought the woman before Jesus did not accuse the man for his immoral behaviour rather they only condemned the woman and treated her as an object. Jesus challenges the self-righteous Scribes and Pharisees by exposing the self-deception of the males by saying “let the one who has no sin cast the stone first.” He reveals the truth of how men oppress women by treating them as objects for their sexual gratifïcation and escape punishment from the Jewish authorities, while women are condemned. Jesus radically redefmes what constitutes lust and adultery and counters the self- righteousness of men who see themselves as technically free of adultery under the Law but who continue to treat women as sexual objects. The unconditional love and compassion of Jesus transforms the woman as he tells her to “sin no more.” Thus, Jesus addressed the problem of violence against women by accepting them as persons of worth.101 3.2.4. Women Reclaim Liberation through Resistance The discussion of the role of four women who reclaimed their liberation by resisting the structures of oppression is vital: the Syrophoenician woman, the Samaritan woman at the well, Martha of Bethany, and Mary Magdalene. These four narratives attempt to disclose the powers of resistance to address male dominated structures that deny fiill humanity to women in the church and society because of gender discrimination. First: The Syrophoenician woman (Mk. 7:24-30): Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza shows how the story of the Syrophoenician woman brings out Jesus’ inclusive mission of liberation. The woman is characterized ethnically and culturally as a gentile. Her daughter is in bondage to evil and she expects liberation from Jesus. The woman exposes the powers of domination set up by religious authorities and the cultural boundaries and enmities which exist between two cultures. Schüssler Fiorenza points out that the woman takes up Jesus’ parabolic image of the “table-children-housedogs” and uses it to argue against him. The woman argues that the 101 Cf. Shalini Mulackal, “Violence against Women and a Jesuan Response,” 232; Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discernment and Resistance in a World o fDomination, 132. 127 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity gracious goodness of the God of Jesus is abundant enough to satisfy not only the Jews but also the gentiles. Schüssler Fiorenza observes that the power of the Kingdom of God liberates not only the “children” of Israel but also the woman-child who, as a female and as a gentile is doubly polluted and subject to the “bondage” of ritual impurity. She argues that the Syrophoenician woman makes a theological argument against limiting the inclusive messianic table community of Jesus to Israel alone in her dialogue with Jesus. Schüssler Fiorenza points out that such a theological argument is placed in the mouth of the woman as a sign of the historical leadership women had in opening up Jesus’ movement.102 Second: The dialogue between Jesus and the Samaritan woman at the well (Jn. 4:4-42): The Gospel of John presents women playing significant leadership roles in various narratives: for instance, Maiy, the mother of Jesus (Jn. 2: 1-11), the Samaritan woman (Jn. 4: 4-42), Mary and Martha (Jn. 11-12), and Mary Magdalene (Jn. 20). The narrative of the Samaritan woman’s dialogue with Jesus takes the main focus. The woman was considered impure by the Jews because she was a Samaritan. Moreover, she had a scandalous marital status. The request of Jesus in 4:7b: “give me a drink” is questioned by the woman in 4:9: “How is it that you, a Jew, ask a drink of me, a woman of Samaria?” The woman has the ability to give water to Jesus, but the question she raises, challenges the religious association between the Jews and the Samaritans as well as the social association between men and women.103 The physical need of water of Jesus, used by him to bring living water to her quenches and awakens her inner self. Through this encounter, Jesus reveals himself as the source of life, the giver of living water (v.14), the new and true worship (v. 24), the revelation of God as Spirit (v. 24), and as the Messiah (v. 26).104 Jesus does not speak to her about her sexuality rather he makes her realize that her body is the dwelling place of God.105 Both Jesus and the Samaritan woman overthrow the social and religious prohibitions with regard to the interaction between Jews and the Samaritans and between men and women. Empowered by the encounter with Jesus, she became an instrument to proclaim the message of liberation to her village. “The 102 Cf. Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, In Memory o f Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstrtiction o f Christian Origins, 137-8. 103 Cf Rekha M. Chennattu, “Biblical Women as Models of Theologizing,” VJTR 73, no. 9 (September 2009): 679. 104 Cf. Shalini Mulackal, “Violence against Women and a Jesuan Response,” 229-30. 105 Cf. Rosy Thampy, Feminine Spirituality: Essays on Soliloquies o f the Feminine Soul, trans. Sebastian Thottippatt (Mumbai: St. Paul’s Publications, 2011), 88. 128 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity transforming effect of her apostleship is marked by the whole-hearted response of the people from Sychar.”106 Teresa Okure, the biblical scholar asserting the role of the Samaritan woman in the mission of Jesus highlights the similarity between the narrative of Jesus sending 72 disciples ahead of him into the cities that he was to enter on his way to Jerusalem (Luke 10:1-12) and the Samaritan woman prepared her people for Jesus to enter her city. Many Samaritans initially believed in Jesus because of the woman’s testimony (Jn. 4: 39). Okure emphasizes that the woman’s role, like that of all disciples is relative, but necessary.107 Gabriele Dietrich has pointed out that this woman “transcends the confines of community and religion.”108 Third: Martha of Bethany (Lk. 10: 38-42, Jn. 11: 1-44): Allie M. Ernst in her scholarly work Martha from the Margins takes Martha out from the kitchen into the Church by presenting her as a woman who wholeheartedly participated in the mission of Jesus and who played diverse roles indicative of her collaboration with Jesus’ mission. The interaction between Jesus and Martha in two diverse contexts—the hospitality shown to Jesus in the home of Martha and Mary of Bethany and the raising of Lazarus in the Gospel of John show Martha’s resistance towards the stereotype roles assigned to women, and she provides a space for Jesus to enter into dialogue in such contexts. Ernst discusses the meaning of ‘dia/coma’, or, service, as pertaining to Martha based on the text Lk. 10:38-42. Ernst says that the act of welcoming the messenger and that of receiving the message are both equally important as respectively represented in Martha and Mary. Traditional readings of this text renders a gender bias attributing to women’s 'diakonia, ’ a role limited to table service and to men’s ‘d iakon iaa role encompassing being commissioned and sent.109 Ernst seeks to promote equality between men and women in the understanding of ministry in the church. Walter Wink’s interpretation about the role of Mary of Bethany listening to Jesus emphasizes that women are open to reading Torah and listening to God’s message, which was forbidden to women. To teach women Torah is to break down the division between male superiority and female inferiority. It is to threaten the whole 106 Rekha M. Chennattu, “Biblical Women as Models of Theologizing,” in VJTR 73, no. 9, (September 2009): 682. 107 Xejesa Okure, “The Mother of Jesus in the New Testament: Implications for Women in Mission,” in Journal o fIrwulturation Theology 2, no. 2 (October 1995): 197. 108 Gabriele Dietrich, A New Thing on Earth: Hopes and Fears facing Feminist Theology (Delhi: ISPCK, 2001), 106. 105 Cf. Allie M. Ernst, Martha from the Margins: The Authority o f Martha in Early Chrïstian Tradition (Leiden: Brill, 2009,181. 129 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity apparatus of male dominance, in which reading and interpreting Torah was the male prerogative. This attitude has arguably prevailed throughout the history of the Church in denying women the role of ministerial priesthood, according to Wink.110 In the context of the raising of Lazarus, Martha evidently plays a prominent role as she expresses her anger to Jesus for visiting them, four days after Lazarus’ death. She nevertheless also confesses her faith in Jesus that He is the Messiah, the Son of God who can bring to life her brother Lazarus. Ernst attempts to fïnd a link between the raising of Lazarus and the resurrection of Jesus with a view to re-interpret Martha.111 Fourth: The role of Mary Magdalene in Jesus’ mission (Jn. 20:11-18): According to the Gospel of John, Mary Magdalene was the first one to receive the vision of the Resurrected Jesus. Jesus commissions her to proclaim the Good News of his resurrection to his disciples. Therefore, Mary Magdalene became the first apostle chosen by the Risen Lord to announce to the disciples that He is Risen (Jn. 20: 11-18). This challenges any male monopoly of Jesus’ mission-the domineering and false claim that only men are invited into Jesus’ ministiy. The inclusiveness of women in Jesus’ life and mission was a resistance towards the existing male monopoly over the Jewish religion. In a culture where women’s witness had no value, Jesus challenges such a mentality.112 Paul does not mention any single woman as the witness to the resurrection. He only says that the risen Jesus appeared first to Peter in relation to the twelve (1 Cor. 15:3-8) whereas three of the Gospels give the narration that the first witnesses of the resurrected Jesus were Mary Magdalene and the other women with her.113 In the vast majority of churches dominated by male hierarchy, women are marginalized and denied the full participation in the Church’s mission. The right to speak publicly about ordination of women is denied in the Catholic Church. Pope John Paul II in his Apostolic Letter Ordinatio Sacerdotalis presents the position of the Catholic Church’s reservation of priestly ordination to men alone. He stresses the reasons stated by Pope Paul VI: “the example recorded in the Sacred Scriptures of Christ choosing his Apostles only from among men; the constant practice of the Church, which has imitated Christ in choosing only men; and her living teaching authority which has consistently held that the exclusion of women from the priesthood is in accordance with God’s plan for his uu Cf. Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discemment and Resistance ina World o f Domination, 130-1. 111 Cf. Allie M. Ernst, Marthafrom the Margins: The Authority ofMartha in Early Christian Tradition, 36-7. 112 Cf. Shalini Mulackal, “Violence against Women and a Jesuan Response,” 227. 113 Cf. Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discernment and Resistance ina World o f Domination, 132-3. 130 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity Church.”114 There has been monopolizing of clerical power in the name of the ordained ministry in the history of the Church which resulted in the discrimination of women of their presence and participation in the mission of Jesus through the Church. T. Balasuriya, Sri Lankan Catholic priest and theologian, points out that women participated fiilly in the Jesus community. With this in mind, many ask why women cannot share in the leadership pattems of the Church, including in priesthood. Balasuriya says that the present theological position against the ordination of women is partly due to a descending theology. The argument is: Jesus is male, therefore only males can represent the divine principle in the Church. Balasuriya asserts that priesthood is a spiritual function and not a biological one. In a patriarchal society the fact that the scriptures have been traditionally interpreted by males only demonstrates discrimination against women. Therefore, what we need is a new understanding of the Church as a community of women and men based on partnership, mutuality, and reciprocity.115 By presenting the active role of women in dialogue with Jesus in his mission, an attempt is made to take their voices from the margins of oppression towards the liberation of women. It is significant to note the response of women in Jesus’ tradition to reclaim their own liberation by resisting the structural powers of domination. In particular, the diverse roles played by the four women in Jesus’ prophetic mission, Syrophoenician woman, the woman at the well, Martha of Bethany, and Mary Magdalene show that the “women emerged as exemplary disciples and apostolic witnesses.”116 The significant roles played by women in the above narratives exposes the cultural and religious structures of oppression against women which have relevance to every culture and religion. Women are seen as interacting with Jesus in mutual respect, support, comfort, and challenge.117 The resistance power these women exhibited demonstrates how women resisted structures of oppression and reclaimed their liberation by participating in the mission of Jesus. The dehumanizing situation of women prevalent in Jesus’ time are present even today in diverse forms. Thus, women reclaiming their liberation in their encounter with Jesus present a vision of liberation of women and the powers women are endowed with towards their own enhancement. 114 Pope John Paul II, Ordinatio Sacerdotalis, Apostolic Letter to the Bishops of the Calholic Church on Reserving Priestly Ordination to Men Alone, Vatican, May 22,1994, n. 1. 115 Cf. Tissa Balasuriya, “Mary and Human Liberation,” Logos 29, nos. 1 & 2, March/July 1990, 170-1. 116Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza,//! Memory o f Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction o f Christian Origins, 326. 117 Cf. Elizabeth A. Johnson, She Who Is: The Mystery o f God in a Feminist Theological Discourse, 157. 131 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity 3.3. Elements of Oppression and Liberation in Jesus’ Tradition This section examines elements of oppression and liberation in Jesus’ tradition from two perspectives: first, how the interpretation of the imagery of Jesus as “Suffering Servant” glorifïes human sufferings. Such interpretation can be seen as perpetuating oppression against human beings especially of women is necessary to analyse. That will lead to the liberating dimension of Jesus’ sufferings and death which also can be seen as resistance towards the structures of domination powers. Second, practical conclusions are drawn by exploring resources of liberation to address the issue of FF and FI from this study on Jesus’ tradition. 3.3.1. Jesus as “Suffering Servant” — Elements of oppression and Resistance Suffering can be used an “opium for the oppression of Asian women” says Korean Christian theologian Chung Hyun Kyung.'18 The idea that Jesus died for our sins is reflected throughout the Scriptures. In the Gospels and in Church’s teachings, Jesus is presented as one who was obedient and patiënt to endure sufferings and fïnally his death on the cross. Marie F. Fortune points out that sometimes Jesus’ crucifixion is misinterpreted as being a model for promoting suffering rather than defeating it. The cross and suffering of Jesus are presented to believers so that they experience comfort in their sorrow; strength in their pain; faith in their humble acceptance of God’s will in their sufferings; and hope for the future resurrection. Believers should bear their own crosses without complaint in some misplaced notion of ïmitatmg• • • Jesus. 119 Chung Hyun Kyung in Struggle to be the Sun again notes that the church’s teachings about Jesus’ sufferings and death are presented as the model of imitation for Asian women. She says that the church’s teachings demand women to be obedient and patiënt as Jesus was to his heavenly father. As Christians, when they go through sufferings, they too like Jesus will have resurrection.120 Misinterpretation of Jesus’ suffering, and what it means for us however, can have negative consequences. Chung presents a story about a Korean Sunday school teacher, a victim of domestic violence who shared her experience of death and resurrection of the self in front of the entire congregation. The woman said that she experienced God’s love through the judgment of her husband when her life was saved from the violent attack of her husband during their argument. She then believed and accepted that as a wife she had to obey 118 Chung Hyun Kyung, Struggle to be the Sun Again: Introducing Asian Women’s Theology, (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1990), 54. 119 Cf. Marie F. Fortune, “The Transformation of Suffering: A Biblical and Theological Perspective,” in Christianity, Patriarchy andAbuse: A Feminist Critique, eds. Joanne Carlson Brown and Carole R. Bohn, 145. 120 Cf. Chung Hyun Kyung, Struggle to be the Sun Again: Introducing Asian Women ’s Theology, 5 5. 132 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity her husband’s judgment as God’s will. She concluded her statement with: “There have been no arguments and only peace in my family after I nailed myself on the cross and followed God’s will.” The congregation responded to her with a very loud “Hallelujah!”121 In this way, the hard teachings of Jesus’ suffering on the cross colonize people’s mind in negative and theologically incorrect ways, leading them to develop attitudes that have a negative impact on their lives. Women endure sufFerings for the sake of peace in the family and their silent suffering kills them slowly. Thus, the incorrect interpretation of Jesus’ suffering contributes to subjugate women under male power, and women accept sufferings in their abusive relationships as “God’s Will.” Women in particular are the victims of the structures of domination as they are expected to sacrifice their lives for the sake of their family. In the daily experience of women, suffering is attached to obedience. To a greater or lesser extent the victimization of women is perpetuated by the church and society, where women have been assigned the sufifering-servant role. Feminist theologian Maiy Daly states that “the qualities that Christianity idealizes, especially for women, are also those of a victim: sacrificial love, passive acceptance of suffering, humility, meekness, etc. Since these are the qualities idealized in Jesus “who died for our sins,” his functioning as a model reinforces the scapegoat syndrome for women.”122 In this way, Jesus’ sufferings are wrongly used to encourage women that they must leam to sacrifice themselves in the family and accept violence silently. Therefore, women victims look at the innocent Jesus who suffered for them and for the salvation of the world. They identify their sufferings with that of Jesus. Charles L. Campbell appraising various characters involved in Jesus’ passion observes human complicity in eliminating Jesus in order to maintain the dehumanizing structures of religious and cultural powers. He says that Pilate seeks to “wash his hands” of Jesus’ death because the political powers held him captive and to ensure survival in office and the continuation of his rule he goes to the extent of condemning Jesus to death. The Jewish religious authorities are captive to institutions, religious laws, and powers. They refuse to understand the power and wisdom of God. The crowd that cries out for Jesus’ cmcifixion is captive in the hands of political and religious powers.123 Campbell fiirther highlights that because of the cooperation of the crowd with evil powers, the system of domination and 121 Cf. Chung Hyun Kyung, Struggle to be the Sun Again: Introducing Asian Women ’s Theology, 122. 122 Maiy Daly, Beyond God the Father: Toward a Philosophy o f Women’s Liberation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1973), 77. 123 Cf. Charles L. Campbell, The Word Before the Powers: AnEthicofPreaching, 58-9. 133 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity oppression is maintained and sustained. However, Jesus reflises to defend himself through violent means which leads to his crucifïxion. The response of Jesus presents his most profound challenge to the powers of domination and his witness to and embodiment of God’s reign. Campbell states that when the powers of domination are threatened, the response of powers of domination is to do away with the threat through violence and death. Jesus’ experience was no exception. 124 Through the cross, God is revealing a new way. Jesus’ passion and death on the cross challenges the oppressive domination system. “Jesus died because he was a radical who challenged the unjust systems under which he lived.”125 Jesus constantly resisted the structures of domination of religious and cultural powers of his time which made people’s burden too heavy to bear. Jesus died for justice, for doing good, for taking sides with the poor, the sick, the sinners, the women, and the children. He died for his courage to condemn the religious and social evils that imposed sufferings on others. Walter Wink states that in his death Jesus challenged the entire System of Domination. He emphasizes that the cross exposes humanity’s complicity with the powers that destroy life. Those powers of oppression were unable to make Jesus become what they wanted him to be or stop being who he was. Wink asserts that Jesus was able to live out to the fullest what was God’s will for him. He chose to die rather than compromise with violence.126 To sum up, Jesus chose to live a life of opposition to unjust and oppressive systems. He chose integrity and faithfulness. He chose the liberation of the marginalized from the structures of oppression.127 Charles Campbell states that Jesus in his sufferings invites us “not to suffer for the sake of suffering but to bear the suffering that may come when we stand in solidarity with the victims of the powers and engage in nonviolent resistance against their oppression.”128 Seen from the perspective of the victims, Jesus reinforces the courage in victims of violence to voice out their oppression and not just silently succumb to it; not to 124 Cf. Charles L. Campbell, The Word Before the Powers: An Ethic o f Preaching, 59. Marie F. Fortune reflects Jesus’ crucifixion as voluntary suffering as Jesus refused to give up his commitment and he voluntarily accepted the consequence of death. Marie F. Fortune, “The Transformation of Suffering: A Biblical and Theological Perspective,” in Christianity, Patriarchy andAbuse: A Feminist Critique, 140. 125 Joanne Carlson Brown and Rebecca Parker, “For God So Loved the World?” in Christianity, Patriarchy and Abuse: A Feminist Critique, 26. 126 Cf. Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discernment and Resistance ina World o fDomination, 140-1. 127 Cf. Joanne Carlson Brown and Rebecca Parker, “For God So Loved the World?” in Christianity, Patriarchy andAbuse: A Feminist Critique, 27. 128 Charles L. Campbell, The Word Before the Powers: An Ethic o fPreaching, 64. 134 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity cooperate with evil powers that dominate over them but consciously refiise to obey those powers of oppression even if their life has to be sacrificed. 3.3.2. Relevance of Resistance in the Context of FF and FI From this study on Jesus’ tradition, the issue of FF and FI is addressed in the following analysis. As women are directly involved in the act of FF and FI in an environment of struggle due to domestic violence, it is important to motivate women towards their worth and reinforce their power to affirm their life and the life of their daughters. First: In Engaging the Powers, Walter Wink demonstrates the revolutionary power of Jesus’ third way. It is a way of active nonviolent engagement in pursuit of liberation struggles. In Mt. 5:38-42 conceming retaliation Jesus presents: “turn the other cheek”; “give the cloak”; “go the second mile” thus he challenges the victim not to resist evil. Jesus presents these as not rules to be followed legalistically, but examples to spark an infinite variety of Creative responses in new and changed circumstances. It means not to continue being oppressed and not to react violendy to it either. Rather, to find a third way, a way that is neither submission nor assault, neither flight nor fight, a way that can secure one’s human dignity and begin to change the power equation.129 Wink also says that these Creative responses break the cycle of humiliation with humour and even ridicule, exposing the injustice of the ‘system’. It can force the oppressors to see their injustice in a new light and thus usher in the possibility of transformation.130 Wink argues that “One cannot pass directly from “Flight” to “Jesus’ Third Way.” One needs to pass through the “Fight” stage, if only to discover one’s own inner strength and capacity for violence. One need not actually become violent, but one does need to own one’s fury at injustice and care enough to be willing to fight and, if necessaiy, die for its eradication. Only then can such a person freely renounce violence and embrace active nonviolence.”131 VAWG begins when the baby girl is in the womb, within a family which is supposed to give security and care to a baby-girl. Mother Teresa cautioning on abortion says, “If a child is not safe in her mother’s womb, where else in the world will she be safe?”132 Pope Francis denounces abortions as a “frightful” symptom of today’s “throw-away culture” and invites 129 Cf. Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discernment and Resistance ina World o fDomination, 185. 130 Cf. Ibid, 185. 131 Ibid, 187. 132 Quote taken from Nirmala Carvalho, “The Example of Mother Teresa, against Female Sex-Selection Abortions in India,” Asia News, 04 September 2012. 135 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity people to a culture of life. It is a challenge to be pro-life by affirming one’s dignity and addressing the violent situation with fearlessness and noncooperation with an evil system. Second: The unheard voice of innocent female babies who are denied life carries power of resistance and transformation. As Jesus’ death on the cross exposes humanity’s complicity with the powers that destroy life, the female babies in their innocent death, condemn the actions of their own parents and those responsible for their killing. They may not be in a position to retaliate but their vulnerable presence exposes the crime of those involved. They, by dying disapprove the power of domination system of discrimination and injustice done to them and invite the victimizers to affirm the beauty and worth of human life and thus to celebrate life. The speechless babies’ disapproval of powers is like speaking one’s own mind aloud as Wink states: “I deny you the power to humiliate me. lama human being just like you. Your status does not alter that fact. You cannot demean me.”133 Jesus’ love for children and his association with them also affirms that the children have a share in the new family of God’s domination-free order (Mk. 10:13-16, 9:36-37).134 Jesus’ presenting children as examples for imitation is a challenge to relinquish all claims of power and domination over others.135 Third: In most societies women are viewed as inferior beings who have to subordinate themselves to male supremacy. The Indian social structures and institutions like caste system and religious values and practices reinforce women’s subordinate position. India is a land of many cultures and religions. Most cultures and religions support and perpetuate the subjugation of women in their own way. Virginia Fabella contends that Jesus’ sufferings and his sacrifice on the cross are interpreted and thrust upon women to bear silently taunts, abuse, battering, to sacrifice their self-esteem for the sake of family honour and so on.136 Some passages in the New Testament are interpreted in order to keep up to the status quo of the patriarchal society.137 They do not serve a source for the development of women. The right interpretation of the Scripture is necessary that helps people to live a full human life of love with a sense of dignity and Jesus upholds women’s dignity and invites them to accept and 133 Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discemment and Resistance in a World o f Domination, 176. 134 Cf. Ibid., 130. 135 Cf. Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, In Memory o f Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction o f Christian Origins, 148. 136 Cf. Virginia Fabella, "Christology from an Asian Woman's Perspective,” in We Dare to Dream: Doing Theology as Asian Women, eds. Virginia Fabella and Sun Alice Park, 7. 137For instance, 1 Cor. 14:33b-36; 11:2-16; Eph. 5:22-33; 1 Tim. 2:8-15; 5:3-16; Titus 2: 3-5; 1 Pet. 3:1-7; Rev. 14:4. Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discemment and Resistance in a World o f Domination, 130. 136 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity affirm their worth as human persons. Thus, Jesus’ liberating message of resistance power reinforces transformation from within. In conclusion, the relevance of resistance resources from Jesus’ tradition is discussed in this section. Jesus as the ‘prophet’ of Divine Sophia, in his life and mission revealed the God of all-inclusive love and made it experientially available to all. He presented a God of compassion who is interested in the wellbeing of His people. He revealed a God of love who does not encourage victims to suffer rather one who gives courage and determination to resist injustice and structures of oppression. Jesus gives hope for the victims to live in dignity. The discussion on Jesus’ tradition showed how the patriarchal power structures control the potential powers of liberation to which even Jesus became a victim, for he refused to cooperate with that system. “Jesus’ death was an unjust act, done by humans who chose to reject his way of life and sought to silence him through death.”138 The liberating dimensions of Jesus’ teachings have power to ignite the inner strength of the victims to fïght for justice. The inner strength motivates the victims to resist dehumanizing structures of oppression which result in affirming one’s human dignity and enhancing self- esteem. Various narratives seen in a new light from the perspective of exploring resistance resources for women have shown the need to challenge the patriarchal power structures towards the enhancement of women. The women in this study are seen as agents of transformation by resisting the structures of oppression and by reclaiming their powers of liberation. Though there are many aspects in Jesus’ life and mission on resistance possibilities, this study has been limited to explore resistance possibilities from the perspective of women towards their liberation and development. 4. Mary, the Mother of Jesus In this section, the study is centred on Mary of Nazareth, a much celebrated female figure in the Catholic Church. We will appraise how portrayal of Mary in an idealized ways in the Catholic Church cannot be a liberating symbol for women. Mary can be a source of liberation for women in her revolutionary song Magnificat. Therefore, this study aims to explore liberating powers that would help women to reclaim their own power and liberation. Various women who emerged as inspiring and powerful liberators in the history of Israel are encountered in this discussion. Finally, empowering resistance resources from diverse 138 Joanne Carlson Brown and Rebecca Parker, “For God So Loved the World?” in Christianity, Patriarchy and Abuse: A Feminist Critique, 27. 137 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity perspectives have been explored in tiying to see how Mary can be reinterpreted as a symbol of liberation and transformation. 4.1. Portrayal of Mary in the Catholic Church - Misuse of Marian Powers The development of four Marian dogmas139 in the Christian history viz., Divine Motherhood (Council of Ephesus in 431), Perpetual Virginity (Council of Lateran, 649), Immaculate Conception (Pius IX, December 8, 1854), and the Assumption (Pius XI, November 1, 1950) hail her with utmost devotion and respect. They communicate Maiy’s relationship with God and evoke piety among the believers. After the dogma of Divine Motherhood, Marian devotion flourished in the Catholic Church and especially during the time of the Marian century (1850-1950).140 Furthermore, the Vatican Council II gave emphasis on the role of Mary in relation to Christ and the Church. The Dogmatic Constitution of the Church (Lumen Gentium) states: “Mary has by grace been exalted above all angels and men to a place second only to her Son, as the most holy Mother of God who was involved in the mysteries of Christ: she is rightly honoured by a special cult in the Church” (LG 66).141 The Vatican Council II affirmed the importance of Mary for the spiritual growth of the Christian and the life of the Church as a whole.”142 As Mary is honoured as the Mother of God, she is exalted and celebrated as the Mother of the Church and devotion to Maiy is integrated into the Catholic liturgy. Pope Paul VI in his Apostolic Exhortation Marialis Cultus says that “Mary is held up as an example to the faithfiil for the way in which, in her own particular life, she fully and responsibly accepted the will of God (cf. Lk. 1:38), because she heard the Word of God and acted on it, and because charity and a spirit of service were the driving force of her actions. She is worthy of imitation because she was the fïrst and the most perfect of Christ’s disciples. All of this has a permanent and universal exemplaiy value.”143 139 A dogma proposes truths containcd in divine revelation in a form obliging the Christian people to an irrevocable adherence to feith. Dogmas are light along the path of feith. Cf. Catechism o f the Catholic Church, (Dublin: Veritas, 1994), 88-89. 140 Cf. Soosai Rethinam Raja, “Mary, a Symbol of Liberation: A New Look at ‘Historical’ Mary, Marian Texts and Dogmas,” VJTR 73, no. 4 (April 2009): 245. 141 Lumen Gentium, chapter 8, “The Role of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Mother of God in the Mystery of Christ and the Church,” Austin Flannery, General Editor. Vatican Council II: The Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents (Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1975). 142 Cf. William F. Maestri, Mary: Model o f Justice (Reflections on the Magnificat) (New York: Alba House, 1987), vii. 143 Paul VI, Marialis Cultus, Apostolic Exhortation for the right ordering and development of devotion to the Blessed Virgin Maiy, Rome, 2 February 1974, n. 35. 138 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity Vatican Council II further affirms that “just as a woman had a share in bringing about death, so also a woman should contribute to life. Mary fulfilled this role by giving Jesus to the world, the life that renews all things.”144 As the New Eve, Mary represents the Church. The prophecy regarding the redemption of humankind contained in Gen. 3:15 is being realized in Mary who accepted God’s plan to bear His Son, the redeemer of the world. According to Church tradition the iconography on Mary crushing the snake is related to Genesis chapter three and the vision narrated in Revelation chapter 12. It expresses Mary’s triumph over evil. Mary as the woman of the Apocalypse, “clothed with the sun” and “with the moon at her feet.” This ties in a certain sense with some of the apocalyptic hopes and fears that were aroused with each new announcement of Marian apparitions.145 Moreover, Marian apparitions show how Maiy has been exalted and has become powerfiil in the Catholic Church tradition. Maiy’s heavenly intervention is portrayed through her apparitions. In them she has been interpreted as physically come down to the earth from heaven. She makes herself visible to some individuals or groups and gives them her heavenly messages relevant to the contemporary Church and humanity.146 It has been reported that Mary has appeared in different places at different times with a message of repentance, prayer, and penance. To mention a few which welcome thousands of pilgrims are: the Virgin of Guadalupe at Mexico in 1531; Lourdes, France in 1858; Fatima, Portugal in 1917; Medugoije, Bosnia in 1981 (this latter devotion has as yet no official recognition from Vatican). Millions of devotees visit the places of apparitions for healings and spiritual renewal. The apparition centres propagate Marian devotion. In popular devotions, Mary is presented as a pious, gentle, humble handmaiden, and suffering mother. However, as Mary is often presented in her humble form, very often she is misinterpreted and misrepresented as accepting human suffering and pain passively. The exaggerated and glorified status of Mary in this Iight arguably distances her from humanity. Such a Mary can be exalted, admired, and be the subject of fascination. Portrayal of the male-defined Mary in such idealized ways displaces her from the real life situations of the people. Such a presentation of Mary can be seen as a way of justifying and spiritualising social evils along 144 Austin Flannery, General Editor. Vatican Council II: The Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents -Dogmatic Constitution of the Church, Lumen Gentium, no. 56, 145 Cf. Barbara Corrado Pope, “Immaculate and Powerfiil: The Marian Revival in the Nineteenth Century,” in Immaculate and Powerfiil: The Female in Sacred Image and Social Reality, eds. Clarissa W. Atkinson, Constance H. Buchanan and Margaret R. Miles (Boston: Beacon Press, 1985), 177. 146 Cf D. Alphonse, “Demythologizing Marian Apparitions,” Word & Worship 37, no. 4, (July-August, 2004): 210. 139 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity the lines of ‘accept all passively’ and this can colonize believers’ minds to accept pain, sickness, oppression, and exploitation as part of human life and God’s will. Many scholars and theologians have critiqued the position of Mary in the Catholic Church tradition with a purpose to seek her unique role as a model for liberation and transformation of humanily. Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza points out that “Mary, the pure, self-sacrificing, humble handmaiden of the Lord and patiënt mother full of sorrows is preached to wo/men as the model that must be imitated but cannot be quite reached. In holding up to wo/men the image of the perpetual virgin and sorrowful mother Mary, churchmen are preaching a model of femininity that ordinary wo/men cannot imitate.”147 Feminist biblical scholar Jane Schaberg claims the exalted position given to Mary as the male projection of idealized femininity, is a patriarchal construction. Mary is a good woman, stripped of all dangerous elements; she receives devotion not equality. Schaberg further points out, men exalt Mary for virtues they would like women to imitate and project onto her all that they do not resolve to be.148 Renu R. Silvano expresses the difficulty of presenting Mary as model for imitation because of the great emphasis placed on her state of perpetual virginity thus: “because she was a virgin before the birth of Jesus, in his birth, and after his birth, she was presented as the ideal of womanhood not in any way “tamished” by sexual relations.”149 In the words of Tissa Balasuriya, “this presentation of Mary has the impact of rendering Marian spirituality rather pietistic, somewhat passive, and even individualistic.”150 Rosemary Radford Ruether suggests that Mary “becomes a liberating symbol for women only when she is seen as a radical symbol of a new humanity freed lrom hierarchical power relations, including that of God and humanity.”151 In a conference in Singapore in 1987, the Third World Feminist Theologians said thus: that Mary is the mother of all and all Christian traditions, so it is the combined task of women of all traditions to redefine her. In both Catholic and Protestant traditions, women have been, and are still, oppressed. In the Catholic Church, Maiy’s exultation has been used to reinforce women’s oppression—namely the patriarchal church has invented negative Mariologies to subordinate women, while in the Protestant Churches the rejection of Mary—namely eliminating Maiy so that 147 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Transforming Vision: Explorations in Feminist The*logy (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2011), 198. 148 Cf. Jane Schaberg, The Illegitimacy ofJesus: A Feminist Theological Interpretation o f the Infancy Narratives (San Francisco: Harper & Ros Publishers, 1987), 13. 149 Renu R. Silvano, “Mary, The Woman Worth Imitating,” Word & Worship 37, no. 4 (July-August, 2004): 220. 150 Tissa Balasuriya, Mary and Human Liberation, 74. 151 Rosemary Radford Ruether, New Woman New Earth: Sexist Ideologies and Human Liberation, 58. 140 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity the women have no model of a liberated woman—has oppressed women. It is, therefore, urgent that all Christian women take up the task.152 Mary’s potential powers of empowerment and resistance which motivate people to live in dignity and wellbeing are arguably often not addressed and emphasized sufficiently in the Catholic Church and its traditions. The challenging views of some scholars taken in this discussion on the misuse of Marian powers have created a space to reinterpret Marian powers and to explore how Maiy can be a symbol of liberation for women today. The above analysis on the portrayal of Mary in the Catholic Church confronts the importance of liberating Mary from oppressive interpretations and of redefining her role in addressing the present situation of devaluation and oppression against women which this study attempts to explore fiirther. 4.2. The Significance of Mary of Nazareth in the Bible The Hebrew Bible records a few texts relating to Mary of Nazareth which provide with her specifïc role in the history of salvation. The first book of the Bible (Genesis 3:15) and the last book of the Bible (Revelation 12:1) point out Mary’s symbolic presence from the beginning to the end of salvation histoiy.153 One of the earliest sources which give historical validity of Mary is the letter of Paul to the Galatians probably written in A.D. 57. “When the fiillness of time had come, God sent his Son, bom of a woman, bom under the law, in order to redeem those who were under the law, so that we might receive adoption as children” (Galatians 4:4-5). In the figure of the woman (Mary) who gives birth to God’s Son in the fiillness of time, eschatology and history, anthropology and theology converge. Maiy became the conduit of God in this process of divine revelation.154 Furthermore, Mary’s place in the life of Jesus is presented by the Evangelists. In Mark, Mary is seen twice in the public ministry of Jesus (Mark 3:31; 6:2-3). Matthew and Luke record the infancy narratives. Matthew presents the birth of Jesus from a masculine point of view in terms of Jesus’ link to David’s line by tracing the ancestry of Joseph back to Abraham (Matthew 1 1-17). Verses 18-23 teil about Maiy’s roles as “virgin” and “mother”. All the divine Communications surrounding the events with Jesus’ birth were communicated to Joseph and not Mary. Joseph was informed of the special conditions related to Mary’s pregnancy; to name the child Jesus; of the special destiny of the child; of the necessity of their 152 SINGAPORE CONFERENCE, “Summary Statement on Feminist Mariology,” in Feminist Theologyfrom the Third World: A Reader, ed. UisulaKing (London: SPCK, 1994), 271. 153 John Paul II, “Redemptoris Mater” Encyclical Letter on the Blessed Virgin Mary in the Life of the Pilgrim Church, Rome, March 25, 1987, n. 11. 154 Cf. Ivone Gebara and Maria Clara Bingemer, Mary: Mother o f God, Mother o fthe Poor, 55-6. 141 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity flight into Egypt and their return to Nazareth. These were all communicated to Joseph by an angel of the Lord. In Matthew, Mary is depicted as completely dependent on the protection of Joseph.155 There is also a biblical account of four women preceding Mary in the genealogy of Jesus, in Matthew 1:1-17: Tamar the mother of Perez and Zerah,156 Rahab the mother of Boaz,157 Ruth the mother of Obed,158 and Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah, the mother of Solomon.159 In the plan of redemption, God has chosen these women, some of whom were socially considered of ‘low ranking’, for the transformation of society. Through their potential powers of resistance these four Old Testament women participated in the liberation of the people of Israel in diverse events. They exercised their power to liberate themselves from their oppressed situation. They had the courage to disclose their situation of oppression and seek their position in the restricted Jewish context for women. Tamar and Ruth were key figures in the genealogy of Jesus by being effective in perpetuating it.160 Rahab played a direct role in the political context of helping the Israelites to acquire the land of Jericho (Joshua 6). In the situations of Tamar and Bathsheba, Judah and David acknowledged their guilt and took responsibility for them, drawing them under patriarchal protection. They gave them an identity and a fiiture within the patriarchal structure, legitimizing them and their children-to- be.161 In Luke’s Gospel Mary is given preference in all the events surrounding the infancy narratives of Jesus, such as the Annunciation— 1:26-38; the encounter of Mary with her cousin Elizabeth— 1:9-45; Mary’s song of praise— 1:46-55; Jesus’ presentation in the temple and the prophecy of Simeon—2:22-35; and the finding of the boy Jesus in the temple—2:41- 52. Luke in Acts 1:14 also mentions, after the death of Jesus, that Mary was with Jesus’ 155 Cf. Judith Ochshom, The Female Experience and the Nature o f the Divine, 164-5. 156 Genesis 38 accounts the story of Tamar the daughter-in-law of Judah. Tamar took initiative to claim her own rightful position in the patriarchal order. Cf. Richard A. Horsley, The Liberation o f Christmas: The Infancy Narratives in Social Context (New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1989), 85-6. 157 Joshua chapters 2 and 6 describe how Rahab played an instrumental role in Israel’s taking possession of the land from the Canaanite kings. 158 The book of Ruth gives the narration about Ruth, a Moabite woman who became a widow without children, she insists to stay with her mother-in-law Naomi. Because of her feithfulness to her marital position in an Israelite family, she could many Boaz and she became the mother of Obed. 159 Samuel chapter 2 narrates King David’s adulterous act with Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah. Bathsheba’s freedom was restrained than to obey the command of the King. David was made aware of his evil act through prophet Nathan, follows his contrition, and the death of a child. David then married Bathsheba and she became the mother of Solomon. 160 Cf. Richard A. Horsley, The Liberation o f Christmas: The Infancy Narratives in Social Context (New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1989), 86. 161 Cf. Jane Schaberg, The Illegitimacy ofJesus: A Feminist Theological Interpretation o f the Infancy Narratives, 33. 142 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity apostles and some women as they were together waiting for the coming of the Holy Spirit. Thus, Mary is seen as the central female figure in Luke. In John, Mary is presented with two roles, one, as an intercessor at the wedding at Cana (John 2: 1-11) and second, as a suffering woman at the foot of the cross of Jesus (John 19:25-27). Jesus gives his physical mother a spiritual role as Mary at the foot of the cross becomes the mother of the entire humanity which has historically been accepted by believers in the Catholic and Orthodox traditions. With this brief overview of Mary’s presence in the biblical texts, it is important to concentrate on Mary’s revolutionary song—Magnificat. Luke places Magnificat in the context of the encounter between Mary and her cousin Elizabeth. Magnificat is seen as a song of praise and thanksgiving of Mary for the wonders God had done in her life and in the life of the people of Israel. 4.3. Magnificat, Mary’s Song of Resistance According to Luke’s Gospel the Magnificat takes place against the backdrop of the narrations of the Annunciation to Mary and then Mary’s visit to her cousin Elizabeth. In Luke, the divine favour by which Mary will bear the messianic child is seen as an expression of a revolutionary transformation of an unjust social order. Mary, being the mother of Jesus has a specifïc role to play. The decision to have the redemptive child is between her and God.162 Rosemary Radford Ruether puts it: Luke makes Mary an active participant in the drama of Jesus’ birth, accepting it through an act of free consent, and meditating upon the meaning of his future mission. Thus Luke begins that tradition which transforms Mary from being merely the historical mother of Jesus into an independent agent cooperating with God in the redemption of humanity. In other words, she begins to become a theological agent in her own right This is expressed especially in her obedient consent to the divine command: “And Mary said, ‘Behold, I am the handmaid of the Lord; let it be to me according to your word (Luke 1: 38).163 Luke’s presentation of Mary in a more liberative perspective enhances female identily which was thus far controlled and shaped by patriarchal Jewish culture. Mary’s independent decision emerges from her inner freedom which signifies her power of wisdom to discem God’s will. Her freedom gives way to make her available to Elizabeth who was in great need of her help and presence. Her faith and complete trust in Yahweh filled her with courage and strength to face the challenges that came her way. 162 Cf. Rosemary Radford Ruether, Sexism and God-Talk: Towctrda Feminist Theology, 153. 163 Rosemary Radford Ruether, Mary: The Feminine Face o f the Church, 33. 143 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity According to Raymond Brown, the Magnificat was “originally the hynrn referred to a general salvation in Jesus Christ given by God to Jews who had become Christians.”164 The words and phrases used throughout the Magnificat are taken from victory songs and hymns of praise celebrating God’s victorious liberation of the people of Israël from their oppressive enemies. The great songs of liberation such as the Song of Miriam (Exodus 15), the song of Deborah (Judg. 5), and the Song of Judith (Judith 6) find connection with the Magnificat}65 The Bible records only three women praised as ‘blessed’: Jael,166 Judith, and Mary. These “biblical women who are images of the people”167 are shown as leading liberators in the history of Israel. They played an important role in Israel’s battle with the Canaanites. There is also a resemblance between Mary’s song of praise and the canticle of Hannah. Like Judith andHannah(l Samuel 1:11, 2:1-10; Judith 13:18, 16:11), Mary sings a song of the oppressed and weak people.168 Maiy is blessed because she believed that the promise made to her by the Lord would be fulfilled (Luke 1: 45). Because of Mary’s free act of faith, Jesus’ humanity takes flesh from her, and her responsiveness in faith has made it possible for God to enter history in the person of Jesus in order “to effect a liberating revolution in human relationships.”169 Though it looks paradoxical to ascribe Magnificat to Maiy, a young girl, we can perhaps see that these paradoxes are often hallmarks of God’s plans. Mary, being the mother of Jesus has a specifïc role to play and her Magnificat illustrates the power of God’s redemptive plans. The beginning verses of the Magnificat express Mary’s personal thanks to God for the marvels in her life and through her the marvels he will work in the entirety of humankind. Luke 1:51-53 highlights the histoiy of Israel and the action of God for the deliverance and liberation of His people who are being oppressed. God’s power is revealed in His action for those who are victims of the forces of political, social, economic, and religious oppressions.170 Thus, Magnificat resonates with those persons whose hearts long for freedom from oppression of all kinds. God will continue to free the proud and the humble, mighty and the lowly, rich 164 Raymond E. Brown, The Birth o f the Messiah: A Commentary on the Infcmcy Narratives in the Gospels of Matthew and Luke, New Updated Ed. (New York: Doubleday, 1993), 357. 165 Cf. Richard A. Horsley, The Liberation o fChristmas: The Infancy Narratives in Social Context, 110. 166 Jael plays an important role in the history of Israel’s battle with Canaanites as Jael kills Sisera, the Canaanite general ofKing Jabin (Judg. 5: 25-27); See also, Jo Ann Hackett, “In the Days of Jael: Reclaiming the History of Women in Ancient Israel,” in Clarissa W. Atkinson, Constance H. Buchanan and Margaret R. Miles, eds. Immaculate and Powerful: The Female in Sacred Image and Social Reality (Boston: Beacon Press, 1985), 15-38. 167 Ivone Gebara and Maria Clara Bingemer, Mary: Mother o fGod, Mother o f the Poor, 41-2. 168 Cf. Mary Donahey, “Mary, Mirror of Justice: A Challenge for the Church to Reflect Justice,” in Mary According to Women, ed. Caroi Frances Jegen (Kansas City, MO: Sheed & Ward, 1985), 72, 77. 169 Rosemary Radford Ruether, Sexism and God-Talk: Toward a Feminist Theology, 155. 170 Cf. William F. Maestri, Mary: Model o f Justice (Reflections on the Magnificat), 53. 144 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity and the hungry.171 The concluding verses recount Maiy’s praise along with blessing as she recognized God’s goodness and mercy for her people and for all generations. The present scholarship reflects Magnificat as a powerfiil song of resistance towards social evils from the perspective of liberation and transformation. Mary, by being an empowered woman becomes the first proclaimer of the good news in her Magnificat.172 She is the representative voice of the people of Israël to condemn the socio-cultural, political, and economic oppressions prevailing in the society. The Magnificat portrays intense conflict. It is a conflict characterized by resistance against the structures of oppression. Luke 1: 51-53 records the reversal of values and societal structures: the powerless are given power; the proud are scattered in their thoughts; the lowly are lifted up; the mighly are cast down; the hungry are filled; the rich are sent away empty. These reversal of destinies are in favour of the poor, the lowly, the hungry, and the helpless. Tissa Balasuriya in Mary and Human Liberation points out a three-fold revolution here: cultural, political, and economic in Mary’s song. He says that the “Magnificat' of Mary expresses powerfully the integral liberation for which Jesus and Mary stood. The language of liberation for all the oppressed—the oppressed of sex, of race, of class is expressed here. Thus, the fiilfilment of God’s promise will be in favour of the poor, the simple, and the lowly.173 The above analysis expresses God’s acts of compassion towards the socially vulnerable, viz. the powerless, the lowly, and the hungry.174 The socially vulnerable people are the victims of social evils at the hands of the proud of heart, the mighty, and the rich who are engrossed in their riches, who amass wealth and power at the expense of the poor. Magnificat, the song of resistance and liberation challenges the structural powers and announces liberation to the oppressed, the lowly, the poor, and the hungiy. 171 Cf. Carol Frances Jegen, “Mary Immaculate: woman of Freedom, Fatroness of the United States,” in Mary According to Women, ed. Carol Frances Jegen, 154. 172 Cf. Jane Schaberg, The Illegitimacy o f Jesus: A Feminist Theological Interpretation o f the Irtfancy Narratives, 113. 173 £ £ j;ssa Balasuriya, Mary and Human Liberation, 184-5; See also, Nihita Paul, “Magnificat: The Propbetic Voice of Mary,” in Indian Journal o f Spirituality XXI, no. 3 (July-September 2008): 282-4; Rosario Jeriy, “Socio-Pastoral Implications of the Magnificat of Mary,” in Word & Worship 37, no. 4 (July-August 2004): 246- 8. 174 In the OT there are quite a number of texts speaks of God’s compassion and justice to the vulnerable. “and the hungry he fills with good things” (Ps. 107:9b); “Those who seek the Lord lack no good thing” (Ps. 34:10b); God delivers the people of Israël from the burden of the Egyptians (Deut. 26:5-9); God is the helper of the otphans, for they are helpless (Ps. 10:14); He commands people to do acts of justice and righteousness and not to do violence to the orphan or shed no innocent blood... (Jer. 22:3). 145 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity 4.4. Empowering Resistance Resources The Magnificat has special significance in unfolding the role of Maiy, which was seen in the previous section. The contemporary scholarship seeks new ways and new interpretations to reflect the empowering resistance resources of Mary by rejecting traditional ‘male stream’ interpretations of her in the religious and social milieu. The criterion of much of contemporary scholarship has been to deconstruct Mary’s traditional roles and powers in order to reconstruct them in practical life in order to engage with people. The empowering resistance resources of Mary need to be discussed with relevance to four diverse perspectives: liberation, inculturation, empowerment of women victims, and narration of life-stories. 4.4.1. Perspective of Liberation The liberation theology focuses on the significance of the Magnificat from the perspective of liberation and transformation.175 Their focus is mainly on poverty and hunger. In Theology in a New Key North American theologian Robert McAfee Brown, illustrates a hermeneutic of engagement with reference to Mary and the Magnificat in Luke 1:46-55. He presents a dialogue at a Sunday liturgy in one of the Central American countries.176 The dialogue illustrates the unheard voices from the margin. The poor can find their identification in Mary more when she is presented in their own situation than in her representation in images and holy pictures as immaculate and lowly handmaiden. This type of interpretation which is specific to their context resists a glorified position of Maiy which does not have any significance to the suffering humanity. Consequently, it can be observed that resistance power emerges from their situation of struggle. It is a struggle to meet the basic necessities of life in order to survive. It is a struggle to affirm their own identity as human beings who long to live in freedom and wellbeing. Therefore, the identification of Mary’s with their life of poverty liberates them and gives meaning to their lives. It is also a form of resistance to free the Catholic Church and interpretations of the Bible from the power of domination that weighs heavily on the poor. Next, we will appraise Mary’s role in her apparitions to see what symbols of liberation can be found. Every apparition is a revolution, a revolution for the transformation of life. Mary chooses the humble and the poor and especially the girl children to reveal her message. 175 Cf. Richard A. Horsley, The Liberation o f Christmas: The Infancy Narrattves in Social Context, 107-114; Stephen Farris, The Hyrrms o f Luke ’s Infancy Narrattves: Their Origin, Meaning and Significance (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1985), 108-126. 176 For an illustration of the dialogue see Robert McAfee Brown, Theology in a New Key: Responding to Liberation Themes (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1978), 99-100. 146 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity The children to whom Mary appears are often poor, illiterate peasants. Mary makes them the instruments to reveal the divine message and to invite people to transformation. It shows that Mary’s presence can be more intensely experienced in the economically poor, culturally despised, and socially marginalized. It is in them that Mary can be found as most intensely present and active.177 Through her apparitions, Mary invites everyone irrespective of caste, creed, gender, and class to come to the fountain of her motherly love and compassion. It is an invitation to the Church in her mission towards the marginalized groups of society. Maiy of Guadalupe is a significant symbol of liberation when analyzing her power of resistance against social evils. The exploration and analysis of various scholars on the significance of Our Lady of Guadalupe helps to draw inspiration to afïïrm the role of Mary in the life of suffering humanity.178 This Marian apparition at Mexico has become a source of inspiration for the transformation of Mexican sociely. Mary of Guadalupe is sometimes portrayed as the replacement of the ancient goddess Tonantzin. In this understanding, Mary is seen as a domestication of the Aztec cult. There are two classic interpretations of Guadalupe: one from the perspective of the clergy, the Church symbol and the other which emerged from the cultural context. Both have social and political consequences. The first interpretation is associated with Church leaders and is against the native religion; the second is associated with the indigenous people themselves, who were overruled by the Spanish, and is for their empowerment. Bemardino de Sahagun, the great Franciscan chronicler, saw Marian cult at Guadalupe as idolatry in disguise. He opposed the syncretic cult of Guadalupe, inspired by the mother goddess Tonantzin of Tepeyac. He states, “It is clear that in their hearts the common people who go there on pilgrimages are moved only by their ancient religion.”179 James Preston has argued that the Virgin of Guadalupe signifies a unique combination of indigenous Indian and Spanish cultures in that both the ancient Indian goddess Tonantzin and the Madonna which the Spanish brought with them are seen in her.180 177 Cf. D. Alphonse, “Demythologizing Marian Apparitions,” Word & Worship 37, no. 4 (July-August, 2004): 217. 178 The sources we relied on are: Eric R. Wolf, “The Virgin of Guadalupe: A Mexican National Symbol,” in Journal o fAmerican Folklore 71 (1958): 34-9; Ena Campbell, “The Virgin of Guadalupe and (he Female Self- Image: A Mexican Case Histoiy,” in James J. Preston, ed. Mother Worship: Themes and Variations (USA: The University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 5-24; Mary De Cock, “Our Lady of Guadalupe: Symbol of Liberation?” in Mary According to Women, ed. Carol Frances Jegen (Kansas City, MO: Sheed & Ward, 1985), 113-141. 179 Quotedby J. Lafaye, Quetzalcóatl and Guadalupe, the Formation o f Mexican National Consciousness 1531- 1813, trans. B. Keen (Chicago: The Univeisity of Chicago Press, 1976), 217. See also, Nicholas Peny and Loreto Echevenia, Under the Heel o f Mary (London and New York: Routlcdge, 1988),41. 180 Cf. James J. Preston, Cult o fthe Goddess: Social and Religious Change in a Hindu Temple, 9. 147 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity Mary of Guadalupe has drawn the attention of the world in a unique way. This Marian symbol is used both for oppressive and liberative purposes. Mary of Guadalupe emerges as victorious in the sense of revealing her powers of liberation. She “expresses the socio-political uniqueness of the entire Mexican population.”181 Anthropologist Eric R. Wolf reflecting on how Our Lady of Guadalupe has been a national symbol emphasizes the empowering resources of the Guadalupe symbol thus: The Guadalupe symbol links together family, politics, and religion; colonial past and independent present; Indian and Mexican. It reflects the salient social relationships of Mexican life, and embodies the emotions they generate. It provides a cultural idiom through which the tenor and emotions of these relationships can be expressed. It is ultimately, a way of talking about Mexico: a collective representation of Mexican society.182 The extract above, to a certain extent touches on class, race, culture, politics, and religion. Mary DeCock in her article ‘Our Lady of Guadalupe: Symbol of Liberation?’ records the interpretation given by Virgilio Elizondo, Contemporary Mexican-American scholar about how the apparition has been a conversion in the Guadalupe encounter. Maiy chose two persons Juan Diego, a poor Indian peasant and Fray Juan de Zumarraga, a Spaniard, bishop- elect of Mexico. They were chosen as the representatives who could unite the two principle classes, races, cultures, and religions present in Mexico. The divine intervention was an experience of conversion and has changed the world view of both of them. For Juan Diego, it was acquiring a new identity and a firmer commitment to the Church. For Zumarraga, after having seen the sign of the apparition, the conversion was more significant. An educated cleric, holding Church and civil powers, listened to a simple and uneducated Juan Diego. Guadalupe experience humanized Zumarraga and changed his relation to God, the Church, and the Indians.183 The Virgin of Guadalupe is presented as an Indian mother. She is a much celebrated female image in the Mexican context. Mary’s revolutionary song Magnificat finds expression in the Guadalupe experience of Diego and Zumarraga. Through the intervention of Mary, God crushed the political, clerical, economic, and cultural powers of Zumarraga and made him an instrument to reveal the power of liberation to the world. She scattered his proud thoughts of self-sufïïciency because of his calibre and made him open and compassionate to the poor, the illiterate, and to those of low 181 Ena Campbell, “The Virgin of Guadalupe and the Female Self-Image: A Mexican Case History,” in M other Worship: Themes and Variations, ed. James J. Preston (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 5. 182 Eric Wolf, “The Virgin of Guadalupe: A Mexican National Symbol,” in Journal o f American Folklore 71 (1958): 38. 183 Cf. Mary DeCock, “Our Lady of Guadalupe: Symbol of Liberation?” in Mary According to Women (Sheed & Ward, 1985), 117. 148 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity estate. On the other hand Mary lifted up the lowly Diego to reveal to the world that she is at the side of the poor and the lowly. Mary lifts up the lowly to greater heights to educate the world in building up a just and humane society. 4.4.2. Perspective of Inculturation Inculturation is a theological term used in the twentieth century to explain the process of incamating Jesus’ life and His message in a specific cultural context. This term has been introduced into the official Magisterium of the Church by Pope John Paul II. The Pope used it in his address to the Pontifical Bibl ical Commission (26 April 1979), to convey the idea of the cultural insertion of the divine revelation.184 In his encyclical, Redemptoris Missio, John Paul II speaks of incamating the Gospel in peoples’ culture. He says: “Through inculturation, the Church makes the Gospel incamate in different cultures and at the same time introducés peoples together with their cultures, into her own community. She transmits to them her own values, at the same time taking the good elements that already exist in them and renewing them from within” (RM 52).185 The Christian religion was incamated in the Indian culture in the first century of Christianity. As Marian dogmas and Marian devotion developed in the Catholic Church, the Church in India also progressed in that line of faith and practice of the Marian cult. Not only Catholics but also the people of other faiths express their devotion to Mary as the mother of Jesus. Devotees believe that Mary, the compassionate mother will heed their requests. Because she is a mother, people have great devotion and respect for her. The Indian worldview of Mary is similar to that of the affirmation of goddesses in Hinduism. It is easy for Indians to believe and accept Mary as the mother of God because of the feminine dimension of the divine in Hinduism. When the European Jesuit Missionaries came to Tamil Nadu, South India, during the mid 16* century with their Christian faith, the people were more attracted to the image of Mother Mary than to devotional prayers and the basic dogmatic formulae which people had to memorize as a requirement for their baptism. People feit free to express spontaneously their loving solidarity and Creative inculturation. This is the context in which indigenous popular 184 Cf. Mariasusai Dhavamony, Christian Theology o f Inculturation (Roma: Editrice Pontifïcia Universita Gregoriana, 1997) 89, 92. 185 Joannes Paulus PP. II, Redemptoris Missio, Encyclical Letter on the Mission of the Redeemer, (Rome, 7 December 1990), n. 52. 149 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity devotional elements have been brought into Marian devotions.186 Popular devotions to Mary have been increasing over the years reshaping the Catholic Church by integrating Mary in Indian culture. Devotion has been a daily activity Indians express in innumerable forms at home and in the places of worship. People congregate in great number where Mary’s image is placed.187 Among many Marian shrines all over India, the Basilica of Our Lady of Health in Velankanni, Tanjore District of Tamil Nadu, draws devotees from “all castes and religious communities.” Mary is known as a healer of illness and a victor over all demonie forces. What is significant in this context is the Christian-Hindu confluence in the celebration.188 P. Arokiadoss discusses the devotion to Mother Mary in the context of religious pluralism in Tamil Nadu. Arokiadoss describes how the devotees place Mary in their own social and cultural context. He says, in most Marian Shrines, Mary is dressed in silk sarees as an Indian woman or has the usual appearance of other Hindu goddesses. The statues are adomed with golden omaments as Indian women usually wear. The offerings people bring to Our Lady include banana, coconut, jasmine flowers following the religious idiom of the Tamils (the people of Tamil Nadu). They also include candle offering which is special to Christianity. Married women consider it to be auspicious to receive or buy a yellow string soaked in turmeric paste from Mary’s shrines, previously brought into contact with the shrine’s statue of her. Very piously they remove the old string in the presence of Maiy and use the new one for wearing their Tali (pendant) tied by their husbands on the wedding day. They follow the practices of Hindu women at the shrines of Hindu goddesses. By doing this, they believe that their husbands will be blessed with long life. But there is no such practice among men to pray for the long life of their wives.189 Arokiadoss further explains the other area of integrating Hindu culture in Marian devotions when Christians organize pilgrimages to Marian shrines especially to Velankanni. Before starting the pilgrimage, the pilgrims observe a period of preparation just like their Hindu brethren. They fast and abstain from meat, alcohol, smoking, and even marital sex, 186 Cf. P. Arokiadoss, “Mary in the Context of Religious Pluralism: People’s Model for Social Harmony,” Word & Worship 37, no. 4 (July-August 2004): 236. 187 To mention a few Marian pilgrimage centres: Our Lady of Health, Velankanni, Tamil Nadu; Dhori Mata (Our Lady of Mines) Jaranjdih, Jhaikhand; Our Lady of the Mount, Bandra, Mumbai; Our Lady of Good Health, Shivajinagar, Bangalore draw thousands of devotees to Mary. Mary becomes a compassionale mother revealing the love of God. 188 Cf. Joanne Punzo Waghome, “Chariots of the God/s: Riding the Line Between Hindu and Christian,” in Popular Christianity in India: Riting Between the Lines, eds. Selva J. Raj and Corinne G. Dempsey (Albany: State University ofNew York Press, 2002), 28. 189 Cf. P. Arokiadoss, “Mary in the Context of Religious Pluralism: People’s Model for Social Harmony,” 232-8. 150 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity wear special beads and garlands, including special penitential saffron clothes. During the pilgrimage they pull a small decorated chariot of Our Lady, and keep on praying to Our Lady and singing her praises. They compose special verses and hymns adopting those of the Hindu pilgrims, to suit the Christian faith and belief. During the pilgrimage even the Hindus join the Christian pilgrims. When they reach their destination, they long to have a special darsan (Sanskrit term, meaning “sight”, “to see”, “beholding”) of Mary in her holy shrine. They also fiilfil their vows such as ritually shaving ofF their hair and smearing their shaved heads with sandal paste which is very common in Velankanni. Shaving the head in holy shrines is a gesture of thanksgiving, reciprocating the divine gifts that have been obtained. It also expresses readiness to give one’s life in gratitude, symbolized by giving one’s hair. The pilgrims also follow other gestures and practices at the shrine, like, ritual bathing, votive thanksgiving ofïerings, acts of penance, confessions, attending Holy Mass, and adoration of the Blessed Sacrament. They remain there for a day or two, take rest, and cook their food in the open space or in the common kitchens. Thus, their visit to the holy shrine of Mary refreshes them and renews them interiorly and exteriorly. In all these inculturated actions, the faithful create a free space for themselves where they can creatively and spontaneously express their religious agency.190 In such ritual practices and celebrations “to her Hindu devotees Maiy takes the form of a goddess, to her Christian worshippers she is the Holy Mother.”191 Devotion to our Lady practiced by the people has more significance in India than the way the hierarchical Church presents Maiy. For instance, spontaneous recitation of prayers, symbolic offering of ordinary gifts like rice, flowers, candles, and sarees are expressions of their devotion in meaningful and Creative ways, integrating cultural symbols. Mary, for most people comes across as a presence of divine being. The presence of Mary is one of comfort and solace. The reason behind this is that Mary is depicted in a manner that evokes feelings of joy and admiration when she is presented as a young, gracious, and loving mother with the gesture of affection, matemity, and holiness. Such a portrayal of Mary helps the devotees to approach her with the attitude of a child. Mary is experienced as a benevolent mother who heeds the prayers of her children. Therefore, the presence of Mary in the Indian context is revered and exalted. 190 Cf. Cf. P. Arokiadoss, “Maiy in the Context of Religious Pluralism: People’s Model for Social Harmony,” 238-40. 191 Joanne Punzo Waghome, “Chariots of the God/s: Riding the Line Between Hindu and Christian,” in Popular Christianity in India: Riting Between the Lines, 31. 151 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity The symbol of Theotokos has great impact on Indian people. Mary, in her role as the mother of God is venerated more than in her other roles as Immaculate and Virgin. Mary, with her baby Jesus appeals to Indian men and women because of the role of a mother. The symbol of Mary with her son reveals woman’s potential power especially of being the mother of a son. The symbology of the ‘mother’ in Mary further takes prominence in the celebration of Mary’s feasts. For example, the feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary and the Independence Day of India are celebrated on August 15*. In this context, the Catholic Church in India sees Mary who was believed to be assumed into heaven with her body and soul, as a symbol of total freedom, just as India was freed from the oppression of colonization by the British. Both these events emphasize the importance of freedom and the enhancement of life. Mary as a religious symbol awakens in people the need to live in peace and harmony through her symbolic representation as mother who is interested in the wellbeing of her children. Moreover, two significant events mark the occasion of the birthday of Mary on September 8, which are integrated into the devotion of Mary. First, the Catholic Church in India celebrates ‘Girl Child Day’ on the same day of the birthday of Mary with an emphasis “Protect and promote girls.”192 The feast of the Nativity of Mary is an occasion to realise the preciousness of the vital aspect of the life of every girl child. Mary “inspires everyone to respect, defend, and encourage girls and to oppose discrimination and violation of their rights by selective abortions, female infanticide, child brides, child abuse and prostitution.”193 The executive secretaiy of the Council for Social Justice and Peace (CSJP), Fr. Maverick Femandes said on the occasion for the preparation for the nativity in Panjim, Goa, that “every human life is a precious gift of God, and hence wellspring of human dignity.” Femandes further added, “This dignity, inherent in human life and equal in every person, is the root of human rights, which are inalienable, inviolable and universal (cf. Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, 153). Every girl child - bom and unbom - has an equal share in these rights, beginning with the right to life.”194 Urging that the “Girl Child Day” should be an occasion for deep reflection on the vital aspects of the life of every girl-child, Femandes said that the girl-child of today is an adult of tomorrow - the hope of positive transformation, a 192 The Government of India declared in 2009 that January 24th to be celebrated as National Girl Child Day because it was on this date in 1966 Mrs. Indira Gandhi became fïrst woman Prime Minister of India. Catholic Church celebrates the Girl Child Day on September 8* to give religious meaning and significance. 193 “Mary’s Nativity against selective female abortions,” A sia News, 08 September 2011. 194 “Feast of Nativity of the Blessed Mother Dedicated to every Girl Child,” Niz Goenkar, 04 September 2011. 152 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity Citizen who contributes to the development and progress of this nation and the world at large.195 Second, the feast of the nativity of Mary has a special significance in India especially for the Catholics in coastal Kamataka, the Southern part of India. Aller rainy season the earth produces new fruits. Maiy’s birthday is integrated with the celebration of nature’s first fruits. During the liturgy in the Catholic Church new erop and new vegetables are blessed to commemorate the compassion and fruitfulness of the mother earth. The day is celebrated as a family feast because it brings together the members of the families. On that day the members of the family take milk mixed with the powdered new com which is blessed and then eaten together as a vegetarian meal. It is considered as a ritually new meal. The deceased members of the family and those who are away lïom the family for various reasons are remembered with love, affection, and gratitude. Mary’s birth is seen as a symbol of new life wherein she connects herself to the nature which sustains human life, the families where human life is nurtured. She is also a channel to bring forth to the world, Jesus, the new life. Thus, Maiy, Mother of God is experienced through her symbolic presence as ‘mother’ and ‘new life’ that integrates the socio-cultural, economic, and religious dimensions of Indian life. Mary bccomcs a symbol of ‘mother’ in the family. In Indian culture mother is considered ‘Matr devo bhava' 196 (revere the mother as God). A mother in the family not only gives biological birth but she is a symbol of the preservation of the life of the family. She is also seen as a unifying figure in the family through her love, compassion, and sacrifice. Her presence and absence is powerfully experienced by eveiy member in the family in all religions and cultures. In spite of mother being revered so much in Indian culture, still there exists a lot of discrimination and VAWG. 4.4.3. Perspective of Empowerment of Women Victims The contemporary feminist critique of Mary offers other perspectives in interpreting Mary in the context of violence against women. It rejects the traditional and orthodox understanding of Mary and the stereotype roles assigned to her in male dominated religion and society, and presents something unorthodox, though nevertheless thought-provoking as an altemative perspective. '95 “peast 0f Nativity of the Blessed Mother Dedicated to eveiy Girl Child,” Niz Goenkar, 04 September, 2011. 196 Taittirïya Upanisad 11.2. This text says: the mother, the father, the teacher, and the guest are to be revered as God. They hold a unique place in the life and development of an individual. S. Radhakrishnan, ed. The Principal Upani$ads (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd. 1953), 538. 153 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity Jane Schaberg, in her work The Illegitimacy of Jesus imagines that Jesus was not conceived by a Virgin but Maiy was raped by a Roman soldier and Jesus was the result of rape. She considers Mary as a victim, a victim of sexual violence. Schaberg makes her critique in order to address the problem of millions of women who have bome illegitimate children. She argues that Mary’s Magnificat has relevance in this context of Mary’s personal tragedy and from this experience she powerfully proclaims justice to the powerless, the lowly, and the hungry. She also argues, in the text Lk. 1: 54, that Mary was humiliated and degraded, and that the child whose origin is in humiliation and degradation, were “helped” by God. According to Schaberg, the tradition of illegitimacy does not negate the theology that Jesus came from the pious Anawim, nor does it destroy the images of sanctity and purity with which Luke surrounds Jesus’ origins. She says that, Luke uses that theology and those images as the vehicle for his communication of the illegitimacy tradition in order to show that Jesus and Mary were fully incorporated into Israel. Mary who has suffered and been vindicated as a woman represents hope.197 The other argument of Schaberg is that “Virgin Mary is a great contrast to real human women as Mary establishes the child as the destiny of woman, but does not experience sexual intercourse necessary for all other women to fulfïl this destiny.”198 She points out that Mary received moral support from her cousin Elizabeth who was also experiencing similar shame of her pregnancy because of her old age and barrenness. Further, Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza affirming Schaberg’s interpretation of Maiy, the victim of rape, says that Mary in her role as a victim “joins the countless wo/men ravished by soldiers in war and occupation.”199 Chung Hyun Kyung, Korean Christian theologian in Struggle to be the Sun Again says that Asian women begin to view the virginity of Mary, not as a biological reality, but as a relational reality. Mary’s virginity is an active symbol of resistance against the patriarchal order. As an ordinary woman, Mary was receptive to God’s calling. She takes an independent decision to give birth to Jesus, trusting in God’s power and help. Mary as a virgin is a complete human being within herself. She defines her life. By defining herself by her experience and her faith in God, she becomes a model of full womanhood and liberated humanity for many Asian women.200 Charles Panackel in his article ‘Mary: Model for Today’s Youth’ emphasizes the empowering resources of Mary from a biblical perspective. 197 Cf. Jane Schaberg, The Illegitimacy ofJesus: A Feminist Theological Interpretation o f the Infancy Narratives, 96,101. 198 Ibid., 12. 199 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Transforming Vision: Explorations in Feminist The*logy, 208-9. 200 Cf. Chung Hyun Kyung, Struggle to be the Sun Again: Introducing Asian Women ’s Theology, 77-8. 154 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity Panackel says that the biblical narratives portray how Mary manifested heroic courage in her struggle to carry, to birth, to nurture, and to protect the tender life of Jesus. She conceived, putting her reputation at stake. She protected her unbom baby from the wrath of the religious fundamentalists of the Jewish society which was not an easy task for her. After the birth of Jesus, she preferred to live like a refugee in Egypt than let her baby fall prey to the murderous schemes of King Herod. She faced her future of unknowns and uncertainties with total trust and surrender to God. Through her life she teaches us to seek meaning in life in serving and giving and not in dominating and destroying.201 Various interpretations of Mary suggest that Mary was a strong woman with great powers of wisdom, courage, endurance, and right discemment. Such a Mary could be a source of empowerment and a model of liberation for women victims of violence. 4.4.4. Perspective of Narration of Life Stories > Elizabeth was the first to recognize and proclaim that Mary was greatly blessed by God among women (Luke 1:39-56). In their encounter, referred to as the Visitation, the two women narrate their life’s stories in an environment of understanding, mutual support, and trust. It was a context where the divine meets the human, where two women supported each other to face the challenges of life through the narration of their life stories. They were empowered with the divine and human presence. Thus, Elizabeth and Mary recognized God’s wonderful plan for them in the circumstances of their lives. In the encounter between Mary and Elizabeth who are “graced” by God, the collective aspect of woman figure takes emphasis. In this encounter Mary and Elizabeth share God’s wonders, which are going to be realised for the entirety of humankind.202 Both of them can understand and help each other in their disclosure of God’s intervention in their pregnancies. They can become an inspiration for women in their struggle to be liberated from the violence against them. Women can discover their empowering resistance resources through their experience and collective expression. Stella Baltazar argues that women “need to be aware of divisive forces that oppress them and strengthen their convictions by promoting solidarity and networking.”203 Women themselves are the mutual stronghold to each other which becomes clear from the encounter between Mary and Elizabeth in their telling of their life stories. Maiy 201 Cf. Charles Panackel, “Mary: Model for Today’s Youth,” VJTR 76, no. 3 (March 2012): 194-6. 202 Cf. Ivone Gebara and Maria Clara Bingemcr, Mary: Mother o f God, Mother o f the Poor, 71. 203 Stella Baltazar, “When Women Unite! Celebrate Our Differences as the Cause of our Unity”, in Feminist Inlerpretation o f the Bible and the Hermeneutics o f Liberation, eds. Silvia Schroer & Sophia Bietenhard (London: Sheffield Academie Press, 2003), 156. 155 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity and Elizabeth become a symbolic paradigm for women for a reflection in their struggles for liberation.204 The individual and collective tasks and responsibilities of women offer possibilities to recognize their resources and use them constructively for the transformation of society. In conclusion, Maiy’s powers of liberation and resistance to social evils have sometimes not been given prominence in Catholic Church traditions, but have sometimes been used for the patriarchal religious and social control of women. This was criticized by many liberation and feminist scholars, which is an empowering step towards the emancipation of women. Biblical Mary is portrayed as a courageous woman in her faith response, her sensitivity to meet the needs of others, facing the tragedy of life with courage at the foot of the cross, being with the disciples in the upper room, gathering them and giving them hope who were frightened and fugitives. She was seen as a woman totally involved in the life realities of the people, always with love and compassion. This Mary becomes a symbol of liberation for women and for the transformation of society. The analysis on the empowering resources of Mary from various perspectives signifïes how Maiy can be a symbol of liberation in today’s context. Mary’s Magnificat contains her profession of faith: her faith in the God of the promises; her faith in her Son in whom the promises would be fulfilled; her faith in divine justice, which liberates the poor and the oppressed, which will restore God’s order of creation.205 Maiy’s Magnificat offers motivation and inspiration to resist the present struggles of oppressed peoples, especially women, and to recognize their potential power to affïrm their identity as human persons. The affirmative potentials of Mary have potency to transform the society and to uphold human beings to live life with dignity and freedom. Mary is an inspiration for all mothers to protect the lives of their children under any circumstance and not to succumb to extemal pressures and terminate the lives of their baby girls. Liberating dimensions from Marian tradition have been analysed from various perspectives in order to help women to draw empowering resources from Mary towards their emancipation. 5. Summary and Conclusion The study in this chapter centered on exploring resistance resources through the hermeneutics of critical evaluation in three representations from Judaism and Christianity: 204 Cf. Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Jesus: Miriam's Child, Sophia s Prophet: Critical Issues in Feminist Christology, 190. 205 Cf. Jim McManus, All Generations Will Call Me Blessed (New York: Orbis Publications, 1999), 158. 156 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity Divine Sophia, Jesus as ‘prophet’ of Divine Sophia, and Mary, the mother of Jesus, with a special emphasis on exploring both the powers of oppression and the resistance possibilities against dehumanizing structures of oppression against women. Teresa Okure claims that the Bible juxtaposes both divine and human perspectives with respect to women. The liberative elements in the Bible with respect to women stem from the divine perspective, the oppressive ones from the human perspective. Okure points out that throughout the Bible we meet side by side the divinely liberative and the humanly oppressive elements conceming women.206 The diverse roles attributed to Divine Sophia reflect the context of the Jewish women and their significance in understanding the roles of women even today. Israel’s imagination of God in Divine Sophia fïnds concrete expression in Jesus. Although the concept of Divine Sophia as such is not explicitly a focus in Christianity, it remains a powerful female symbol through her ‘prophet’ Jesus. Jesus on the other hand, fulfïls the law and the prophecies as the embodiment of wisdom through His prophetic mission. He Incamates the God of all-inclusive love by being totally human through his association with the poor, the sinners, the tax collectors, and the women who are the victims of socio-cultural and religious oppressive powers. In the historical context, God chose Mary of Nazareth to be the mother of Jesus. Mary’s Magnificat fïnds practical engagement in the mission of Jesus as Mary is portrayed in the Gospel of Luke resisting structures of oppression towards the lowly, the hungry, and the poor. Moreover, the Biblical Mary became popular in the Catholic Church and tradition through her apparitions and devotions in the context of Christology. Divine Sophia and Jesus, the ‘prophet’ of Divine Sophia, “function as intermediaiy authority between God and humankind.”207 The inclusive gracious invitation of Divine Sophia and Jesus to restore the dignity and wellbeing of humanity could represent insightful means against discrimination based on class, colour, religion, and gender. Walter Wink has noted, Jesus’ life and ministry challenge the powers of domination, and the gospel itself is “a context-specific remedy for the evils of the Domination System.”208 Jesus motivated the ‘socially vulnerable’ people, the poor, the sinners, the women, the Samaritans, and all those who were considered outcast in Jewish society to live in dignity and freedom. He resisted the domination system of patriarchy that was reflected in Jewish culture, tradition, and religion in order to liberate the marginalized under oppression. Jesus not only liberated them from 2°6 •j'eresa okure, “Women in the Bible,” in With Passion and Compassion: Third World Women Doing Theology, 52. 207 Silvia Schroer, “Wise and Counselling Women in Anrient Israel: Literary and Historical Ideals of the personified Hokma,” 83. 08 Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discemment and Resistance in a World o f Domination, 48. 157 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity oppressive structures but also empowered them by enhancing their wellbeing. The gospels portray Jesus revealing God as loving and compassionate who cares for the oppressed and the suffering humanity. The contribution of women in the life of Jesus recorded in the Gospels is very little, even in a less significant manner. Women often encounter Jesus either as sinners, helpless, with diminished reputations, or as widows, outcasts, and Samaritans. From a patriarchal perspective women are shown as powerless but they contain power in themselves and expose the structures of oppression responsible for their dehumanizing situations in life. They manifest a theology of the powerless that symbolizes power to change. The unique participation of women in the mission of Jesus is that they become part of Jesus’ mission. They affirm their power by entering into the kingdom of God’s compassion. Mary, the Mother of Jesus receives an exalted position and honour for her matemal image and is acknowledged as mother of all people in the Catholic tradition. Marian apparitions in various places have a special significance in propagating Marian devotion. Ancient goddess traditions sometimes influence Marian devotions and symbolic representation through art and sculpture. Likewise, in the Indian context, the influence of goddess worship in Hinduism contributes to exalt Mary, even among Hindus, especially in the conceptions of her as ‘mother’ and in her association with new life. Marian shrines that are built across the world propagate Marian devotion through pilgrimages and devotional practices. Mary can be seen as a symbolic resource of resistance to structures of oppression especially through her Magnificat. She continues to be an embodiment of liberating power, a beacon of hope, a loving and compassionate mother to all her devotees irrespective of diverse faiths. Our fïnal conclusion could be that the liberating resources from the perspectives of Judaism and Christianity could enhance liberation and transformation. The resistance possibilities invite “all of us, both men and women, oppressor and oppressed, need to be converted, in somewhat different ways, to that whole humanity which has been denied to us by systems of alienation and social oppression.”209 In other words, resistance towards social evils challenges us to affirm the value of human life and to be pro-life, pro-human, and pro- God. Resistance resources offer us a vision not of ‘flight’ from injustice but rather to ‘fight’ 209 Rosemary Radford Ruether, “Feminist Theology and Spirituality,” in Christian Femimsm: Visions o f a New Humanity, ed. Judith L. Weidman (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1984), 25. 158 Resistance Resources from Judaism and Christianity for justice with faith, courage, and zero cooperation with evil systems of oppression. This could be the result of these resistance possibilities. In chapters two and three, the analyses were based on the elements of devaluation of women and empowering resistance possibilities towards their emancipation from the perspectives of religions: Hinduism, Judaism, and Christianity. Such possibilities could be explored from the Gandhian philosophical perspective, which is specific to the historical context of India, and this will be carried out in the next chapter. 159 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective mmsmmmsomsm Ff*OMA “Woman is the incamation of AhimscT1 Mahatma Gandhi 1. Introduction The history of India tells that Gandhi resisted the structures of oppression that dehumanized people, such as British colonialism, the caste system, economic exploitation, gender discrimination, and communalism, all through nonviolent resistance. Quite apart from his contribution to the gaining of India’s independence, Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance approach has had special signifïcance for the marginalized—for the poor, the untouchables, and for women - in contributing to the restoring of their dignity and in recognizing their potential power. In the Indian socio-cultural, political, economic, and religious spheres, these marginalized groups were (and continue to be) caught up in a web of problems. Gandhi emerged at a time when child marriage,2 child widows,3 the satï system,4 the purdah system,5 and the Devadasï system6 were strongly supported by the ancient Hindu tradition followed by the majority. Women were also victims of socio-cultural and religious customs like the prohibition of widow remarriage, dowry and polygamy and other evils including, wife 1 M.K. Gandhi, H arijan, 24 February 1940, 13. 2 Child marriage was practiced in Hinduism. M anusmriti supported child marriage. It says, “A man, aged thirty yeais, shall marry a maiden o f twelve who pleases him, or a man of twenty-four a girl of eight years of age; if (the performance ol) his duties would otherwise be impeded, he must marry sooner” (Manusmriti IX: 94). In some parts of Indian villages the culture of child marriage is practiced even today. The main reason for child marriage is to protect the virginity of girls. It is also a means to settle girls in marriage as early as possible and the parents wish to be free from the responsibility of girls who in the near future are supposed to be the members o f the family of their husbands. Very oflen the young girls were given in marriage even to the older men. 3 Child marriage was prevalent during Gandhi’s time. Under this custom, many girl widows were victimized. Gandhi condemned this custom and he tried to educate and encourage young men to marry young widows. 4 S a tï system is a most inhuman practice of self immolation of widows on their husbands’ iiineral pyre. It was officially abolished in 1829 by Lord William Bentinck as Raja Rammohan Roy persistently argued for the abolition of sati system when his sister-in-law was bumt to death. S a tï system is already discussed in chapters one and two. 5 Women have to cover their head and the face with a veil especially in their social interaction with men. It is particularly practiced in some states in the northem part of India. This practice restricts women’s freedom of movement. Even to this day in some villages women follow this system. 6 “D evadasï' literally means female servant of the gods. It also means a female dancer in a Hindu temple. Gandhi calls it a social disease, a moral leprosy. 160 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective battering, female infanticide, domestic violence and lack of support for girls’ education. Gandhi motivated all oppressed groups to affirm their dignity and work towards their own emancipation. Although at the political level, Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance has received world-wide recognition, his contribution toward the liberation of oppressed is also immense. In particular, Gandhi’s contribution towards the emancipation of women remains unique since he addressed - with great courage and determination - the issues surrounding the exploitation of women prevalent at his time. Gandhi remains unique for his time and context because he saw women as active agents of social change. On the one hand, Gandhi witnessed firsthand women’s potentialities for nation building as he was supported by women in his mission to free India; on the other, women were influenced by Gandhi’s principle of nonviolent resistance as he supported and encouraged them to explore possibilities for their participation in politics. Gandhi also argued that women are easily attuned to nonviolence and that this disposition enabled women to be builders of the nation. This chapter begins with a brief depiction of Gandhi’s biographical profile and the development of his understanding of nonviolent resistance. Some of the key concepts which Gandhi developed, such as, satyagraha (Truth Force), ahimsa (nonviolence), nonviolent resistance, swaraj, (self-govcmancc or self-rule), and sarvodaya (welfare of all) are also explained. With great passion Gandhi sought to implement these principles in his life and mission as he lived within the context of colonialism. Next will follow a discussion of the limitations of the Gandhian tradition from two perspectives: the dichotomy between traditional and modem methods of development and the failure to achieve Hindu-Muslim unity. Further, Gandhi’s perception of women will be analysed in three sub-sections: Gandhi’s thoughts on feminine qualities as used for glorification of women, for their exploitation and oppression, and for their liberation are discussed. Finally, an attempt is made to reflect on the relevance of Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance approach in the context of FF and FI in India today. In revisiting the nonviolent resistance of the Gandhian tradition, a critical analytical method is employed to appraise the relevance of Gandhi for today in the hope of drawing practical conclusions for the eradication of FF and FI in India. The sources used in this study will be Gandhi’s own work in the form of An Autobiography or The Story of my Experiments 161 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective with Truth,1 and The Selected Works of Mahatma Gandhi,8 the joumals which Gandhi edited—Young India* and Harijan,10 and also other critical appraisals of Gandhi by other scholars. 2. Profïle of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869-1948), known as Mahatma (Great Soul) or Bapu (father) was bom into a Hindu Vaishnavite family in Porbandar, State of Gujarat, in westem India on 2nd October, 1869. Mohandas (also called as Mohan) was the last child of Karamchand Gandhi and his fourth wife Putlibai. Gandhi describes his father as a man who had a love for his clan, who was truthfiil, brave, and generous but also short-tempered. His mother Putlibai was deeply religious and intelligent.11 The conducive atmosphere at home at religious, social, and political levels, and the ethical values of his parents had significant impact on Gandhi. From an early age, Gandhi developed the ideals of truthfulness, courage, compassion, self-discipline, and devotion to family. Gandhi was subject to child marriage, and he and Kasturba Makhanji were married at the age of 13 in May 1883. Kasturba was an active participant during the freedom struggle and was a strong support to Gandhi. She joined her husband in political protests, imprisonments, and accompanied him in his mission till her death in 1944. Among his four sons, all except the eldest son, Harilal, supported Gandhi in his mission. After the completion of Law studies at University College, London, Gandhi received a year’s contract to work for an Indian firm 7 M.K. Gandhi, An Autobiography or The Story of My Experiments with Truth (hereafter cited as Autobiography, chapter number is indicated in Roman numerals and not by page number because of the numerous editions of this book), l st ed. trans, fiom the original in Gujarati by Mahadev Desai Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1927) xiii. Mahadev Desai was a scholar, pcrsonal secretary, and a devoted follower of Gandhi. 8 To commemorale Gandhi’s Birth Centenary the Selected Works of Mahatma Gandhi in six volumes were published (hereafter cited as SWMG). The first two volumes are the autobiography of Mahatma Gandhi, volumes III: Satyagraha in South Africa, IV: The Basic Works, V: Selected Letters, VI: The Voice of Truth. Shriman Narayan, General Editor, The Selected Works o f Mahatma Gandhi (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1968). 9 Young India was a popular weekly English joumal during the colonial rule in India, published between 1919 and 1932. It was started and edited by M.K. Gandhi. Gandhi contributed many news items, articles, and quotes on various occasions. It embodies the philosophy of life and practical conduct elaborated by the experiences of life-time of Gandhi. 10 Harijan is a joumal of applied Gandhiism in nineteen volumes. Gandhi founded it in 1933. It became the most influential joumal involved in the movement for Indian independence. Resolutions, policies, and decisions of political action taken by the Indian National Congress party were reported and commented upon in Harijan. The joumal also provided the medium of moral instruction through which congressmen learned what Gandhi expected of them. Harijan reflects the many social and individual concerns which were a part of Gandhi’ s complex and continuing analysis of the human predicament. Harijan: A Journal o f Applied Gandhiism, 1933- 1955, with an introduction by Joan Bondurant (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1973), 5, 6. 11 Cf. Gandhi, Autobiography, Part I, Ch. I. 162 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective in Natal, South Africa in 1893. Later he continued to work as a lawyer in South Africa and also to fight for the civil rights of the Indian community there by employing a nonviolent resistance strategy. Back in India in 1916, Gandhi became socially and politically active, and began to show leadership in these areas. Gandhi travelled widely in India and his involvement with the struggles of the people was extensive. Gandhi’s simple life-style, philosophy of nonviolence, religious tolerance, and passion for nonviolent resistance in the service of political freedom and social justice inspired many during his life time, and he continues to inspire many long after his death. Gandhi derived his original ideas about ‘doing good against evil’ during his childhood. One inspiring verse of a Gujarati poem which he leamt at school goes like this: “If a man gives you a drink of water and you give him a drink in return, that is nothing. Real beauty consists in doing good against evil.”12 Gandhi treasured leaming from great thinkers. The thoughts of three great thinkers in particular had a practical impact on Gandhi’s life as a political leader and a social reformist. Firstly, John Ruskin’s Unto This Last (a work on political economy) influenced Gandhi’s life and work when he was working as a lawyer in South Africa. Later he translated it into Gujarati, entitling it Sarvodaya (Welfare of All).13 Secondly, in developing his concept of satyagraha, Gandhi adopted many of Henry Thoreau’s thoughts from his essay “On Civil Disobedience”.14 Thirdly, Count Leo Tolstoy’s The Kingdom of God is Within You also made a great impact on Gandhi. The independent thinking, profound morality, and truthfulness of this book overwhelmed Gandhi.15 In a letter to American friends, Gandhi stated “you have given me a teacher in Thoreau, who fumished me through his essay on the “Duty of Civil Disobedience” scientific confirmation of what I was doing in South Africa. Great Britain gave me Ruskin, whose Unto This Last transformed 12 Quoted from C.F. Andrews, ed., Mahatma Gandhi’s Ideas including Selections from his Writings, 3"* ed. with an Introduction by Horace C. Alexander (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1949), 191. 13 Three aspccts from this book inspired Gandhi the most are: 1) that the good of the individual is contained in the good of all; 2) that a lawyer’s work has the same value as the barber’s, inasmuch as all have the same right of eaming their livelihood from their work; 3) that a life of labour, i.e., the life of the tiller of the soil and the handicraftsman, is the life worth living. Fascinated with Ruskin’s ideas, Gandhi says, “I determined to change my life in accordance with the ideals of the book.” Gandhi records these insights in his autobiography under the chapter “The Magie Spell of a Book.” Gandhi, Autobiography, Part IV, Ch. XVIII. 14 Thoreau suggested that individuals could resist immoral govemment by simply relusing to coopcrate. His advice “to resist things that were wrong” motivated Gandhi to employ the techniques o f ‘civil disobedience’ and ‘noncooperation with evil’ in South Africa and India. 15 The inspiration that Gandhi derived from this book is: “There is one and only one thing in life in which it is granted man to be free and over which he has full control - all else being beyond his power. The one thing is to perceive the Truth and profess it.” Cf. Gandhi, Autobiography, Part II, Ch. XV. See also, Bharatan Kumarappa, ed., Christian Missions: Their Place in India 2“* rev. ed. (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1957), 14. 163 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective me ovemight...and Russia gave me in Tolstoy a teacher who fumished a reasoned basis for my nonviolence.”16 His acquaintance with religions played a significant role in the development of Gandhi’s thoughts on religious tolerance. From his youth Gandhi nurtured religious universalism. He was tolerant to all religions and spiritualities. He could read the sacred texts of diverse faiths: Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, Christianity, and Zoroastrianism with a spirit of reverence, and found the same fundamental morality in each. Therefore, he said, we need mutual respect and tolerance to the devotees of different religions.17 Having read the sacred texts and the commentaries of diverse religions Gandhi came to the conclusion that “all religions were right, and every one of them imperfect, because they were interpreted with our poor intellect, sometimes with our poor hearts, and more often misinterpreted.”18 He leamt the art of estimating the value of scriptures on the basis of their ethical teaching and not to take a literal meaning from the texts.19 His teacher Raychandbhai, advised him to study Hinduism more deeply and to remain within Hinduism so as to effect an intemal transformation of Hinduism.20 Besides being engaged in political and developmental work, Gandhi wrote extensively on social reforms, religion, the Bhagavad-Gita, vegetarianism, diet, and health. Under Gandhi, the Sabarmati Ashram21 in Ahmedabad, Gujarat became a centre for study, prayer and contemplation, farming and animal husbandry. It was also a place to carry out various activities relating to his Satyagraha or Truth Force philosophy. Gandhi reached out to the nation through his personal encounters with people, his writings, speeches, and welfare programmes. His actions embodied his principle of ahimsa or nonviolence which enabled him to win the trust and confidence of people. Gandhi translated ahimsa into action and made it the “comerstone of his religious and political teachings in the twentieth century.”22 The whole life of Gandhi consisted in experiments with the power of truth which he explored with love and passion. Gandhi titled his autobiography The Story of My Experiments with Truth. He tells in his introduction, “I simply want to teil the story of my numerous experiments with truth, and as my life consists of nothing but those experiments, it is true that 16 M.K. Gandhi, Letter to American Friends, 3.8.1942, Shriman Narayan, General Editor, SWMG, V, 265. 17 Cf. Bharatan Kumarappa, ed. Christian Missions: Their Place in India, 19, 20. 18 Ibid.,31. 19 Ibid., 38. 20 Cf. Gandhi, Autobiography, Part II, Ch. IV. 21 Sabarmati Ashram is also known as Satyagraha Ashram, IIarijan Ashram, and Gandhi Ashram. 22 Damien Keown and Charles S. Prebish, eds. Encyclopedia ofBuddhism (London: Routledge, 2007), 22. 164 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective the stoiy will take the shape of an autobiography.”23 Gandhi identifies two truths—absolute and relative. Absolute Truth is the Ultimate Reality, the Etemal Principle. For Gandhi, Truth is God. Truth has to be attained through self-realization. Relative truth refers to those aspects and goals which are attainable in the concrete situations of life. Gandhi asserts that in earthly existence, one must be guided by the truth as one sees it, one’s own relative truths, where the truths referred to are those which have a direct bearing on the pursuit of self-realization.24 Thus, the relative truths are directed to the Absolute Truth. His autobiography expresses Gandhi’s authenticity and inner freedom to articulate his belief in the power of truth. Gandhi taught through his life that “one requires bravery to suffer insults and injustices without retaliation; one needs courage and fearlessness to suffer without making another suffer; one needs bravery to be killed without killing. The gospel of ahimsa can be spread only through believers dying for the cause.”25 This became a reality in Gandhi’s life. On 30* January 1948 on his way to a prayer meeting Gandhi was assassinated by a Hindu brahmin by the name of Nathuram Godse. That Gandhi, who had advocated nonviolence throughout his life, should be killed by the violent act of a Hindu fanatic, was a shock to the entire nation.26 At the death of Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, in his address on AIR (All India Radio), said: “The light has gone out and there is darkness all around!” But he immediately corrected himself by adding, “The light has gone out, I said yet I was wrong. For the light that shone in this country was no ordinary light. The light that has illuminated this country for these many years will illumine this country for many more years and a thousand years later that light will still be seen in this country and the world will see it and it will give solace to innumerable hearts. For that light represented the living truth and the etemal man was with us with his etemal truth reminding us of the right path, drawing us from error, taking this ancient countiy to freedom.”27 23 Gandhi, Autobiography, Introduction, xiii. 24 Cf. H. J.N. Hoisburgh, Non-Violence and Aggression: A Study on Gandhi ’s Moral Equivalent o f War (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), 35. 25 M.K. Gandhi, Non-Violence in Peace and War, vol. II, (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1949), 91- 2. 26 Cf. G.D. Khosla, The Murder o f the Mdhatma, and Other Cases from a Judge ’s Note-book (London: Chatto & Windus, 1963), 208; Stanley Wolpert, Gandhi’s Passion: The Life andLegacy o f Mahatma Gandhi (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 257. 27 “The Light has gone out” Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s broadcast speech announcing Gandhiji’s death on the evening of the 30* January, 1948. Harijan, 15 February 1948, 37; Stanley A. Wolpert, Encyclopedia o f India, vol. 4 (Detroit, MI: Thomson Gale, 2006), 272. 165 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective According to S. Kappen, “Gandhi represents a new source, a new beginning in Indian history.”28 Gandhi’s inspirational life and the legacy that he left behind has power to transform the present structures of oppression, if taken with a spirit of truth and nonviolence. He showed to humanity that nonviolence is the most refined weapon, capable of being used by everybody, through intelligence and will, for the development of a nation.29 Gandhi’s vision of society and world at large was the elimination of violence through nonviolence. International Nonviolence Day is celebrated on October 2nd, the birthday of Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi is intemationally accepted as the icon of nonviolence. Thus, Gandhi offered an altemative strategy to fight violence with nonviolence which he employed to promote the development of people in his time and that has relevance even for today. 2.1. Key Concepts of the Gandhian Vision of Nonviolent Resistance The five key concepts of the Gandhian vision of nonviolence are highlighted in this section: satyagraha (Truth Force), ahimsa (nonviolence), nonviolent resistance, swaraj (self- govemance or self-rule), and sarvodaya (welfare of all). Gandhi integrated these concepts both in his personal life and in bringing about political and social transformation. By drawing inspiration from various sources, Gandhi developed his own method of nonviolence and used resistance strategy in a nonviolent way in various contexts. 2.1.1. Satyagraha (Truth Force or Soul Force) Gandhi developed his doctrine of nonviolence by constantly experimenting with truth. The passion for truth and nonviolence in one’s thought, word, and action was the motivating force for Gandhi. According to Gandhi, Satya (Truth) and Ahimsa (Nonviolence) are like two sides of a coin. Ahimsa is the means and Satya is the end. Gandhi asserted that if we take care of the means, we are bound to reach the end, sooner or later. With this deep conviction and penetrating vision Gandhi ventured into social and political spheres in South Africa and India. Gandhi’s passion for Satya and Ahimsa found new dimensions in his life engagements. Gandhi explains the meaning of the term Satyagraha in the following way. Satyagraha is derived from two Sanskrit nouns, ‘'satya’ means ‘truth’, and ‘agraha’ means ‘firmness’. 28 S. Kappen, ‘Conclusion,’ in Mercy Kappen, ed. Gandhi and Social Action Today, (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Private Limited, 1990), 94. 29 Cf. V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: A Study o f His Message o f Non-Violence (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Private Limited, 1977), 48. 166 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective Satyagraha literally means, ‘truth-force.’30 The term Satyagraha was invented by Gandhi in connection with the struggle of the Indian community in South Africa.31 According to Gandhi, Satyagraha is a movement intended to replace methods of violence. Gandhi’s vision of Satyagraha encompasses truth, nonviolence, and self-sufFering. These three aspects are integrated and interrelated with each other.32 Gandhi further explains his philosophy of Satyagraha: The word ‘satya’ (Truth) is derived from ‘Sat,’ which means being. And nothing is or exists in reality except Truth. That is why ‘Sat’ or Truth is perhaps the most important name of God. And where there is Truth, there also is knowledge which is true. That is why the word cit or knowledge is associated with the name o f God. And where there is true knowledge, there is always bliss (ananda). Hence we know God as sat-cit-ananda, One who combines in Mimself Truth, Knowledge, and Bliss.33 Gandhi believed that self-realization is seeing God face to face, attaining moksha (liberation). He said, “I live and move and have my being in pursuit of this goal. All that I do by way of speaking and writing, and all my ventures in the political field, are directed to this same end.”34 He claims to achieve moksha by constantly living in the presence of Truth (God). To achieve his own self-realization, Gandhi made his life into “numerous experiments with truth.”35 The Trappist monk Thomas Merton argues that, in Gandhi, “The spirit of nonviolence sprang from an inner realization of spiritual unity in himself. The whole Gandhian concept of nonviolent action and satyagraha is incomprehensible if it is thought to be a means of achieving unity rather than as the fruit of inner unity already achieved.”36 Gandhi expresses his quest for Truth by saying, “I want to see God face to face. God I know is Truth. For me the only certain means of knowing God is nonviolence— ahimsa —love”37 Gandhi says, “God as Truth has been for me a treasure beyond price.”38 Therefore, he concludes that “there should be Truth in thought, Truth in speech, and Truth in action.”39 30 More precisely, satyagraha is a compound of two Sanskrit nouns, satya “truth” (from sat “being” with a suffix -ya) and agraha “firm grasping” (a noun made from the verb agrah, which is the root grah “seize, grasp” with the verbal prefix a “to, towards”), Joan V. Bondurant, Conquest o f Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy o f C onflict (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1958), 11, 12; See also, Autobiography, Part IV, Ch. XXVI. 31 Shriman Narayan, SWMG, III, Preface, ix. 32 See, Joan V. Bondurant, Conquest o f Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy o f Conflict, 15-32. 33 Shriman Narayan, SWMG, IV, 213. 34 M.K. Gandhi, Introduction to an Autobiography, (1927), xiv. 35 Joan V. Bondurant, Conquest o f Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy o f Conflict, 17. 36 Thomas Merton, ed., with an Introduction, Gandhi on Nonviolence: Selected Texts on Mohandas K Gandhi 's Non-violence in Peace and War (New York: New Directions Publishing Corporation, 1965), 6. 37 Young India, 3 April 1924. 38 Shriman Narayan, SWMG, IV, 215. 39 Ibid., 214. 167 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective Satyagraha highlights the spiritual dimension of nonviolence animated by truth, faith, and love. Generally speaking, spirituality can be conceived as a joumey of self-realization based on one’s vision towards life. According to Sandra M. Schneiders, spirituality can be defined as, “the experience of consciously striving to integrate one’s life in terms not of isolation and self-absorption but of self-transcendence towards the ultimate value one perceives.”40 Satyagraha was the spirituality of Gandhi. It was his way of life. Gandhi suggests a few aspects which an individual needs to develop in order to practice Satyagraha as one’s spirituality. First: According to Gandhi, the root of Satyagraha is in prayer. A satyagrahi (one who practices Satyagraha) relies upon God for protection against the tyranny of violent force and believes that God gives the person strength to fight against the evil forces through one’s soul force. Gandhi often requested and encouraged people to pray in various occasions 41 He stated, “A satyagrahi has no power he can call his own. All the power he may seem to possess is from and of God. He, therefore, moves towards his goal carrying the world’s opinion with him. Without the help of God, he is lame, blind, and groping.”42 Gandhi, a satyagrahi, was a man of prayer and he experienced the power of Truth (God) in his deliberations. Second: Gandhi emphasized the act of inner purity, the purifïcation of one’s motive through self-suffering and through reorientation of one’s life according to one’s inner dictates 43 Self-suffering implies sacrifïce even to death. Richard B. Gregg explains that the silent self-suffering of the satyagrahis is like a mirror held up to the violent party, in which the violent ones come gradually to see themselves as violating human unity and its implications. Gregg asserts that the voluntary sufferings of the satyagrahis can take the other by surprise as satyagrahis do not retaliate or shout at the violent party. The attitude of onlookers who disapprove of the behaviour of the violent party is another mirror. Gregg points out that when the violent opponents see this contrast in the mirror which the situation has provided, they begin to gain a different opinion of themselves. They will be in a position to search for ways to save face and change their actions to win social approval.44 Gandhi 40 Sandra M. Schneiders, “Spirituality in the Academy,” in Modern Christian Spirituality: Methodological and Historical Essays, ed. Bradley C. Hanson (Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1990), 23. 41 While Gandhi was in Delhi, he requested people to pray for Indians in South Alrica as they were harassed by the Whites. M.K. Gandhi, Non-Violence in Peace and War, vol. II, 20. 42 M.K. Gandhi, Quoted in Girish Chandra Roy, Indian Culture: The Tradition o f Non-Violence and Social Change in India, (Delhi: Ajanta Publications (India), 1976), 44. 43 Cf. Girish Chandra Roy, Indian Culture: The Tradition o fNon- Violence and Social Change in India, 45. 44 Cf. Richard B. Gregg, “Satyagraha as a Mirror,” in Gandhi: His Relevance for our Times, eds. G. Ramachandran and T.K. Mahadevan (Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1964), 42. 168 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective believed that the strength of prayer gives satyagrahi the courage to resist violence and suffer for the sake of nonviolence even to death. Third: Fearlessness to resist injustice. According to Gandhi, “The brave are those armed with fearlessness”45 For instance, Gandhi was fearless in resisting injustice not with arms but with ‘Soul Force’ (Truth) as he personally experienced when he first arrived in South Africa. Gandhi narrates in his Autobiography how he was insulted, humiliated, and beaten up for travelling in the first class compartment of a train. Indians and Africans were forbidden to travel by first class as it was reserved for ‘whites only.’ At Maritzburg, the capital of Natal, Gandhi was pushed out o f the train for refusing to go to the other compartment though he had a first class ticket.46 Shivering in the cold winter Gandhi said, “I began to think of my duty. Should I fight for my rights or go back to India...? It would be cowardice to run back to India without fulfilling my obligation. The hardship to which I was subjected was superficiai—only a symptom o f the deep disease of colour prcjudice. I should try, if possible, to root out the disease and suffer hardships in the process. Redress for wrongs I should seek only to the extent that would be necessary for the removal of the colour prejudice.’ 7 Gandhi then decided not to be the victim of cowardice but to be fearless in seeking justice even it demanded self sufferings. Fourth: Winning over the heart of the opponent. Gandhi defined Satyagraha as a means of achieving a moral victory by winning over the heart of the opponent. He believed that God has an abode in the hearts of ail persons including one’s opponents. Due to this intemal factor, everyone is alike. God can be realised by intense faith and not by intellectual reasoning. The path of ahimsa can be followed only by believing in the soul force 48 To adhere to this approach one must be prepared to suffer on behalf of the opponent, without tuming one’s suffering into hatred for those who cause it. It means, self-suffering without fear and hatred for the person perpetuating the evil act. Gandhi made a clear distinction between the evil doer and the evil deed. He hated evil deeds, and the systems of oppression and exploitation which cause harm to others. Fifth: Cooperation with the good and nonviolent noncooperation with evil. Gandhi wrote in Young India, “Nonviolent noncooperation can never be an act of violence.”49 According to Gandhi, the first principle of nonviolent action is that of noncooperation with everything 45 Shriman Narayan, SWMG, IV, 232. 46 Gandhi, Autobiography, part II, Chs. VIII and IX. 47 Gandhi, Autobiography, Part II, Ch. VIII. 48 Cf V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: A Study o f His Message ofNon-Violence, 35. 49 M.K. Gandhi, Young India, 10 April 1924,122; Shriman Narayan, SWMG, IV, 203. 169 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective humiliating and evil.50 It means that one should not cooperate with what is evil and wrong. Gandhi recommends noncooperation in a nonviolent and peaceful manner. He wams that all types of injustice, oppression, and suppression are the result of the cooperation of the individual with the oppressors. When the individual refases to cooperate with the oppressor, the oppressive power will disappear. To act on this principle Gandhi emphasizes the need of self-purification. The individual has to get rid of all that is evil and equip him/herself with courage which helps the person to refuse the oppressive system.51 Noncooperation with evil is a technique of nonviolence in order to counter oppressive power through conviction that the values of authenticity and justice will enhance wellbeing in society. The above analysis highlights some of the important aspects one need to develop in order to be a satyagrahi. Gandhi considered “satyagraha as an important weapon against injustice.”52 As a committed satyagrahi, Gandhi asserted, “Satyagraha is a priceless and matchless weapon, and that those who wield it are strangers to disappointment and defeat.”53 Gandhi insisted that means must be wholly consistent with ends. He accepted upon himself the ill effects of others’ misbehaviour for the sake of a higher moral end. He withdrew himself and his followers when success could not be achieved without resorting to violent means. He pointed out that justice was to be achieved not through power over others, but through power over oneself.54 According to the Gandhian view, satyagraha does not mean waging a nonviolent battle wherever one finds evil, rather it essentially means reorienting one’s life and thought to seek truth. Therefore, nonviolence constitutes a just means to serve that end.55 Gandhi wrote in Harijan, “Success or failure is not in our hands. It is enough we do our part well...Ours is but to strive. In the end, it will be as He wishes.”56 It expresses Gandhi’s nonattachment to the fruit of his actions and confidence in God’s providence that He knows the best. 50 Cf. Harijan, 10 March 1946. 51 Cf. V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: A Study of his Message of Non-violence, 44. For several forms of noncooperation with evil in nonviolent approach see, V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: a Study o f his Message of Non-violence, 44-8. 52 V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: A Study o f His Message of Non- Violence, 7. 53 Shriman Narayan, SWMG, III, 460. 54 Cf. Steven A. Smith, “Gandhi’s Moral Philosophy,” in Gandhi’s Significance for Today: The Elusive Legacy, eds. John Hick and Lamont C. Hempel (Basingstoke: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1989), 113. 55 Cf. C.F. Girsh Chandra Roy. Indian Culture: The Tradition ofNon-Violence and Social Change in India, 42. 56 Harijan, 12 January 1947,490. 170 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective 2.1.2. Ahimsa (Nonviolence) Gandhi was influenced by the Indian ethical principle of ahimsa. The Indian term ahimsa has a Sanskrit root - hints - which means to strike, to hit, to kill, to harm, to injure, to slay, or to destroy completely. It denotes injury caused in the process of striking the other. It is said to be of three kinds: personal, verbal, and mental.57 “A is (not), nominal suffix. A-himsa is harmlessness, abstaining from killing or giving pain to others in thought, word, or deed.”58 In the religious philosophies of Buddhism, Jainism, and Hinduism ahimsa has a wider spiritual implication and forms an integral aspect of their social, ethical, and spiritual practices. The philosophy of ahimsa was developed especially from Buddhism and Jainism. According to Buddhist philosophy, ahimsa is first of the Five Precepts (panca-slla)59 of Buddhism. Accordingly, Buddhism lays emphasis upon ahimsa, and believes in compassion and respect to all living beings. It regards the destruction of life as morally wrong when it is caused intentionally.60 According to Buddha, killing a living being interferes with one’s destiny and spiritual progression.61 Through his personal encounter with human sufferings, Buddha seeks to find a way through which life might be lived successfully in terms of the moral outlook.62 Thus, Buddha concludes, ahintsa paramo dharma (nonviolence is the greatest religion or duty). Like Buddha, Gandhi translated the essence of ahimsa in his oersonal life and in a given context for social transformation. In Jainism, ahimsa is the central moral precept. Jainism views nonviolence as the highest religious duty; it is an all-encompassing expression of this particular faith. According to Jainism, ahimsa applies to all living beings. Ahimsa constitutes one of the five great vows (panca-mahavratas). In taking the vow of ahimsa, a person agrees not to harm other living beings either with one’s body, mind or speech; not to cause harm to others; and not to approve of harmful actions.63 57 Cf. V.S. Apte, The Student ’s Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 639. 58 V.S. Apte, The Student''s Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 73. 59 Five Precepts include: not to kill or harm living beings; not to take what has not been given; to avoid misconduct in sensual matters; to abstain from false speech; and to avoid intoxicants that cloud the mind. Cf. Damien Keown, Charles S. Prebish, eds. Encyclopedia of Buddhism, 22, 604. 60 Cf. Damien Keown, Charles S. Prebish, eds. Encyclopedia of Buddhism, 22. 61 Cf V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: A Study of His Message ofNon-Violence, 22. 62 Cf. Girish Chandra Roy, Indian Culture: The Tradition of Non-Violence and Social Change in India, 27-8. 63 Cf. Kristi L. Wiley, Historical Dictionary o f Jainism (Lanham: Scarecrow Press, 2004), 28-9. 171 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective The central teaching of Bhagavad-Gita, namely truth and nonviolence with a spirit of nishkama karma64 fascinated Gandhi. Bhagavad-Gita was Gandhi’s favourite sacred text. While speaking to the students of Hindu University in Banaras, Gandhi said that the Bhagavad-Gita had been as mother to him ever since he became fïrst acquainted with it in 1889. One who rests one’s head on her peace-giving lap never experiences disappointment but enjoys bliss in perfection, and that the Bhagavad-Gita as spiritual mother gives her devotee fresh knowledge, hope, and power every moment of one’s life.65 In many occasions Gandhi sought recourse to Bhagavad-Gita for motivation and direction in his experiment with truth. While studying in London Gandhi came in contact with Christians who became his friends. One of his friends offered him the Bible to read but he found that the Old Testament was not of much interest to him. The New Testament, especially Jesus’ ‘Sermon on the Mount’ was a great inspiration for Gandhi and a spiritual power which depicted universal love. He compared it with the Bhagavad-Gita. He expresses that the verses, ‘But I say to you, do not resist an evildoer. But if anyone strikes you on the right cheek, turn the other also; and if anyone wants to sue you and take your coat, give your cloak as well” (Mt. 5:39-40) delighted him beyond measure. Gandhi said that his young mind tried to unify the teachings of the Bhagavad-Gita and the ‘Sermon on the Mount.’ Renunciation for him was the highest form of religion, and it appealed to him greatly. The Sermon on the Mount resonated with his original idea ‘doing good against evil’ which had inspired in his childhood. He feit that Jesus’ teachings of nonviolence resonated with his passion for nonviolence.66 Having been influenced by diverse religious traditions on the principle of nonviolence, Gandhi developed his doctrine of nonviolence so that it could be experientially made possible. According to Gandhi, ahimsa is motivated by Truth. He considered Truth as an end, the end. For Gandhi, Truth is God. He affirmed that the “spiritual realm had powers no less effective than those of the material realm.”67 Gandhi asserted that where there is ahimsa, there is Truth and Truth is God. Therefore, wherever in the world Truth and nonviolence reign supreme, there is peace and bliss. Ahimsa means not injuring anything in this world, whether by action, word or even in thought. It means, a true follower of ahimsa does not think ill of others, does 64 Nishkama karma is an action performed without expecting the fruits or result of the action (nonattachment to the fruit of the action). It is a selfless or desireless action which enables one to progress in spiritual life. 65 Cf. Harijan, 17 August 1934,215. 66 Gandhi, Autobiography, Part I, Ch. XX. 67 Lester R. Kurtz and Jennifer E. Turpin, eds. Encyclopedia o f Violence, Peace and Conflict, vol. 3 (London: Academic Press, 1999), 237. 172 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective not use unwise language in relation with others to hurt their sentiments.68 Gandhi leamt the art of nonviolence in his thoughts, words, and actions by constantly experimenting with it in various circumstances. Gandhi affirms that nonviolence is more natural to a person than violence. His doctrine of nonviolence is built on this confïdence in human beings’ natural disposition to love. Ahimsa is a positive state of love. It is doing good even to the evil-doer. It is against helping the evil- doer to continue the wrong or tolerating it by passive acquiescence. On the contrary, love, the active state of ahimsa, requires resisting the wrong-doer by dissociating oneself from him even though it may offend him or injure him physically.69 It is in deep accord with the truth of human nature and corresponds to human beings’ innate desire for peace, justice, order, freedom, and personal dignity.70 Therefore, nonviolence requires supematural courage which can be obtained through prayer and spiritual discipline. Gandhi thinks that without belief in God nonviolence is impossible as it requires courage and fearlessness to suffer even to the point of death without retaliation.71 Gandhi’s life and practical experiments in the form of mass movements give a better understanding of his concept of ahimsa. As a political philosopher, Gandhi emphasized the superiority of the spiritual power over the materialistic.72 Being convinced of the dynamism of Satyagraha which involves the realization of Truth, action motivated by nonviolence, and readiness for self-sacrifice, Gandhi advocated the philosophy of nonviolence as a resistance strategy to address the political and social problems. According to Gandhi, “Nonviolence implies love of other human beings and love is directly related to God and Truth. The power comes to the nonviolent person from God himself.”73 Gandhi sought to eliminate the institutions of violence by helping leaders to change the rules and also their norms of behaviour. He did not set out to defeat an opponent but his purpose was to win him over through nonviolent means. He refiised to call anyone who opposed him an enemy. Gandhi argued that an enemy was lying within each person and 68 Cf M.K. Gandhi, Non-Violence in Peace and War, vol. II, 145. 69 Cf. M.K. Gandhi, Young India, 25 August 1920, quoted from SWMG, VI, 153-4. 70 Cf. Thomas Merton, ed., Gandhi on Non-Violence: Selected Texts from Mohandas K. Gandhi’s Non-Violence in Peace and War, 23. 71 Cf. Ibid., 43. 72 Cf. V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: A Study o f His Message o fNon-Violence, 28. 73 V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: A Study o f His Message ofNon-violence, 35. 173 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective needed an attack by one’s own conscience.74 He thought that truth and nonviolence are essential to an individual’s moral existence. His search for truth through nonviolence and selfless action in society is what characterized his own personal moral system.75 2.1.3. Nonviolent Resistance Resistance can be viewed as active or passive, violent or nonviolent. Gandhi chose nonviolent resistance as the best approach to respond to violent situations. Gandhi’s “resistance approach implies dissociating oneself from evil activities, it will cut the root of structural violence and isolate evil for sheer lack of cooperation.”76 When violence is attacked with violent resistance, he argued, great is the disaster, whereas addressing violence with nonviolent resistance through truth force will result in changing the oppressor and the social system. The ultimate aim of Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance was Truth or attainment of God through self-realisation; but self-realisation through service towards others, considering them as one’s brothers and sisters.77 Both the Indian community in South Africa and the Indian subcontinent were the two contexts where Gandhi practically implemented the strategy of nonviolent resistance to fight against injustice, exploitation, and suppression of the Indians by the British. Gandhi implemented a nonviolent resistance strategy in South Africa to fight for civil rights for the Indian community. Under the guidance of Gandhi, the Indian community participated in the movement with renewed zest. They never became violent in spite of arrest. During that time the Government of South Africa was also faced with another problem. There began a strike by the European Rail way workers which put the Government in an unpleasant situation. Gandhi was wise to follow his strategy by not adding woes to the Government. He was convinced of the general rule of Satyagraha that kindness should be shown to the opponent. It means the satyagrahis do not add to the difficulties of the opposite party. They believe in bringing about a change of heart of the opponent. Gandhi, according to this principle of Satyagraha, stopped his struggle for social justice for some time until the strike by the Railway workers was called ofif. The European population praised that move of Gandhi and thus the Indian cause won for itself a favourable climate. The important demands of the 74 Cf. Sugata Dasgupta, “The Core of Gandhi’s Social and Economic Thought,” in Gandhi’s Significance for Today: The Elusive Legacy, eds. John Hick and Lamont C. Hempel, 194. 75 Cf. Girish Chandra Roy, Indian Culture: The Tradition of Non- Violence and Social Change in India, 40-1. 76 Unto Tahtinen, Ahimsa: Non-Violence in Indian Tradition (London: Rider and Company, 1976), 199. 77 Cf. Joseph Pulikal, “Gandhiji invites us to a Culture of Non-violence!” in Kristu Jyoti, A Youth Pastoral Theological Catechetical Journal 19, no. 2, (June 2003): 148. 174 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective Indian population - not to have to register their fïngerprints, for the annulment of Indian tax, and the validation of Hindu and Muslim marriages - were met through the Satyagraha of Gandhi. The entry of the educated Indians into South Africa was lifted, and the Government promised to protect the rights of the Indians in South Africa. Thus, it was a success of Satyagraha by a group of Indians against a powerful Government.78 The Indian context of extreme poverty and suffering drew the attention of Gandhi. He hated the British system of administration which was exploitative but he did not hate the British people. The laws of the British administration weighed down upon the rural poor. For Gandhi, the British Empire represented the “exploitation of India’s resources for the benefit of Great Britain.”79 He came to the “conclusion that British rule in India had crushed the spirit of the nation and stunted its growth.”80 The incident that triggered radical change in Gandhi towards the British in India was the massacre at Jallianwalla Bagh on April 13, 1919. Sikhs, Hindus, and Muslims who congregated for the celebration of a Sikh festival were mercilessly massacred by the British military officer R.E.H. Dyer. In this tragedy, innocent men, women, and children became the victims of British power. Gandhi branded the British system with the strongest term he knew: satanic. Therefore, Gandhi was determined to find a new way for Indians based on truth and nonviolence to free Indians from the colonial rule. Hence, he employed Satyagraha as a means to achieve political independence.81 The publication of weekly joumals — Young India and Harijan, his speeches on various occasions, and personal encounters were the means of communication through which Gandhi reached the people in order to educate them on the principle of nonviolence. Gandhi said, “Nonviolence does not mean meek submission to the will of the evil-doer, but it means the pitting of one’s whole soul against the will of the tyrant....And so I am not pleading for India to practice nonviolence because she is weak. I want her to practice nonviolence being conscious of her strength and power.”82 Gandhi tried to instill self-confidence in the Indian people and attempted to convert the Indian national struggle into a mass-struggle to fight British injustice.83 He knew that freedom begins with the individual. According to Gandhi, 78 Cf. V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: A Study of his Message on Non-Violence, 76-7. 79 M.K. Gandhi, Letter to Every Englisbman in India, Young India, 27 October 1920. 80 M.K. Gandhi, Non-Violence in Peace and War, vol. I (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1942), 115. 81 Cf. Paul Mundschenk, “The Heart of Satyagraha: A Quest for Inner Dignity, not Political Power,” in Gandhi’s Significance for Today: The Elusive Legacy, eds. John Hick and Lamont C. Hempel, 27. 82 Gandhi’s saying quoted in Gene Sharp “Gandhi’s Political Significance Today,” in Gandhi: His Relevance for our Times, eds. G. Ramachandran and T.K. Mahadevan, 52. 83 V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: A Study of His Message ofNon- Violence, 11. 175 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective both individual freedom and national freedom are threads woven into the entire fabric of life.84 The Indian people understood Gandhi’s motivation and they offered their cooperation in their given circumstances. They were ready to suffer imprisonment, pain, suffering, losing what little land they had, and physical deprivation in order to fight for political liberation. Gandhi as a political leader represented the voice of the Indian people for freedom and he instilled hope in them by practically engaging himself in freedom movements with the cooperation of the Indian masses through nonviolent techniques. In the historical context of India, Mahatma Gandhi developed ‘nonviolent resistance’ as a novel method of conflict-resolution during the freedom movement. Being influenced by Thoreau, Gandhi launched into the national level campaign of nonviolent resistance towards British administration. The two freedom movements, namely, the Civil Disobedience Movement and the Nonviolent Noncooperation Movement against British rule created a national consciousness and thus became India’s mass movements.85 Gandhi wrote in Young India, “Noncooperation and civil disobedience are but different branches of the same tree called Satyagraha.”86 On 12 March 1930 Gandhi led the Civil Disobedience Movement with 78 followers. It was a protest march lasting 23 days, from the city of Ahmedabad towards the Coastal town of Dandi against the British monopoly on salt. It is also known as the “Salt Satyagraha” or the “Dandi March'. Gandhi chose salt as the main issue of his protest. He thus outlined the reasons for his choice: Next to air and water, salt is perhaps the greatest necessity of life. It is the only condiment of the poor...There is no article like salt outside water by taxing which the State can reach even the starving millions, and the sick, the maimed and the utterly helpless. The tax constitutes therefore the most inhuman poll tax that ingenuity of man can devise.87 The salt Satyagraha was to resist British salt policies as poor Indians were suffering under the salt tax. Special stress was placed on the suffering of a ‘helpless’ section of the population and an ideal that there should be mass resistance to the tax. Furthermore, the Govemment’s monopoly on salt production and distribution was also affecting the native Bengal salt industry. As the protesters passed through the villages, more people joined the 84 Harijan: A Joumal of Applied Gandhiism, 1933-1955, vol. XI - 1947, with an introduction by Joan Bondurant, 6. 85 Cf. V.P. Gaat, Mahatma Gandhi: A Study o fHis Message ofNon-violence, 34-5. 86 Young India, 26 Decemberl924, quoted from SWMG, VI, 209. 87 Quoted in Dennis Dalton, “The Dandi March,” in Essays in Modern Indian History, ed. B.R. Nanda (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1980), 89. 176 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective protest. They nonviolently broke the law of the British and it was an encouragement for thousands of Indians to follow Gandhi’s noncooperation with such evil laws as he saw them. Gandhi sought the support of citizens who were convinced of this method.88 Vinoba Bhave, Gandhi’s close follower in Shanti Sena said, ahimsa suggests, it does not command. Its suggestions are more powerfiil than any command. Gandhi’s word was law for thousands of people and in response great strength was shown. Thousands of people were inwardly impelled to leave their homes and make the pilgrimage.89 Many women, who had never come out from the hidden quarters of their homes before, joined the movement with courage. They were also beaten up and imprisoned along with men. In this nonviolent warfare, Gandhi was very much pleased with the initiatives taken by women and with their enthusiasm and cooperation in the campaign against the salt tax movement. This mass movement drew the attention of the world.90 Various methods of nonviolent noncooperation were adopted during the freedom struggle in India. Some of them were: surrendering or rejecting honours, titles, and honorary offices, the refusal to pay tax to the govemment, the boycotting of certain goods manufactured by the British and the like. Other methods used were: boycotting of law courts, govemment schools, colleges, and legislative councils; withdrawal from all forms of govemment service such as the civil service, the police, and the armed forces; the refusal to use, or to assist in the provision of important commercial services such as those of banking and insurance; hizrat (exodus or going away from one’s native land), and the withholding of labour.91 All these techniques required a great amount of self-sacrifice, moral courage, and strong determination. Inspired by Gandhi’s principle of nonviolent resistance, Martin Luther King Jr., demonstrated the nonviolence resistance as the best way to achieve the abolition of discrimination against black people in America. King was convinced that nonviolent action does not immediately change the heart of the oppressor, but it does affect those who are oppressed and commit themselves to acting against it. It gives them a new self-respect and calls on strength and courage they were not previously aware of. To retaliate with hate and 88 Cf Dennis Dalton, “The Dandi March,” in Essays in Modern Indian History, ed. B.R. Nanda (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1980), 89-90. 89 Cf. Vinoba Bhave, Shanti Sena, 2nd ed. trans. Marjorie Sykes (Rajghat, Varanasi: Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan, 1963), 18- 9. 90 Cf. Stanley Wolpert, Gandhi''s Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi, 148; also see, Joan V. Bondurant, Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, 90. 91 Cf H.J.N. Horsburgh, Non-Violence and Aggression: A Study of Gandhi's Moral Equivalent of War, 79, 80. 177 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective bittemess would do nothing but intensify hate in the world.92 King and his freedom fighters in Alabama refused to counter violence with violence, even when they were beaten and attacked by guard dogs.93 The concept of Christian love and the example of Jesus were foundational in King’s pilgrimage of nonviolence. He integrated the teachings of Jesus and the method of nonviolent resistance of Gandhi for social justice in the African- American community.94 The power of mass resistance animated by the guiding principle of nonviolence was a strong weapon to unite men and women in their struggle for a national cause. In gathering empowering resources from the Indian people, Gandhi did not lose hope in his endeavours rather with single minded devotion to his principles of truth and nonviolence he marched ahead with his campaign. Gandhi’s vision of nonviolent resistance emphasized not only the achievement of political independence but also liberation from socio-cultural, economic, and religious structures which were imprisoning the Indian people. He was deeply disturbed by the problem of the misery of the poor. It was not only the poverty but the problems of caste hierarchy, various crimes against women, and communal disharmony which drew the attention of Gandhi. Such a problem-stricken humanity was the main focus of Gandhi to commit himself for their emancipation. 2.1.4. Swaraj (Self-governance or Self-rule) According to Gandhi, the goal of Satyagraha was swaraj, self-rule. People understood it to mean the end of British domination and the transfer of power in India to the Indian people. But Gandhi’s vision of swaraj was not limited to liberation from political domination but extended to liberation of the Indian soul.95 For Gandhi, liberation can be achieved by self- realization, and he states, “It was self-realization; the capacity of the people to get rid of their helplessness; the ability to regard every inhabitant of India as our own brother or sister; abandonment of the fear of death.”96 To achieve swaraj Gandhi developed his ideology of Satyagraha and he employed the method of nonviolence. 92 George Therukattil, “Jesus’ Confrontation with the Violence of Legalism,” Jeevadhara XLI, no. 243 (May 2011): 208-9. 93 Cf. Maik Karl Juergensmeyer, Gandhi’s Way: A Handbook o f Conflict Resolution (Berkeley: University of Califomia Press, 2005), 28. 94 Cf. Sudarshan Kapur, “Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Liberation of Self and Society” Gandhi Marg 34, no. l(April-June 2012): 12-3. 95 Cf. Paul Mundschenk, “The Heart of Satyagraha: A Quest for Inner Dignity, not Political Power,” in Gandhi’s Signijïcance for Today: The Elusive Legacy, eds. John Hick & Lamont C. Hempel, 25. 96 Mohandas K. Gandhi, cited in Geoffrey Ashe, Gandhi: A Study in Revolution (London: Heinemann, 1968), 210. 178 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective First and foremost, Gandhi advocated the concept of swaraj to free India from foreign domination and to decentralize political power because such political power was monopolising economic, legal, military, and administrative powers. Gandhi laid emphasis on the development of the individual and the community through his various constructive programmes and especially the development of villages. Gandhi’s vision of swaraj found expression in his various programmes with specific steps leading toward specific goals. The programmes included: reaching the spinning wheel into every home in order to put an end to the use of foreign cloth, abolition of untouchability among Hindus, and a local assembly in every village in India.97 Gandhi envisioned these programmes to cultivate self-respect among the people and strengthen the moral fibre of the nation as a whole. The development of villages, which Gandhi envisaged, sowed the seed for Village Swaraj (self-rule) Committee. Gandhi presented his idea of ‘Village Swaraj’ which would essentially mean each village was a complete republic and where all the necessities of life were taken care of in the village by mutual collaboration.98 He argued that it would facilitate the leadership role of men and women, create employment opportunities, education, making use of the resources for the common good and welfare of all. His vision of swaraj constituted the creation of an ideal society where there would be no thieves and no criminals. To focilitate such a society, Gandhi remarked that all amassing or hoarding of wealth above and beyond one’s legitimate requirements was a theft which leads to exploitation and injustice.99 2.1.5. Sarvodaya (Welfare of All) Mahatma Gandhi was a charismatic personality. He was endowed with a special charism towards the development of those who were suppressed under the burden of socio-cultural and political powers at a particular period in history. He had witnessed the crucial impact of violence on humanity during the two World Wars. He personally experienced racial discrimination in South Africa. With this reality of wounded humanity he was moved with compassion towards the Indian poor who were discriminated and oppressed not only due to the unjust British administration but also due to various social evils which prevailed in India. Gandhi’s conception of ahimsa constituted an ideal of human wellbeing. Therefore, he coined the word “sarvodaya” meaning, ‘universal uplift’ or welfare of all. Gandhi attempted 97 Cf. Geoffrey Ashe, Gandhi: A Study in Revolution (London: Heinemann, 1968), 28. 98 Cf. M.K. Gandhi, Non-Violence in Peace and War, vol. I, 406-7; See also in Non-Violence in Peace and War vol. II, 379-381. 99 M.K. Gandhi, Non-Violence in Peace and War, vol. II, 120. 179 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective to implement his ethical principle in practical life with a vision for the ‘upliftment’ of the oppressed sections of the Indian society. He reached out to the socially marginalized groups of society, the poor, the untouchables, women and organized them as a collective force to fight against the injustices meted out against them. The special contribution of Gandhi was to make the concept of ahimsa relevant in the social sphere. Gandhi transformed ahimsa into an active social technique. He wrote, “I have applied ahimsa in every walk of life, domestic, institutional, economic, and political.”100 On the basis of his vision for social upliftment Gandhi proposed a social order based on nonviolence. Therefore, he set up a constructive programme to implement his vision for the transformation of the structures of oppression in favour of the victims. In his Foreword to the brochure regarding his Constructive Programme, Gandhi emphasized that the constructive programme is the truthful and nonviolent way of winning complete Independence. It is designed to build up the nation from the very bottom upward.101 The programme included those elements that were relevant for the development of the nation with an emphasis on removal of untouchability, fostering communal unity, development of villages, issues conceming women and the importance of education among other things. Though Gandhi could foresee a lot of oppositions on the part of the British Government to implement his programme, yet, he was convinced that the programme was workable and worth the attempt.102 Gandhi’s method of nonviolent resistance sought liberation of the three main groups of oppressed people: the untouchables, the villagers, and women. First: Seeing the miserable condition of the untouchables created by the Hindu society, Gandhi with his soul-force confronted the high caste Hindus and tried out all the possible ways to emancipate the untouchables. “Untouchability is a soul-destroying sin. Caste is a social evil”103 said Gandhi. To address the untouchables, Gandhi coined the name ‘Harijan ’ literally meaning ‘God’s people.’ He also named his weekly joumal, “Harijan”. He published it in three languages: Harijan in English, Harijan-bandhu in Gujarati, and Harijansevak in Hindi. Gandhi considered untouchability a religious and moral problem, not a legal or economic one. Gandhi faced a lot of opposition and criticism on issues conceming the untouchables. Many Indians were disappointed with Gandhi’s decision to uplift the untouchables, which was a key element of the Congress programme. With regards to 100 Shriman Narayan, SWMG, VI, 163. 101 Cf. M.K. Gandhi, Foreword - Constructive Programme, Shriman Narayan, SWMG, IV, 335. 102 Cf. Ibid., 335-6. 103 Shriman Narayan, SWMG, V, 444. 180 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective Gandhi’s long commitment to the improvement of life of the depressed castes, his political judgement was questioned. Most members of the Congress were determined to tackle political issues rather than social concerns. Dadabhai Naoroji, a wealthy Parsi, and the Congress president for two terms said that the Congress, a political organization must represent our political aspirations to our rulers and should not discuss social reforms.104 Second: The vision of Gandhi’s complete independence was “Ram Rajya i.e. the rule of Ram or the Kingdom of God on earth.” In concrete terms, he speaks of independence in political, economic, and moral terms.105 In Gandhi’s view, independence must begin at the local level. Gandhi suggested that every village needs to be a republic having full powers of its own and capable of managing its affairs. This type of society, in Gandhi’s opinion, is based on truth and nonviolence where there is no place for power, for exploitation, and violence. It is not possible without having a belief in God.106 In all the developmental programmes of the villages, Gandhi used the technique of nonviolence. In many occasions people sought his guidance and support for their practical problems. To mention a few, the problem of farmers with their landlords in Bihar; the injustice feced by the mill workers from their employers in Ahmedabad; the farmers’ difficulty in paying the land revenue imposed by the British administration; the problem of fïghting against the inequalities of the caste system; and the political problems in different provinces and so on.107 In all these challenging situations Gandhi demonstrated that to face violence with nonviolence one requires “a lot of understanding and strength of the mind.”108 Third: It is important to understand the status of women in pre-Independence India. Women were confïned only to the domestic sphere. As child marriage was common, many women died or became widows at young age. Gandhi emerged at a time when child marriage, child widows, sati system, purdah system, and devadasï system were practiced which were strongly supported by the ancient Hindu tradition. Gandhi was aware of the status of women who were weighed down with enormous problems in the Hindu society. Therefore, Gandhi emphasized the need for involvement of women both at home and outside. He addressed women on different occasions, facilitating their participation in freedom movements, advising them to do whatever they could in their capacity, and expressing his faith in their potentialities. Gandhi was aware that women have been suppressed under customs and laws 104 Cf. Burton Stein, A History o fIndia, 330. 105 M.K. Gandhi, Non-Violence in Peace and War, vol. II, 85. 106 Cf. M.K. Gandhi, Non-Violence in Peace and War, vol. II, 106- 8. 107 Cf V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: A Study o f His Message o f Non-Violence, 78-91. 108 Cf. Harijan XI, no. 18, 1 June 1947,172. 181 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective for which men were responsible. He criticized men’s behaviour as lords and masters of women, for failing to consider women as their friends and co-workers.109 Gandhi’s contribution towards the emancipation of women will be discussed in detail fiirther in this chapter. To conclude, the discussion on the five key elements of Gandhian tradition emphasize Gandhi’s passion for truth and nonviolence. Gandhi employed Satyagraha not only for achieving national independence but more specifically to address various issues that concemed social evils in Indian society and for its economic development. His strategy of nonviolent resistance has been one of the best methods to address ‘violence with nonviolence’, which was generally considered impossible or unworkable. For Gandhi, it was possible because of his faith in God and his vision of human wellbeing. Gandhi, as a compassionate social reformer committed himself to the wellbeing of the suffering of humanity. He promoted the principle of nonviolence by holding on to his soul-force. He experienced immense inner freedom which allowed him to share his technique with men and women, as he desired the wellbeing of all. Clinging to the truth and as a relentless seeker of it, Gandhi dedicated his life to Truth (which in his conception, was God) through nonviolence. 2.2. Limitations of the Gandhian Approach in India While acknowledging the positive contribution of Gandhi to the Indian people, it is necessary to analyse the limitations of his approach and the possibilities for the development of India today. This analysis will help to explore the liberating power of Gandhi’s struggles for the development of the nation without compromising his values and commitment. This study will provide a comprehensive outlook of the Gandhian tradition. The discussion in this section will deal with the reasons as to why Gandhian tradition has not been sufficiently effective in India. In other words, it will analyse why Gandhi experienced failures in communicating his philosophy in an effective manner. It will take two important aspects for the process of analysis: the dichotomy between traditional and modem methods of development and Gandhi’s failure in his approach to Hindu-Muslim unity. 109 Cf. Shriman Narayan, SWMG, IV, 353- 4. 182 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective 2.2.1. Dichotomy between Traditional and Modern Methods of Development The dichotomy between traditional and modem approach of development is focused from three perspectives: use of technology, addressing the problem of untouchability, and the use of nuclear weapons. First: The dichotomy between traditional and modem methods of development created a tension between Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of Independent India. Nehru held the view that the immediate development of modem industries, technology, and modem science was needed for the material progress of India. Gandhi thought that modem developments such as the adoption of large-scale technology, mechanized structures, and a centralized economy would prove disastrous for India; they would introducé impurity and corruption into the Indian social structure and would lead India astray from her traditional moral system.110 Gandhi was not against the use of technology but he favoured the employment of human labour and human resources. He believed that the physical energies of the people could be converted into a vast constructive force. The methods Gandhi saw as important for development seem to be irrelevant to the present time. But what is important is the motivation which led him to support such techniques, could contribute to a new vision for today. Gandhi emphasized the idea that one should make one’s living with hard labour and by not remaining idle. He said, “Mechanisation is good when the hands are too few for the work intended to be accomplished. It is an evil when there are more hands than required for the work, as is the case in India.”111 Second: Gandhi was in conflict with Bhim Rao Ambedkar,112 the political and social leader of the untouchables on the issue of untouchability. Gandhi holding on to the view of different varnas in the Bhagavad-Gita considered that “all occupation is good and should be respected and they are equal in dignity.”113 Gandhi aspired to the intemal transformation of Hinduism, especially its beliefs and attitudes regarding the caste system. In Gandhi’s thought, the beliefs and practices of untouchability degraded caste Hindus and untouchables alike. 110 Cf. Girish Chandra Roy, Indian Culture: The Tradition ofNon-Violence and Social Change inlndia, 46. 111 Harijan, 16 Novemberl934,316. 112 B.R. Ambedkar was bom in an untouchable Mahar family. He experienced the horrors of caste system and discrimination against the untouchables. As a brilliant student he continued his studies in Bombay and doctorate in law in Columbia State University, New York. Later he became the Professor of Law. He was the Father of the Indian Constitutions. Being influenced by Buddhism, he was converted to Buddhism in 1956 because of the discrimination of the untouchables in Hindu society. 113 Shriman Narayan, SWMG, V, 446. 183 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective According to Ambedkar, the problem of untouchability could not be resolved through grace and the willingness of the higher Hindu castes. Ambedkar rejected what he saw as Gandhi’s patronizing and outdated ideology and programmes.114 Ambedkar held that Gandhi’s views prevented the development of human beings’ capabilities to assume other occupations. He considered that Gandhi’s ideology also restricted people to remaining in their own occupation.115 Ambedkar demanded separate electorates for the untouchables. Gandhi thought that if there were separate electorates for the untouchables the British would further subdivide the Indian nation and gain another social base for their rule. Later, Ambedkar agreed with Gandhi in which the separate electorates were converted into reserved seats.116 Discussing Gandhi and the Dalit117 question, D.R. Nagaraj expresses that both Gandhi and Ambedkar tried to solve the Dalit issue through traditional and modem approaches. Gandhi represents the traditional Indian mode of tackling the question of untouchability. He aspired that the notion of untouchability should disappear from the mind and heart of caste Hindu society. Gandhi believed that any attempt to eradicate untouchability would not be fruitful without a constant and deep interaction with the caste Hindus. The essence of Gandhian approach is that the change is possible only by struggling with the ‘other’ in a spirit of union.118 Nagaraj notes that Ambedkar represents a radical mode of thinking. According to Ambedkar, any social stratification should organise ‘for itselP as he considered that greater its militancy, greater the possibilily of realising the goal. If the Dalit society becomes militant and aggressive, caste Hindu society will be forced to come to its senses. Nagaraj observes that this mode of action rejects the Gandhian preoccupation with the ‘other’ totally. Ambedkar’s approach attracted angiy Dalit youths throughout the country. Ambedkar had become a great leader for the Dalits whereas Gandhi was seen as pious and traditional. Critiquing the militant approach of Ambedkar, Nagaraj argues that as long as the caste Hindu society, the ‘other’, will refïise to change, the crime of untouchability will thrive in very subtle ways. At heart, the caste Hindu society will retain the same old values as it is difficult to find a lasting solution to this problem within the framework of Ambedkarism. In this context, Gandhi proves more 114 Cf. Burton Stem, A History of India, 332. 115 Cf. Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susarme Hoeber Rudolph, The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967), 141. 116 Cf. Dietmar Rothermund, India: The Rise o f an Asian Giant, 171. 117 The untouchables are also known as Dalits. Therefore, both terms are used. 118 Cf. D.R. Nagaraj, “Gandhi and the Dalit Question: Comparative Reflections on the Gandhian, Ambedkarite, and Marxist Approaches,” in Gandhi and Social Action Today, ed. Mercy Kappen (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Private, Limited, 1990), 79. 184 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective relevant.119 Nagaraj afïirms that both Gandhi and Ambedkar had basically perceived the problem of the untouchables from the perspective of the value structure. Ambedkar too lays great emphasis on the creation of self-respect. As Ambedkar personally experienced the humiliation from caste Hindus for being a Dalit, he emphasized a radical approach and possibilities for social change.120 Third: it is necessary to admit that in the post-independent India the guidance and inspiration given by Gandhi has been challenged and also found to be a failure to a great extent. Gandhian principles have not been followed from the perspective of nonviolence. Gandhi with his soul force totally rejected and discouraged the use of arms. It was Jawaharlal Nehru who controlled and fiinded India’s Ministry of Atomic Power. Then his daughter, Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi ordered India’s first plutonium bomb explosion in 1974, on the birth anniversary of Lord Buddha. Later India continued with other powerful nuclear explosions, proudly proclaiming that it had joined the world’s (most deadly and dangerous) arms race. India still continues to compete in the world’s destructive power race for the violent methods of nuclear weapons, especially with her conflicts with Pakistan.121 Gandhi’s approach of nonviolence faced limitations and he admitted his shortcomings in communicating his ideology effectively to the people. First and foremost, it is important to look at Gandhi’s ideals of nonviolence from his own perspective. For Gandhi, nonviolence was Truth rather than an altemative to violence. Nonviolence was his spirituality, a way of life. He applied this approach in various spheres, political, social, cultural, and economic in South Africa and in India. In the given historical context, Gandhi’s strategy of nonviolent resistance received great success especially in attaining political freedom from colonial power. But his aspiration for an idealistic society did not find a practical way of effecting social change. Ignatius Jesudasan affirms that Gandhi could not bring about radical social change; however, he sowed the seeds of a new age for Indian society by advocating decentralization, by his critique of industrialization, and by initiating struggles against untouchability.122 119 Cf. D.R. Nagaraj, “Gandhi and the Dalit Question: Comparative Reflections on the Gandhian, Ambedkarite, and Marxist Approaches,” 79-80. 120 Cf. Ibid., 79. 121 Cf. Stanley Wolpert, Gandhi’s Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi, 261. 122 Cf. Ignatius Jesudasan, “The Theory and Practice of Ahimsa,” in Gandhi and Social Action Today, ed. Mercy Kappen, 22. 185 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective 2.2.2. Failure of Gandhian Approach to Hindu-Muslim Unity One of Gandhi’s dreams for India was the unity of Hindus and Muslims, a dream which he could not achieve in his life, and neither is it being realised today. Joseph Tharamangalam, commenting on failure of Gandhi’s method in securing Hindu-Muslim unity, points out that “under the highly religious and saintly Mahatma Gandhi, Indian nationalism spoke a language that was largely Hindu with a liberal use of the idiom and symbolism of Hinduism. In the end, Gandhi failed to keep the Muslim masses with him.”123 For instance, Gandhi often used the term “Ramarajya” to communicate his vision of God’s kingdom where complete freedom is experienced. The term “Ramarajya derives from the Indian Epic Ramayana which depicts the victory of Rama, symbolizing the forces of good, over Ravana, symbolizing the forces of evil, and the consequent establishment of a reign of goodness and justice in the land. To Orthodox Muslims, Gandhi’s reference to Ramarajya, aroused the fear that Gandhi intended a Hindu- dominated state with Hindu leadership. Notwithstanding, according to Gandhi, Rama and Rahim (one of the Muslim names for God) were the same and Gandhi acknowledged “no other God but the one God of truth and righteousness.”124 India saw communal riots and disharmony between Hindus and Muslims, and both communities attacked each other resulting often into bloodshed. Communal disharmony led to the partition of the country into India and Pakistan. Gandhi was in favour of offering Muhammad Ali Jinnah the post of Prime Minister of India but it did not work out.125 Gandhi was not able to control political unrest which resulted in violence throughout the nation during the period of India’s independence. On the eve of the partition of the country violence erupted in Naokhali and in Bengal. Gandhi’s padayatra (literally, Joumey on foot)126 was ineffective and therefore he began to fast unto death. Then slowly violence subsided.127 During the partition of India and Pakistan, Lord Mountbatten, the British Viceroy described Gandhi as a “One-man Boundary Force.”128 Gandhi was against the division of the country into India and Pakistan. He constantly strove to have one nation and desired for the unity of Hindus and Muslims.129 123 Mercy Kappen, ed. Gandhi and Social Action Today, 89. 124 Joan V. Bondurant, Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, 150-1. 125 Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a lawyer by profession and a political leader. He was the President of the Muslim League. 126 A joumey undertaken by a politician or prominent citizen to raise public awareness on issues conceming public life. 127 Cf. Rupert M. Rosario, “Gandhi and Secularism,” in Gandhi and Social Action Today, ed. Mercy Kappen, 87 128 Stanley Wolpert, Gandhi ’s Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi, 241. 129 Cf. Gandhi’s letters to M.A. Jinnah, Shriman Narayan, SWMG, V, 230-38. 186 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective The elements discussed above with regard to the limitations of the Gandhian approach give a more rounded picture of Gandhi’s struggles in experimenting with his strategy of nonviolence. Given the historical circumstances and the socio-cultural and religious conditions of his time, he tried what he could by passionately committing himself to the cause of India. Gandhi faced the failure of his nonviolent campaign in India in relation to how he had envisioned it. He admitted that the failure was partly his own, and partly the fault of his followers as their motives and conduct were not, as he saw it, sufïiciently pure. Gandhi asserted that Satyagraha had not failed, rather failure resulted from some using it as a policy for pragmatic ends instead of living by it as a spiritual creed. Till the end, Gandhi retained his hope that only genuine nonviolence could guarantee peace and order in the world.130 3. Gandhi’s Perception of Women The contribution of Gandhi towards the emancipation of women in the patriarchal society of India is significant. In the history of India, there are a few great social reformers who have contributed towards the development of women.131 Gandhi remains unique because as Madhu Kishwar, an Indian academician and women’s rights activist observes, one important difference between Gandhi and the other 19* century reformers with regard to women is that Gandhi “does not see women as objects of reform, as helpless creatures deserving charitable concern. Instead, he sees them as active, self-conscious agents of social change.”132 On the one hand Gandhi witnessed women’s potentialities for nation building as he believed in the power of women; on the other women were influenced by Gandhi’s principle of nonviolence and they were encouraged with his support to explore possibilities for their participation in politics. Such possibilities made it easier for women to collaborate actively in Gandhi’s strategy of nonviolent resistance during the freedom movement. Moreover, Gandhi addressed the issues of women prevalent at his time with courage and determination. He challenged vehemently both men and women to afïïrm the dignity of women for the wellbeing of the whole of humanity. Besides these liberating elements, we also observe in Gandhi’s writings the praise of women as the embodiment of suffering, self- sacrifice, fidelity, and tolerance. However, Gandhi restricted married woman’s space 130 Cf. Thomas Merton, ed., Gandhi on Non-Violence: Selected Texts from Mohandas K. Gandhi’s Non-Violence in Peace and War, 63. 131 Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Dayananda Saraswati, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar and others were supporters of women’s emancipation by promoting the education of women, improving the condition of widows, and addressing the social evils like satï, child marriage etc. 132 Madhu Kishwar, “Gandhi on Women,” Economic and Political Weekly XX, no. 41, 12 October 1985, 1757. 187 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective wrote to one of his ashram women.162 Gandhi was aware that he was losing political control because of his failure to maintain his sexual ideals. When his relationships with women were criticized, he tried to defend himself by continuing to maintain his cohabitation with women in order to prove his vow of celibacy. His experiments were certainly detrimental to the interests of women. Arvind Sharma in his article “Gandhi and Celibacy” points out that for Mahatma Gandhi his public life reflected his private life. Though Gandhi had taken the vow of celibacy at the beginning of his political career, towards the end of his career he was confronted with a connection between political circumstances and his experiments with celibacy. Sharma points out that M.K. Gandhi began to lose control in the political field when he was confronted with his relationship with Manu, his cousin’s granddaughter. Manu was nineteen years old, and maintained that she had never feit any sexual impulse because Gandhi was for her like a mother. Kasturbai was assisted by the girl and she entrusted Manu to Gandhi’s care. After the death of Kasturbai in 1944, Gandhi was confronted on this issue four years before his death. The cause of Hindu-Muslim unity also received a setback and resulted in communal rioting. Gandhi was unable to control the Muslim League led by Quid-e-Azam, he was also losing control over the Congress, an organization he had brought into national prominence, and also of the people.163 Sharma observes, Mahatma Gandhi claimed that the power to work in the political field was derived from his spiritual field. When Gandhi sensed the loss of power to control events in the political field, he associated it with the loss of self-control in his sexual life, and this may have led him to experiment with a vow of celibacy.164 Gandhi believed that the challenging test of his celibacy was somehow mystically connected to the purity and perfection of his Ahimsa and to his power to stop Hindu-Muslim conflicts.165 Madhu Kishwar in her article ‘Gandhi on Women’ records a shocking statement made by Gandhi in 1917 while criticizing the work of orphanages who received ‘foundlings,’ infants who have been abandoned because they were bom out of wedlock. Gandhi remarked: “I am not yet convinced that providing for such admissions is ethically sound. I have a kind of feeling that such facilities lead to increase in indulgence. It can in no way be proved that 162 Stanley Wolpert, Gandhi’s Passion: The Life andLegacy ofMahatma Gandhi, 186. 163 Cf. Arvind Sharma, “Gandhi and Celibacy,” in Gandhi ’s Significance for Today: The Elusive Legacy, eds. John Hick and Lamont C. Hempel, 52-7. 164 Ibid., 57. 165 Cf. Stanley Wolpert, Gandhi ’s Passion: The Life and Legacy o fMahatma Gandhi, 186. 194 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective keeping alive every creature that is bom, no matter how, is a part of humanitarianism. It lies rather in covering up the floor with earth or destroying it, though either way the vermin in the floor perish. Numberless vermin perish even in the process of keeping our bodies clean.” Therefore, he concludes that humanitarianism “will not encourage and shield laxity by accepting the burden of such admissions.” In his unfortunate metaphor, Gandhi equated innocent children bom out of wedlock with vermin who deserved to be left to perish.166 Such ideas, disturbing to us, were also reflected in Gandhi’s own life. When his first child died within three or four days of birth, he attributed it to his failure to attend to his dying father because of his sexual intimacy with his wife.167 This instance shows “his moralistic self- righteousness and vindictive revulsion against what he saw as irresponsible sex for the sake of sensual pleasure.”168 3.3. Liberation of Women in Gandhian Thought Gandhi’s writings on women indicate that he challenged the contemporaiy Hindu orthodox practices which exploited Hindu women, like child marriage, sati, widow remarriage, dowiy, purdah system, and devadasï system. He questioned the fundamental inequality and the injustices done to women in Indian society. Gandhi also raised his voice against female foeticide, infanticide, sexual harassment, domestic violence, discrimination against girls, and the denial of education to girls.169 He created public awareness on various women’s issues through his writings, speeches and constructive programmes, challenging both men and women on their responsibility in the family and in society. Gandhi condemned social evils against women supported by legislation and religious traditions thus: “Legislation has been mostly the handiwork of man; and man has not always been fair and indiscriminate in performing that self-appointed task; the largest part of our effort in promoting the regeneration of women should be directed towards removing those blemishes which are represented in our Shastras (teachings) as the necessaiy and ingrained characteristics of women.”170 Gandhi said that any tradition, religious laws and practices which are inconsistent with morality should be banished—untouchability, child marriage, women’s lifelong subordination, isolation and subjugation of widows were, for him, examples of such practices. These are sanctioned by the ancient scriptures written by men, and thus 166 Cf. Madhu Kishwar, “Gandhi on Women,” Economic and Political Weekly, 1757. 167 Cf. Gandhi, Autobiography, Part I, Ch. ix. 168 Madhu Kishwar, “Gandhi on Women,” Economic and Political Weekly, 1757. 169 Cf. Bina Kumari Sarina, “Relevance of Gandhian Ideas for Human Rights and Empowerment of Women,” The Orissa Review (October 2009), 2. 170 M.K. Gandhi, Women and Social Injustice (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1947), 3-4. 195 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective Gandhi realised to what extent the women in India had become the victims of crimes organised by men. To quote Gandhi: Of all the evils for which man has made himself responsible, none to me, is so degrading, so shocking or so brutal as his abuse of the better half of humanity, the female sex, not the weaker sex. It is the nobler of the two, for it is even today the embodiment of sacrifice, silent suffering, humility, faith, and knowledge. A woman’s intuition has often proved truer than man’s arrogant assumption of superior knowledge.171 Child marriage was widely practiced during the time of Gandhi. If the child husband died, the child widows had to face a lot of oppression, even remarriage was organized for her without reference to her happiness whereas a child widower was free to marry virtually as he pleased. This was another type of exploitation of girl children. Gandhi strongly opposed the system of child marriage, and tried to awaken the parents of their responsibility towards their children. He also encouraged young men to marry child widows. To quote Gandhi again: I passionately desire the utmost fieedom for our women. I detest child marriages. I shudder to see a child-widow, and shiver with rage when a husband, just widowed, with brutal indifference contracts another marriage. I deplore the criminal indifference of parents who keep their daughters utterly ignorant and illiteratc, and bring them up only for the purpose of marrying them ofif to some young man of means.172 In some parts of India, women were forbidden to show their faces. It was another way of exploiting women in the patriarchal system. Gandhi strongly opposed the purdah system and challenged it saying: “Purity should be on the part of both man and woman. Why alone women? Self-control and purity of mind are needed and not just cover one’s face with veil in order to protect their chastity. Man has kept woman in a state of helplessness and dependence; so it continues to be his duty to protect her” (Bapu’s Letter to Ashram Sisters, 9.5.1927).173 Women victims often recognized in Gandhi a loving father, an inspiring guide, a trusting person who could liberate them from their struggles and oppression. They sought occasions to communicate with him either personally or through letters. Gandhi tried to understand their plight and help them in whatever way he could largely with the best interest in their wellbeing. For instance, the Devadasïs approached Gandhi for help and guidance. Deeply shocked and pained by the sufferings of the devadasïs, Gandhi gave them freedom to join the spinning industry, so that they would be able to eam their living and be free from religious exploitation. 171 M.K. Gandhi, Yoimglndia, 15 September, 1921. 172 C.F. Andrews, ed. Mahatma Gandhi’s Ideas: IncludingSelections from his Writings, 323. 173 Shriman Narayan, SWMG, V, 424-5. Gandhi was addressed as Bapu (father). He wrote to the women in Sabarmati Ashram. 196 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective Gandhi tried to make men realize the crimes they were committing against women and also the damage they had done to the society as a result of keeping women inside the four walls of a house and away from public sphere. He wanted men to realize that empowerment of women is not a threat but a way to improve families and societies.174 In the pre-independent era, the accepted norm was that only boys would receive education and girls were to remain at home to leam domestic skills and look after siblings. Illiteracy of women is one of the discriminatory aspects where men can exercise their power over women making them dependent on their knowledge. In order to educate children of the value of equality between male and female, Gandhi prepared a primer or Bal Pothi for the children of primary school. The Bal Pothi was in the form of a mother teaching a child about the importance of leaming house work, such as cleaning, cooking and laundiy which was appropriate for both boys and girls.175 Through this conversation Gandhi stressed that women need to teach their children the value of domestic work. Otherwise women’s entire time will be spent in engaging themselves in daily chores sacrifïcing their time and energy to cater to the needs of their husbands and children. Gandhi pointed out that house work is the joint responsibility of the entire family and not only of a woman. Gandhi’s method of changing a system that was unjust to women was practical as he emphasized the value of domestic work as well as education for both boys and girls.176 Gandhi cautions women, saying: “Woman must cease to consider herself the object of man’s lust. The remedy is more in her hands than man’s. She must refiise to adom herself for men, including her husband, if she will be an equal partner with man. I cannot imagine Sïta even wasting a single moment on pleasing Rama by physical charms.”177 Gandhi stressed, “Man has dominated woman since ages and so woman has developed an inferiorily complex. She has believed in the truth of man’s interested teaching that she is inferior to him.”178 In Harijan, he writes: “I hold that the right education in this country is to teach woman the art of saying ‘no’ even to her husband, to teach her that it is no part of her duty to become a mere tooi or a doll in her husband’s hands. She has rights as well as duties.”179 174 Cf. Bina Kumari Sarma, “Relevance of Gandhian Ideas for Human Rights and Empowerment of Women,” 3. 175 Cf. K. D. Gangrade, “Gandhi and Empowerment of Women - Miles to Go,” (accessed 7 February 2013) httD://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/Gan erade.htm 176 Cf. M.K. Gandhi, Harijan, 5 May 1946, 118. 177 Young India, 21 July 1921,229. 178 Harijan, 24 February 1940,13-4. 179 Harijan, 2 May 1936,93. 197 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective In his letter to Rajkumari Amrit Kaur180 Gandhi writes: “If you women would only realise your dignity and privilege, and make full use of it for mankind, you will make it much better than it is. But man has delighted in enslaving you and you have proved willing slaves till the slaves and slave-holders have become one in the crime of degrading humanity.”181 Gandhi believed in the power of women. His belief had enormous consequences on the politicization of Indian women. Many took part in public life for the first time during his nonviolent resistance campaigns.182 Gandhi’s encounter with women made it possible for them to reclaim their power especially in their participation in politics. Gandhi was influenced by the effective participation of women in the nonviolent resistance movement during the freedom struggle. To mention a few women activists: Sarojini Naidu, the President of Rashtriya Stree Sangha (National Union of Women). During the time of the Noncooperation Movement in 1921, this new organization was set up in Bombay under the presidency of Sarojini Naidu. It was a breakthrough from the traditional role of women to active political participation. It was an independent women’s organization with its aim of swaraj (self-rule) and women’s freedom. Sarojini Naidu was also the first female President of the Indian National Congress in 1925. Annie Besant, a prominent British socialist, theosophist, and women’s rights activist supported Gandhi in his nonviolent movement and campaigned for India’s independence. Madeleine Slade from London, known as Miraben, joined Gandhi at Sabarmati Ashram, accompanied him during his visit to London in 1931 and supported Gandhi greatly in his developmental works.183 Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, a member of the Ahluwalia royal family of Kapurthala state, served as Gandhi’s secretary for sixteen years. Dr. Sushila Nayar served as Gandhi’s medical doctor in his later years. Vijayalakshmi Nehru Pandit (sister of Jawaharlal Nehru), Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya, Durgabai Deshmukh, and Sucheta Kriplani also supported Gandhi. These women activists, and many other women influenced by Gandhi’s vision of nonviolence and developmental activities, actively participated in the Indian Freedom Movement. 180 Rajkumari Amrit Kaur was the daughter of Raja Sir Hamam Singh of the Kapurthala royal family. After her higher education in England, she came in contact with Mahatma Gandhi and it initiated her in active career in politics. As an active social activist, she worked for the development of women especially for the eradication of social evils and female education. She was also concemed towards the emancipation of Harijcms. She was one of the close followers of Gandhi as she was attracted by Gandhi’s rural upliftment and his self-sacrificing spirit. Amrit Kaur became the health minister in the Indian Cabinet for ten years after India’s independence from the British rule in 1947. She was an eminent Gandhian, a freedom fïghter, and a social activist. 181 Letters to Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, 21 October 1936; Shriman Narayan, SWMG, V, 428-9. 182 Cf. Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India, 215. 183 Shriman Narayan, SWMG, V, 162. 198 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective in his life. He was glad to see that Satyagraha had brought Indian women out from their enclosures to contribute their resources for nation building. Women’s participation in freedom movement facilitated women in gaining courage and confidence to transcend the confines of family and contribute to nation building. Women, by supporting and encouraging each other could resist the socio-cultural, religious, and political powers oppressing them and claim their own liberation. “The political movement for national liberation was a means, a weapon to achieve that end. Gandhi saw women playing a major role in the task of social reconstruction. He thought that in the process of reconstructing society, they would also free themselves from the specific forms of bondage that affected them as women.”192 Thus, Gandhi perceived the progress of women was related to the progress of the nation. 4. Relevance of Gandhi for India Today This section will discuss the relevance of Gandhi for India today from two perspectives: Firstly, Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance approach for social wellbeing and secondly. envisioning nonviolent resistance in the context of FF and FI in India. 4.1. Nonviolent Resistance Approach for Social Wellbeing The interpretations of various scholars will be advantageous in order to explore the relevance of Gandhi for India today from the perspectives of social justice, pluralistic understanding of religions, political spirituality, the development of villages, and the economic system. Mukunda Rao finds that as regards to the present-day struggle for justice, people lack the character and direction necessary for adopting Gandhian methods. Rao points out that the term nonviolence continues to carry a negative connotation today—often equated with mere abstention from violence, with peacefiil, respectable demonstrations and so on. She says that Gandhi conceived and projected it into social action quite differently.193 Rao also argues that the Gandhian approach is one of the most Creative altematives for our struggle for peace and justice. She suggests three possible ways of adopting the Gandhian approach. Firstly, it is not enough to oppose something but altematives must be suggested. Secondly, nonviolence, noncooperation, and civil disobedience must be ultimately aimed at setting up counter- “Gandhi on Women,” Economic and Political Weekly, 1757. 193 Cf. Mukunda Rao, “Gandhian Spirituality and Social Liberation,” in Gandhi and Social Action Today, ed. Mercy Kappen, 33-4. 201 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective institutions. Thirdly, people who protest must be positive and engage in some constractive ... 194 and Creative activities. Given the rise of religious intolerance and communal conflicts in India today, Gandhi’s approach to religious pluralism is significant. For Gandhi, truth was God and he believed that truth is found in all religions. Gandhi’s view of ‘Truth is God’ found in all religions signifies his broader vision of different religious traditions. He realized that religions have their different visions of truth, and each has developed its own special organic system of ideas and practices related to its vision. Gandhi rejected the idea that there is one and only one ‘true religion’, with all others being false. In his pluralistic understanding of religion, John Hick argues that Gandhi was far ahead of his time.195 Gandhi asserted that all faiths constitute a revelation of truth, but all are imperfect and liable to err, and that we must be keenly alive to the defects of our own faith and try to overcome those defects.196 Gandhi was cordial in accommodating people of all walks of life with respect and openness for dialogue. He respectfully approached other religions. The sincerity, consistency, and constancy of his concerns gave him the moral authority to uphold his idea of the equality of religions and to encourage others to be more serious about their own religions. Gandhi realized interreligious understanding requires a tolerance grounded in one’s own being and tradition. The religious world view of Gandhi thus set a foundation for the principles of truth and nonviolence. Gandhi did not encourage religious conversion. Rather many were transformed because of following the principle of nonviolence and inspired by Gandhi’s life which gave witness to his message.197 Paul Kattookaran emphasizes the potential power of religion in the political field as he argues for Gandhian relevance for today from the perspective of political spirituality. According to Kattookaran, “a political spirituality is that which motivates an individual or a community to reach out to the concerns of material life, to the economic and political existence of people. This humanistic vision is the challenge posed to religion by Gandhi.”198 Kattookaran emphasizes that Gandhi lived his religion politically. For Gandhi, politics and religion formed an inseparable continuum. It means, making politics spring from human depth 194 Mukunda Rao, “Gandhian Spirituality and Social Liberation,” in Gandhi and Social Action Today, 34. 195 Cf. John Hick, “Introduction - Part II,” in Gandhi ’s Significance for Today: The Elusive Legacy, ed. John Hick and Lamont C. Hempel, 87-8. 196 Cf. Bharatan Kumarappa, Christian Missions'. Their Place in India, 18. 197 Cf. Elton Hall, “Gandhi’s Religious Universalism,” in Gandhi’s Significance for Today: The Elusive Legacy, eds. John Hick and Lamont C. Hempel, 174. 198 Mercy Kappen, ed., Gandhi and Social Action Today, 39. 202 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective and making use of forces beyond the material realm. Gandhi gave a new definition to political action for people’s liberation.199 Towards the end of his autobiography Gandhi writes: My devotion to Truth has drawn me into the field of politics; and I can say without the slightest hesitation, and yet in all humility, that those who say that religion has nothing to do with politics do not know what religion means.200 Kattookaran suggests that in the post-Gandhian era, the Gandhian vision might be identified in green politics, peace movements, anti-apartheid struggles, and anti-nuclear movements. These political movements stand for issues motivated by a concern for peace and wholeness.201 Ignatius Jesudasan argues that when an individual or group takes to a Gandhian type of struggle, it is sometimes done in terms of adopting the techniques rather than as a style of life. He points out that people’s approach to Gandhi is sometimes to suit their own purposes, while deliberately overlooking the spirit in which his life and teaching were lived. Such attitudes, he argues, reveal our lack of faith in him and our fear of the risks involved in a faith which commits itself to the imitation of a life like his.202 Gandhi saw his life as one in which the personal and political aspects were interrelated and were indivisible.203 Contrary to Gandhi, the present political class in India often lacks values such as, truth, honesty, social justice, and love for the nation. This might be manifested in the empty speeches of politicians that do not translate into actions and thus fail to promote the Sarvodaya (wellbeing) of the people. Political parties are also often engaged in bitter political conflicts on religious grounds rather than concentrating on the development of the nation with a spirit of truth, nonviolence, and social justice. India needs just govemance enhancing the values of human dignity and solidarity, providing space and freedom to all citizens irrespective of their caste, class, religion, and gender. As far as the rural areas are concemed, Indian villages need effective policies for sustainable development in the field of education, health care, transport, trade, and the use of local resources. In support of Gandhi’s vision of Sarvodaya, Sushila Gidwani, a scholar of economics affirms that the economic system Gandhi proposed, and the role of the participants in it follow from his main theme, ahimsa and service. She points out that a Gandhian 199 Cf. Mercy Kappen, ed., Gandhi and Social Action Today, 38-9. 200 Gandhi, Autobiography, Part V, Farewell. 201 Cf Mercy Kappen, ed., Gandhi and Social Action Today, 39. 202 Cf. Ignatius Jesudasan, “The Theory and Practice of Ahimsa,” in Gandhi and Social Action Today, ed. Mercy Kappen, 20. 203 Arvind Sharma, “Gandhi and Celibacy,” in Gandhi ’s Significance for Today: The Elusive Legacy, eds. John Hick and Lamont C. Hempel, 52. 203 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective economic system requires six interrelated principles, such as: nonviolence, equality, non- possession, self-reliance, sarvodaya, and bread labour as Gandhi employed in his constructive programmes. Gandhi’s economic system is guided by service and ahimsa aims at production not in a mass scale but it is to use one’s own physical labour in the spirit of duty and service. Its goal is not to promote material wealth but to promote a healthy body, a healthy mind, and a healthy soul. While comparing it to the modem competitive technical world, the Gandhian approach is clearly a traditional system which can arguably never be applied Wholesale in today’s world. Gidwani asserts that the Gandhian approach promotes higher human qualities. She argues that the Gandhian economic ideal can be labelled as a feminine system as it requires the qualities of love, sharing, caring, self-sacrifice, nonviolence, and service which are most often associated with women.204 Many have been attracted to Gandhi because he welcomed everyone in their search for truth and an enriched life, irrespective of class, religion, gender, and caste differences. Politically, he had ideals to implement together with his personal values which he held confidently. It can be said that Gandhi’s nonviolent ideal for the wellbeing of suffering humanity is a remarkable ideal. This section explored some of the possibilities to seek liberating resources from the Gandhian tradition for India today. The following section will attempt to envision a Gandhian approach to address the issue of FF and FI. 4.2. Envisioning Nonviolent Resistance in the Context of FF and FI One of the major problems that India faces today is the elimination of female babies. This problem has taken different modes of VAWG. An attempt is made to derive inspiration from this study on the Gandhian vision of nonviolent resistance and seek possibilities to enhance female life. In 1948, the year Gandhi died emphasis on affirming the inherent dignity of human beings, freedom, and equality was placed with the introduction of UDHR (1948). FF and FI is one of the issues that concerns human rights as gift of life is denied to millions of female babies every year in India owing to poverty, gender discrimination, and female devaluation. Gandhi, through his doctrines of satyagraha, ahimsa, nonviolent resistance, swaraj, and sarvodaya envisioned the dignity of human persons as important for the promotion of human wellbeing. His vision o f ‘nonviolence’ finds its significance in the promotion of human rights, in particular, the dignity of human beings. 204 Sushila Gidwani, “Gandhian Feminism,” in Gandhi’s Significance for Today: The Elusive Legacy, 227-8. 204 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective Gandhi condemned society’s preference for boy children and the neglect of girls. He said, “I fail to see any reason for jubilation over the birth of a son and for mouming over the birth of a daughter. Both are God’s gifts. They have an equal right to live and are equally necessary to keep the world going.”205 In Gandhi’s opinion, nonviolence must begin in the families as the families are the units that make up society. Gandhi emphasized harmonious living in families based on morality. He said that nonviolence can be used in daily life, in the relationship between husband, wife, children, and other members of the family, and in neighbourhoods. Gandhi asserted that much evil can be eradicated through the friendly atmosphere within a family and society as we create a space for peace, growth and development of male and female children.206 Parents are the subject of nonviolent resistance in favour of female babies. In the act of the elimination of babies either in the womb or after birth, parents go against the fundamental right of human beings, the right to life of their babies. Gandhi cautions, “Every murder or other injury, no matter for what cause, committed or inflicted on another is a crime against humanity.”207 The principle of nonviolence is a path of awakening of the truth of human life. The nonviolent approach facilitates the honouring of human life as human life is a gift from God. Gandhi strongly emphasized, “Human beings have no right to destroy life which they cannot create, and universal love means fearlessness which involves the practice of not killing on any pretext.”208 Gandhi invites us to a culture of nonviolence. “Culture of ahimsa is meant both training and educating ourselves in the principles of nonviolence and cultivating in us such principles, and a style of life in which such principles hold sway.”209 When people accept the path of nonviolence, they have to abandon their attachment to the preference to sons, biased attitudes against females, and an excessive preoccupation with monetary concerns, which cause discrimination against females. Gandhi’s vision of nonviolent resistance could be a powerful instrument in dealing with the issues of FF and FI. Elimination of female babies cannot be justified for want of economic resources. Gandhi attached greater importance to means than ends, saying, we have always control over the means, as the means so the end. Our responsibilities have mainly to do with 205 Quoted from Vibhuti Palel, “Gandhiji and Empowerment of Women,” (accessed 8 August 2013) http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/womenempowcrment.htm 206 Cf. V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: a Study of his Message ofNon-violence, 50-1. 207 M.K. Gandhi, Harijan, 20 July 20 1935, 180. 208 Quote taken from V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: A Study of his Message of Non-Violence, 33. 209 Joseph Pulikal, “Gandhiji invites us to a Culture of Non-violence!” Kristu Jyoti 19, no. 2 (June 2003): 141, 154. 205 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective methods rather than results.210 In Gandhi’s analogy of means and ends, “the means may be likened to a seed, the end to a tree; and there is just the same inviolable connection between the means and the end as there is between the seed and the tree.”211 Gandhi repeatedly stressed the importance of cooperation with good and nonviolent noncooperation with evil. If parents choose to affirm their baby girl with love, the end will produce a humanity of embracing love. When they employ violent means to eliminate the child, the result will be the hate, guilt, and shame which will accompany them. As both men and women are involved in the crime against female babies, the realization of the value attached to this ideal is fundamental. Vibhuti Patel emphasizes that Women’s complicity in perpetrating violence in cases of female foeticide, female infanticide, dowry murders, domestic violence, and other crimes are widely documented.212 Gandhi challenged women’s position in the families, as women need to be aware of their participation in their own violence and realize that they are victims of domestic slaveiy. Gandhi declared: “Ahimsa means infinite love and it demands infïnite capacity for suffering and being mothers, women possess it in a large measure.”213 He believed that women are by nature more pre-destined toward practicing ahimsa (nonviolence) than men214 When women resist the decision to eliminate their female babies, they can contribute towards their own emancipation. 5. Summary and Conclusion In conclusion, the vision of Mahatma Gandhi can be summarized as a passion for truth and nonviolence as truth and nonviolence are the foundation of Gandhi’s philosophy and spirituality. A great visionary and a relentless seeker of truth, Gandhi occupies a prominent place in Indian history both for his life and his message of nonviolence. His passionate desire to advocate nonviolence in diverse contexts remains a milestone in the histoiy of India towards political and social liberation. To a large extent he received the nation’s cooperation, though not without criticisms, contradictions, and conflicts. 210 H.J.N. Horsburgh, Non-Violence and Aggression: A Study of Gandhi’s Moral Equivalent of War, 42. 211 M.K. Gandhi, Shriman Narayan, SWMG, VI, 149. 212 Cf. Vibhuti Patel, “Gender Perspective on Education and Peace,” (accessed 8 August 2013) http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/educationoeace.htm 213 M.K. Gandhi, Harijan, 24 February 1940,12-14. 214 Klaus K. Klostermaier, A Survey o f Hinduism, 372. 206 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective This study covered Gandhian thought from various perspectives and attempted to explore resources that have relevance to deal with issues that concern India today. Gandhi’s vision for humanity was centred on his commitment to truth and nonviolence. He dedicated his life to God (in his conception, God was Truth) through his mission of nonviolence towards political liberation as well as the emancipation of the poor and the oppressed sections of the Indian society. It was an adventurous joumey for Gandhi to take this largely unbeaten path with courage and determination. Gandhi personally attempted to live his philosophy of truth and nonviolence and he was passionate about implementing it in the social and political life of the nation. On many occasions Gandhi was instrumental in resolving the conflicts faced by people through his ideal of sarvodaya. He did not force his ideals on people rather he motivated them, gave them encouragement, and encouraged them in their freedom to think differently. His loving accompaniment instilled hope in the Indian people. Gandhi was optimistic to discover resistance power in the poor that emerged from their struggles to overcome systems of injustice and corruption. His broad vision to affirm the dignity of people, who were suppressed and destroyed by the powerfiil, ignited his soul-force. Thus, the merging of his spirituality in social action became a living reality. C.F. Andrews, a close associate of Gandhi, outlines the main programme of Gandhi with regard to reforms in India. He explains it with the symbolic representation of a hand with its five fingers and one single wrist uniting them. The five points with its own central unity is as follows: first, the removal of “untouchability”; second, the need for complete prohibition of alcohol and drugs if India is to be free and self- respecting; third, the principle of equality between man and woman; fourth, Hindu-Muslim unity; and fifth, home-spinning in the villages. Andrews points out that the uniting factor which binds this five-point programme is the ultimate principle of ahimsa which Gandhi regards as the absolute necessity for any united attempt at moral and spiritual progress of a nation.215 Various problems such as, communal conflicts, caste hierarchy, gender discrimination, use of nuclear weapons, violence against women, and unbridled competition for political power keep India in the web of violence. There is an atmosphere of fear and frustration with the increase of VAWG in India. Women in India take small steps to gain courage to resist violence against them. However, they would also be advised to distance themselves from the ideals of “glorification of suffering inherent in Gandhiji’s position of suffering as an 215 Cf. C.F. Andrews, Mahatma Gandhi's Ideas: Including Selections from his Writings, 320. 207 Resistance Resources from Gandhian Philosophical Perspective ennobling feminine quality.”216 In the struggle for justice and the security of women, Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance could be seen as a tooi to be used in the service of gaining a greater equilibrium in Indian society. Nonviolent resistance reinforces one to intemalize the values of compassion, love, and respect to self and the other. Gandhi expresses that “women may be physically weak but strength does not come from physical capacity alone. It comes from an indomitable will.”217 Sheila Rowbotham claims that “It is only when women start to organize in large numbers that they become a political force, and begin to move towards the possibility of a truly democratie society in which every human being can be brave, responsible, thinking, and diligent in the struggle to live at once freely and unselfishly.”218 Through their collective and mutual support, women can discover their potentialities and use them in an appropriate way. Women’s willingness to afïïrm their worth through initiatives to share their resources would facilitate the wellbeing of female children in families. Gandhi viewed women as a positive and powerful force for change towards his ideal society. Nonviolence as an ethical principle is a challenge to search for resources that contribute to the promotion of life and human wellbeing. Gandhi’s ideals continue to live on to inspire India and the world at large through his philosophy of nonviolence and experiments with truth. To a great extent, he ‘became’ a change which he wanted to see in the world. His principle of nonviolence was not only limited to his time but it can be implemented by all generations by exploring new ways and methods towards the development of people which, as we have seen, do not need to be tied to some of his tenets which are no longer applicable, or to those which were ill-conceived in the first place. However, Gandhi’s vision that violence can be addressed through nonviolence, and his concept of Sarvodaya, the wellbeing of all are certainly timeless concepts which constitute an important part of his legacy. 216 Gabriele Dietrich, A New Thing on Earth: Hopes and Fectrs facing Feminist Theology, 102. 217 M.K. Gandhi, Non-Violence in Peace and War, vol. I, 3. 218 Sheila Rowbotham, Women, Resistance and Revolution (Hartnondsworth: Pelican Books, 1974), 12, 13. 208 Part 111 DISCOVERING NEW PATHWAYS 209 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI IHEl)KtllCAIFRAM^VORKONbNVISIONINt;RESISTANCK mwmmmmKxmMmmmsMmmmmm “...God has consecratedeach andevery human being—without exception and in all circumstances—as a unique, incalculably precious being of elevated status and dignity. David P. Gushee 1. Introduction Part ÜI “Discovering New Pathways” serves to review the resistance resources in order to draw new applications and meaningful conclusions to the explorative study on religious and philosophical resources of resistance to FF and FI in India. This final chapter in three sections draws a theoretical framework on resistance to envision transformation in praxis. The focus in these sections is: 1) the sacredness and dignity of human life; 2) the reconstruction of the self of women; and 3) women’s empowerment and agency. These components deal mainly with affirming the sacredness and dignity of human life as a foundation of the ‘right to life’ that is being denied to female babies by eliminating them either before or after birth. This context highlights the importance of the reconstruction of the self of women. Women’s self- understanding would reinforce in them the ability to affirm the sacredness and dignity of their life and realise that the elimination of female babies is a ‘self-attack’ on them by themselves. The reconstruction of the self of women would also allow them to be empowered and determined to resist being ‘victims’ or ‘victimizers’ and thus resist violence. In addition, this chapter emphasizes upon how the negative experiences of human life could be addressed by contrasting them with the positive and life affirming elements of resistance emerging from the empowered self. Therefore, the resources of liberation explored in preceding chapters would be integrated by drawing upon liberating concepts from various thinkers in the field of theological reflection and implementation. The first section is a discussion on how contrasting human experiences lead to the upholding of the values of the sacredness and dignity of human life by drawing on the concept of ‘negative contrast experience’, which has been developed by Edward Schillebeeckx. This is followed by a presentation of the views of three thinkers, whose works serve as illustrations 1 David P. Gushee, The Sacredness o f Human Life: Why an Ancient Biblical Vision is Key to the IVorld’s Future (Grand Rapids, Michigan/Cambridge, U.K.: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2013), 33. 210 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI to affirm the sacredness and dignity of human life, given that they transform negative elements into life-affirming elements: ‘Affirmative Genealogy’ by Hans Joas, ‘The Presence of Shekinah in Women’s Care’ by Melissa Raphael, and ‘Respect for Life in Nature and Society’ by Vandana Shiva. Thus, the significance of positive historical narratives could be seen as affirming the sacredness and dignity of human life. The relevance of these narratives for women to develop new perspectives for their self-understanding could affirm the sacred lives of women. In the second section, by drawing on Paul Ricoeur’s Hermeneutic Theoiy of Narrative Identity and the process of self transformation developed by Carol P. Christ, the reconstruction of the self of women from the perspective of the narration of one’s life stories is discussed. These two approaches serve as therapeutic modes to help women realise how they are discriminated against and devalued by religious and cultural dictates that have become part of their perception of self and of their world view. A conclusion is drawn about the need to divest themselves of their interiorized inferiority, which would be a positive step for women becoming empowered. The third section on women’s empowerment and agency, fiirther focuses on the importance of the empowerment of women. Empowered women would be able to gain courage and confidence and become agents of resistance and transformation. From this perspective, resistance to VAWG will have a transformative impact. Therefore, the redefinition and reinterpretation of “transformative resistance” from the perspective of women and its implications are seen as meaningful and relevant to addressing VAWG. From the discussion in three sections in this chapter, this study demonstrates that it is theoretically possible to address VAWG with women’s resistance. This study also raises new possibilities for the transformation of the self of women which could have a positive impact on the transformation of Indian society. In other words, women with their transformed self would be reinforced with resistance power to oppose powers that eliminate female life in India. 2. The Sacredness and Dignity of Human Life This section seeks to envision a theoretical framework on the sacredness and dignity of human life in order to offer a strong grounding for claims on the dignity and sacredness of life of women and girls. Following an introduction on the conceptual understanding of the two terms ‘sacredness’ and ‘dignity’, we will continue to discuss their implications in the light of 211 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI the contribution of Edward Schillebeeckx on ‘negative contrast experience’ by drawing on the work of three thinkers: Hans Joas, Melissa Raphael, and Vandana Shiva. 2.1. Conceptual Understanding: The Sacredness and Dignity of Human Life Sacredness is derived from the Latin sacrare from sacr, sacri which means ‘holy’. Dignity is derived from the Latin dignitas, the state of being worthy of honour or respect.2 “Sacredness” and “dignity” are interconnected and intertwined. These terms emphasize that all human beings are sacred and of worth irrespective of their race, colour, religion, gender, extemal attributes, or status. Such an understanding wipes away all differences and places all human beings on an equal footing. Human beings are persons and they cannot be treated as objects to be used and destroyed. Christian ethicist David P. Gushee points out that “sanctity/sacredness/dignity language was employed most often to offer strong grounding for claims on behalf of the rights or well being of a wide range of vulnerable or victimized groups.”3 He emphasizes that the sacredness of human life requires the prevention of victimization of all people through war, torture, crime, abuse, rape, neglect, abortion, and involuntary euthanasia. Gushee suggests that it is the responsibility of everyone to honour the sacredness of human life, and thus, to protect human rights through the creation of cultures that elevate the dignity of human life. Gushee says that this requires vigilant resistance to all ideologies, hatreds, and passions tending toward the dehumanization and degradation of the other.4 Gushee discusses how Christians developed the sacredness-of-life ethic on the foundation of Jewish and Christian Scriptures and through Church history. He points out that in early Christianity the sacredness of life ethic included Christian nonparticipation in the Roman military and resistance to the evils of war, abortion, infanticide, and abandonment of infants which were common practices in the Greco-Roman world. These practices had especially devastating effects on women and female children. For Christians, the child’s life was sacred, even in the womb and in infancy. Christianity affirmed this principle of sacredness of human 2 Henry Watson Fowler, Francis George Fowler, and Della J. Thomson, eds. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 1212,377. 3 Cf. David P. Gushee, The Sacredness o f Human Life: Why an Ancient Biblical Vision is Key to the World’s Future, 27. 4 Cf. Ibid., 418. 212 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI life in its own community and in society once Christianity had the power to affect laws in the Roman state.5 Further, the Preamble of UDHR states: “recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world.”6 The language of human dignity is widely acknowledged as a source of resistance from the perspective of the Human Rights tradition to effect transformations from the dehumanizing situations which human beings are subjected (or subject each other) to. The use of the language of life’s sacredness and dignity intensifïed during and after World War II as human life was massively destroyed as a consequence of war.7 The Human Rights vision of the dignity of the human being focuses on the “inherent dignity” and “inalienable rights” of all human beings. As stated in the research question, this study aims at promoting the sacredness and dignity of women’s life and the protection of human rights. We affirm with Gushee that “honouring the sacredness of life in the twenty-first century requires Juli engagement with global women ’s rights issues.”8 In this process, religion plays a significant role. The appraisal of the impact of religions on women in our study has shown us how religion has been used for oppression as well as for the liberation of women. Religion and human rights could be viewed as positive forces in affirming the sacredness and dignity of human persons. Resistance to oppressive views from religion standpoints and the consideration of the liberating dimensions of religion and human rights could offer us new perspectives to affirm the life of human person as sacred. The basic message of all religions (when properly understood) and human rights is to value human life by promoting justice, compassion, equality, and peace in the world. At this juncture, an important question raised by the Scottish theologian George M. Newlands is pertinent, “how to engage transcendence with human rights in such a way that religion does not colonize rights, and that rights language does not rule out the religious dimension as being inevitably hegemonie and intolerant.”9 An approach to evidence the divine presence in human experience through a human rights-oriented theological approach to the sacredness and dignity of human life could be feasible. 3 Cf. DavidP. Gushee, The Sacredness o fHuman Life, 122-6. 6 Preamble, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December, 1948. 7 Cf. David P. Gushee, The Sacredness o f Human Life, 27-8. 8 Ibid.,386. 9 George M. Newlands, Christ and Human Rights: The Transformative Engagement (Aldershot, England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2006), 29. 213 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI 2.2. Human Rights-oriented Theological Approach: Negative Contrast Experience A human rights-oriented theological approach aims to explore possibilities of resistance to dehumanizing situations of life. It provides space to reflect humanity’s experiences of struggle and suffering with a vision of liberation and transformation. To reflect from this perspective, the view of “Negative Contrast Experience” developed by Roman Catholic theologian Edward Schillebeeckx is used to affirm the sacredness and dignity of human life. What follows then is a discussion on affirmative genealogy, the presence of Shekinah in women’s care, and the respect for life in nature and society as illustrations of contrast experience to emphasize that in the background of negative experience, resistance as a positive power can take precedence in people’s quest for life. Schillebeeckx, borrowing from the writings of critical theorist Theodor Adomo, adopted the term “contrast experience” or “negative dialectics” to describe human experiences of negativity both on personal and social levels which evoke indignation and protest.10 Philip Kennedy says that according to Schillebeeckx’s conception of negative contrast experience God is present in the experience of human sufferings. Schillebeeckx’s regards a negative contrast experience as a seed-bed for a cognitive experience of God. It is a positive power to humanize the world. The conscious conception of the negative here comprised a criticism of given social predicaments that belittle human beings. The positive element is linked to something not yet realized but hoped for, and sought after in the future.11 Philip Kennedy summarizes Schillebeeckx’s thought on negative contrast experience in this way: A sense of indignation eventually emeiges from within such a negative experience: the very experience of debilitating suffering contrasts with a more worthy and human situation envisaged in the midst of suffering; and the perception of contrast which triggers a sense of indignation which refuses to suhmit to the inanity of suffering. The sense of indignation is associated with an incipient awareness of hope which prompts a prophetic protest against the causes of suffering. And so, a negative contrast experience militates against what should not be, on the basis of a hope in what should be.12 Schillebeeckx’s idea of a negative contrast experience is not an experience simply of the negative, like suffering but it is an experience linked to the notion of prophecy. Negative 10 Mary Catherine Hilkert, “Grace-Optimism”: The Spirituality at the Heart of Schillebeeckx’s Theology, http://www.spiritualitvtodav.org/spir2dav/91433hilkeit.html (accessed 23 March 2014). This article was published in Spirituality Today 44, no. 3 (Fall 1991): 220-239. 11 Cf. Philip Kennedy, Schillebeeckx (London: Chapman, 1993), 128. 12 Ibid., 128-9. 214 Theoretical Framework on Hnvisioning Resistance to FF and FI contrast experience has both a negative and a positive face.13 Discussing Jesus’ sufferings, Schillebeeckx says that Jesus’ human story is the ‘story of God.’ God’s love and compassion are most intimately revealed through Jesus to humankind. Salvation history is accomplished in the actual life of Jesus, in his death, sufferings, and resurrection. Jesus’ suffering and death, in historical terms, can only be described as a calamity; the negativity of them is undeniable. Schillebeeckx observes that the negativity of Jesus’ death - viewed as rejection - cannot be rationalized out of existence. Salvation and the record of human suffering, especially undeserved, unjust suffering, cannot be brought together or reconciled in any theoretical or rational way.14 Schillebeeckx’s theology is centred on humanum, the experience of human beings in the world. In The Understanding of Faith, Schillebeeckx writes: All our negative experiences cannot brush aside the ‘nonetheless’ of the trust which is revealed in human critical resistance and which prevents us from simply surrendering human beings, human society, and the world entirely to total meaninglessness. This trust in the ultimate meaning of human life seems to me to be the basic presupposition of human action in history.13 Dominican theologian, Mary Catherine Hilkert points out that Schillebeeckx by retrieving the basic Christian symbol of the Imago Dei, insists that the living human being is the fundamental symbol of God in our midst. But human beings are being treated with less than fiill human dignity. Schillebeeckx proposes that the image of God in humanity is to be discovered in protest and action on behalf of humanity in precisely those situations in which human dignity has been denied.16 Schillebeeckx affirms that “human love is an affirmation of the Creative love of God, from which it draws its truth. Supported by this absolute love, human love becomes the sacrament of God’s redemptive love.”17 Moreover, he emphasizes that negative experiences make us realize the absence of a state of how things ought to be. A negative experience would not be a contrast-experience, nor could it lead to protest, if it did not contain an element of positive hope in the real possibility of a better future. In this context, protest is possible only where there is hope which helps to shape the future.18 Schillebeeckx convincingly affirms that in the midst of negative contrast experiences the 13 Cf. Philip Kennedy, Schillebeeckx, 128. 14 Cf. Edward Schillebeeckx, Jesus: An Experiment in Christology, trans. Hubert Hoskins (New York: The Seabury Press, 1979), 650-1. 15 Edward Schillebeeckx, The Understanding of Faith: Interpretation and Criticism, trans. N.D. Smith (London: Sheed and Ward, 1974), 96-7. 16 Mary Catherine Hilkert, “Grace-Optimism”: The Spirituality at the Heart of Schillebeeckx’s Theology. 17 Edward Schillebeeckx, Christ: The Experience of Jesus as Lord, trans. John Bowden (New York: The Seabury Press, 1980), 834. 18 Cf. Edward Schillebeeckx, God the Future of Man, trans. N.D. Smith (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1968), 136. 215 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI power of God could be manifested in history.19 “In a world of global suffering the story of God among us is told most clearly in the stories of hope and resistance of those whose dignity in any way was diminished or denied and those who remain in solidarity with them.”20 Schillebeeckx speaks about contrast experience in circumstances of violence against human dignity. We can see the devastating impact of the negative only in the light of the divine which arises and contrasts something valuable. God’s immanent presence could be experienced in historical contexts of resistance to dehumanizing situations through individual and collective protests. The three historical narratives we discuss further show us the double experience of the negative and the contrast experience of positive powers contained in the resistance power of people. These narratives could be used by women not only as a source of motivation but also of insights for re-narration in affirming the sacredness and dignity of women and girls in India. 2.2.1. Affirmative Genealogy Renowned sociologist and social theorist Hans Joas in The Sacredness of the Person presents an affirmative genealogy to describe the sacredness of the human person. Joas bases his arguments on the sacredness of the person from the perspective of two motifs: “sacralisation” and “affirmative genealogy” which are fimdamental and intertwined. He says that we understand the belief in human rights and universal human dignity as the result of a specific process of the “sacralisation” of every human person. According to Joas, every single human being has increasingly been viewed as sacred. He says that the term “sacralisation” should not be understood as having an exclusively religious meaning. Secular content may also take on the qualities characteristic of sacrality; namely, subjective self-evidence and affective intensity. Joas thus affirms that “sacralisation” and “affirmative genealogy” are intertwined.21 Joas, by drawing on the thought of German Protestant theologian and cultural philosopher Ernst Troeltsch proposes a new path, an affirmative genealogy. He places great emphasis on affirmative genealogy that can do justice to the reality of the sacredness of the 19Cf. Mary Catherine Hilkert, “Grace Optimism”: The Spirituality at the Heait of Schillebeeckx’s Theology,” Spirituality Today 44, no. 3 (Fall 1991): 220-239. 20 Ibid., 237-8. 21 Cf Hans Joas, The Sacredness of the Person: A New Genealogy of Human Rights (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2013), 5. 216 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI human person.22 According to Joas, “affirmative” involves affirming the way in which historically formed ideals invite us to realize values of the past, values that are valid at present, values with which social reality adoms itself but from which in fact it deviates from it. Joas affirms that in this way, we can examine the historical genesis of values experienced in the present with a sense of subjective self-evidence and with affective intensity, as his main focus and priority being universal human dignity.23 Joas views affirmative genealogy as an attempt to justify values through historical reflection. He emphasizes that values come alive only if they are defended argumentatively as values—but above all if they are upheld by institutions and embodied in practices. Joas analyses the most important human rights movement of the nineteenth century: abolitionism, the movement to abolish slavery.24 By explaining the genesis of abolitionism, Joas shows the possibility of the transformation of experiences of violence into a universal commitment to values. According to Joas, “In its historical analyses, an affirmative genealogy of human rights must therefore take account of the dimensions of values, institutions, and practices and the interplay of these dimensions.”25 He says that experiences of powerlessness can also shape us profoundly. Joas argues that the experience of violence has given rise to human rights as a “value commitment.”26 The above discussion helps to explore the implication of affirmative genealogy to the Indian context in which the present study is situated. In the first place, women’ leadership at political, social, and religious levels could help to address the issues of women and facilitate their development. For instance, women made important contributions during the freedom movement of India through their involvement in the national development programmes. Their participation generated self-confidence and courage to lead their own struggle against patriarchal domination. It was also seen as a significant breakthrough from women’s confined familial roles to the opening up of public life to them.27 Therefore, more women in leadership could ensure that the progress of women includes the progress of the nation. 22 Cf. Hans Joas, The Sacredness o f the Person: A New Genealogy o fHuman Rights, 1-8. 23 Cf. Ibid., 127. 24 For detailed explanation on how the abolitionist movement received success with the creation of a global public sphere about the violation of human dignity see Hans Joas, The Sacredness of the Person: A New Genealogy o f Human Rights, 90-4 25 Hans Joas, The Sacredness o f the Person: A New Genealogy o f Human Rights, 133-5. 26 Ibid., 69-70. 27 Pratibha Jain, “Gandhi on Women: Imaging a New Idcntity,” in Women Images, eds. Pratibha Jain and Rajan Mahan (Jaipur & New Delhi: Rawat Publication, 1996), 250-1. 217 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI Women in India can be motivated to affirrn their human dignity by articulating their experiences, previously unheard because of religious and cultural conditioning. Women, by transforming their helplessness into determination, can create public awareness about the violation of their human dignity. Historical narratives of upholding human life can help women to counter present day experiences of violence, injustice, and oppression. For instance, Gandhi made experientially available the importance of affirming life through Satyagraha and a nonviolent resistance approach for the Indian masses. These principles take shape in the life of people as value commitments. Gandhi believed in the power of the poor people who were suppressed by dominating powers. The retelling of Satyagraha and Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance in various circumstances in Indian history might help in finding new possibilities to address the issues of women. The historical evidence in Gandhian nonviolent resistance in India and the nonviolent resistance approaches developed in other parts of the world (especially the resistance movement among African Americans led by Martin Luther King, Jr.) have drawn the attention of the world to affirm its value commitment. Joas not only focuses on historical narratives but also discusses the transforming effect of the narration of stories in overcoming trauma. He affirms that the narration of life stories provides the narrators with numerous opportunities to reinterpret their relationships with the other participants through the medium of their stories.28 Most women in India are the victims of physical, emotional, and mental violence. Within a given context, women can be helped in the process of healing through the telling of their life stories, offering support in their physical, intellectual, and emotional care of one another to experience liberation. Thus, women can be empowered to take charge of their lives and feel responsible for supporting each other. Further, it is necessary to emphasize such premises in our discussion from the perspective of Shekinah ’s presence in the experience of women’s care at Auschwitz. 2.2.2. Presence of Shekinah in Women’s Care In The Female Face of God in Auschwitz, Melissa Raphael, Jewish feminist theologian develops post-Holocaust Jewish theology from the perspective of God’s immanence, as Shekinah, the Jewish female image of God. She argues that the patriarchal bias of post- Holocaust theology becomes fully apparent only when considered in the light of women’s holocaustal experiences and priorities. Raphael affirms that Shekinah dwelt among women in Auschwitz, perhaps unknown and unknowable, but just as present as she was to the people of 28 Hans Joas, The Sacredness o f the Person: A New Genealogy o f Human Rights, 78. 218 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI Israël in exile. In exile, Shekinah accompanied them as her presence could be experienced wherever they were. In Auschwitz, women attempted to wash themselves and others, to cover the bodies of others with compassion and kindness to abide by the Jewish covenantal obligations of sanctification. In this way, women’s restoration of the human, and therefore the divine, from holocaustal erasure opposes not only recent theories of divine absence, but also patriarchal theologies that accommodate absolute violence in the economies of the divine plan.29 Raphael describes how the women in Auschwitz camp were motivated to experience God in the presence of each other through their genuine care and help to each other. The acts of women are the result of the respect to the other person and affirm the sacredness of their person and human dignity. Thus, Raphael describes how Shekinah’s presence could be seen as a mother through feeding, clothing, holding, lifting, and in women’s bodily presence to one another.30 The experiences of violence motivated the victims to find altemative ways to resist violence and value the sacredness and dignity of their personhood. According to Raphael the women’s attention to the needs of others reveals the divine quality of self-giving love between those subject to absolute hate. To restore, even momentarily, the dignity of persons made in the image of God was to restore God’s image in the world. According to Raphael, in women’s demonstration of the humane, in their acts of resistance to the profane, God’s presence as Shekinah, just as during the exile, cleans the world of Auschwitz and takes Israël out to meet its fiiture31 In the restoration of the human/divine image, love passes from persons to God and from God to persons.32 Raphael highlights “the commonalities between God’s transcendent personality and immanent human personhood are such that God is present wherever personhood is honoured, for personhood is the locus and episteme of divine will and activity.”33 The sanctity and dignity of human life manifests itself in one’s care and respect for the human body. Thus, Raphael affirms that the presence of God can be restored when the primaiy needs of human beings are met. The narratives on care at Auschwitz bring out the contrast between the dehumanizing experience and the women caring for each other. The presence of Shekinah among the people of Israël was a symbol to assert that the Divine Sophia could be made present among the 29 Melissa Raphael, The Female Face o f God in Auschwitz: A Jewish Feminist Theology of the Holocaust (London and New York: Routledge, 2003), x. 30 Cf. Ibid., 10, 86-106. 31 Cf. Ibid., 12-3. 32 Cf. Ibid., 88. 33 Ibid., 88. 219 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI suffering humanity, offering them comfort and motivation by her veiy presence. Susan Cady et al. discussing the availability of Sophia’s power for women suggest that “Women who incorporate Sophia’s symbolism within themselves can experience an extraordinary affirmation in eveiy aspect of their being. Through Sophia, women can claim power as their right, exercise it creatively, share it, and be sustained by it.”34 The authors affirm that Sophia brings women strength and nurturance for the struggle, and upholds them in the midst of difficulty. She unlocks the power which has been accessible only through male symbols of the divine and shares it with those who have been shut out. The Creative power of Sophia (Prov. 8, Bar. 3) is a model for women. Women can claim their own Creative power—their procreative power in all its wonder and mystery. This procreative power can also be understood as bringing into being new ideas, new projects, new ways of working and being together.35 Raphael’s interpretation on how Shekinah was present significantly in Jewish women’s hospitality and care to each other brings to focus what Dorothee Soelle also claims that “God loves all of us and each and every individual is a universal theological truth, which without translation becomes the universal lie. The translation of this proposition is world-transforming praxis.”36 The universal theological truth that God loves each and every person becomes real in God being present in human being’s love for and solidarity with each other. In acts of care by practically catering to human needs God and humanity are united. Thus, the awareness of the sacredness of the human person invites us to offer human care in order to restore humanity from dehumanizing situations of life. As God’s feminine presence became experiential in Shekinah for the people of Israël as well as to women in Auschwitz, women in India draw inspiration from goddesses to teil their stories of transformation, about what they see as the power of Sakti and their commitment to help women who experience similar tragedies in their lives. To cite an example, Urwashi Anamika, a victim of gang rape in India, some years ago, narrates her stoiy of how she says she experienced the power of goddess Durga in the moment of trial when she was accused falsely. At present she is a social activist in Varanasi (North India) and being a devotee of goddess Durga, she assists women who meet with violence and injustice. Anamika’ s belief in the goddess Durga dictates that Durga does not know corruption or bribes, and that she is not 34 Susan Cady, Sophia: The Future o f Feminist Spirituality, 83. 35 Cf. Ibid., 84. 36 Dorothee Soelle, quoted from Sharon D. Welch, Communities o f Resistance and Solidarity: A Feminist Theology o f Liberation (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1985), 47. 220 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI at the side of the rich and the powerful. Anamika says that Durga is the goddess of justice and as mother of the universe, she is for everyone. She is convinced that goddess Durga gives her power to resist situations of violence with courage. Anamika draws her spiritual power through her prayer and worship of goddess Durga and invites others to join in the worship.37 For her, the goddesses can be a powerful source to inspire and empower women. Women victims have been drawing the resistance energy from the stories of the goddesses to handle their victimhood and help other women victims. They believe they experience the power of goddesses to reconstruct their dignity as they resist injustice and violence against them. 2.23. Respect for Life in Nature and Society Vandana Shiva, Indian philosopher and ecofeminist discusses women’s respect for life in nature and society. She explains how women emerge with their resistance power in respecting and protecting human lives by protecting forests. In Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Development Shiva argues that violence to nature is also associated with violence to women who depend on nature for drawing sustenance for themselves, their families, their societies.38 Shiva emphasizes that nature is equated with women. She gives importance to nature because nature is a source of life and therefore venerated as sacred. Discussing the forest as the feminine principle, Shiva emphasizes the protection of forests because forests being central to Indian civilization have been worshiped as Aranyani, the goddess of the forest, primary source of life and fertility. Sacred forests and sacred trees were protected and maintained throughout India as a cultural response for women’s protection. Moreover, people’s dependence on forests for their survival, in terms of soil and water stabilisation, and the provision of food, fruits, roots, medicine, fuel, fodder, fertilizer etc. takes prominence. Mainly women and tribals depend heavily on diverse resources of the forests for their survival.39 Discussing women’s resistance to the destruction of forests, Shiva highlights two important elements: first, for women, tribals, and other forest communities a complex ecosystem is productive in terms of water, herbs, tubers, fodder, fertilizer, fuel, and fïbre which are useless, unproductive waste and dispensable for the forester. In this context two economic perspectives lead to two notions of ‘productivity’ and ‘value.’ Since women’s work concerns the sustaining of life, destruction of forests is seen as a struggle, an experience of exploitation of women. Second, it was important to resist the Forest Policy of post-colonial 37 Cf. Mamel Breure, Het tribunaal van de Godin, (The tribunal of the Goddess), Trouw, de Verdieping, 9 januari 2013, 3. 38 Cf. Vandana Shiva, Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Development (New Jersey: Zed Books, 1989), xvi. 39 Cf. Ibid., 55-63. 221 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI India which was continued on the colonial path of commercialisation and reductionism because it was a denial of people’s basic needs both through alienation of rights and through ecological degradation. Therefore, the women of Garhwal of Uttarakhand in North India started to protect their forests from commercial exploitation even at the cost of their lives by starting the Chipko movement (in Hindi, “to embrace”) in the early 1970s. The methodology and philosophy of Chipko have spread to other parts of India. The Chipko women also extended resistance power from embracing trees to embracing living mountains and living waters.40 The Chipko movement in India was the most successful environmental movement which even won the Altemative Nobel Prize awarded in December 1987 in Stockholm for the ‘vision and work contributing to making life more whole, healing our planet and uplifting humanity.’ The Chipko movement was the result of local initiatives of village women leaders and activists of Garhwal who committed themselves with their independent thinking, courage, and determination to protect their means of subsistence and their communities.41 It was a constructive women’s resistance movement in Indian history which brought about radical change. It is known as ‘Forest Satyagraha,' a nonviolent resistance to the destruction of forests in the state. It was based on Gandhian philosophy of peaceful resistance to achieve the goals.42 Shiva discusses how Indian women, victims of patriarchal forms of development emerge to protect, preserve, and sustain nature and human life through their resistance power. Indian women through their ecological struggles to conserve forests, land, and water challenged the western concept of nature as an object of exploitation and have protected her as Prakrrti (nature), the living force that supports life 43According to Shiva, “a Science that does not respect nature’s needs and a development that does not respect people’s needs inevitably threaten survival.”44 Shiva points out that the destruction of the eco diversity has its impact on marginalization of women for their survival and sustenance. She emphasizes “violence against nature and women is built into the very model of perceiving both, and forms the basis of the current development paradigm.”45 For Shiva, the relationship of men’s domination over 40 Cf. Vandana Shiva, Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Development, 64-7. 41 Cf. Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Development, 218; see also, Vandana Shiva, “The Chipko Women’s Concept o f Freedom,” in Ecofeminism, eds. Maria Mies and Vandana Shiva (Halifax: Femwood Publishing, 1993), 247. 42 Cf. Burton Stern, A History o fIndia, 392-3. 43 Cf. Vandana Shiva, Staying Alive : Women, Ecology and Development, xvii. 44 Ibid., xvii. 45 Ibid., xvi. 222 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI nature is also associated with pattems of domination over women and their exclusion from participation as partners in both science and development.46 Shiva affirms women’s initiatives at forest protection contribute to human survival as well as awakening of women’s potentialities to resist exploitation leading to transformation and development. According to Shiva, “The new insight provided by rural women in the Third World is that women and nature are associated not in passivity but in creativity and in the maintenance of life. ”47 Shiva believes that the rural, marginalized women have wisdom, principles, potentialities, and means to resist violence through nonviolent techniques. Therefore, she discusses ecological movements of women that narrate women’s struggles based on values of conservation that are practically expressed in their struggle for the protection of nature and thus exploring possibilities for human survival. Thus, Shiva establishes a link between the plight of women and ecological concerns in India. Here it might be usefiil to look at the element of positive hope which emerged from resistance of Chipko women as Arana Gnanadason presents it in a song of resistance thus: Women of the Chipko Movement, Women of the earth, Women of life... Women survivors of violence, Women of hope... They weep no more, They heal their bodies, They heal the earth... And God laughs with uninhibited joy!48 Thus, Chipko women continue to inspire and reinforce the concept of sakti in women in India to address VAWG symbolically represented in Chipko Movement. The historical resistance movements have been sources of strength and power to fight for social justice. The participation of people of all walks of life at various times, the messages communicated, the voices of protests that emerged from the conviction to resist injustice are a source of empowerment. The protests through candlelight vigils and peace marches in India demonstrate that India lives up to its heritage of ahimsa advocated by Gandhi. They also make experientially available the presence of God in the protests in people’s lives, in their struggle for social justice, in their solidarity with one another, and in their concern for the 46 Cf. Vandana Shiva, Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Development, xvii. 47 Ibid., 47. 48 Aruna Gnanadason, “They Heal their Bodies...they Heal the Earth,” in In God’s Image 19, no. 2 (September 2000): 47. 223 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI common good to uphold human life. Protests will have an impact in the long run especially when historical narratives are repeated and positive values are communicated through generations. To summarise, historical narratives have great signifïcance in contemporary society. They provide us motivation to resist the dehumanizing situations of life. The historical genesis of values in the narrative of abolitionist movement, women’s restoration of the human at Auschwitz, the Chipko women’s commitment to preserve living forces in nature that support life are the result of resistance to historical situations that threaten human existence. The narratives invite us to realise the possibilities of the transformation of experiences of exploitation into a universal commitment to positive values. Awareness of the sacredness of human life can be created among men and women by repeating historical narratives in the light of moral conviction. They offer an impetus to uphold the life of each and every person as sacred and to be treated with dignity. When these narratives of human experience are told and retold according to the specific context, they find new meaning to affirm the sacredness and dignity of life. Experiences of violence and powerlessness of women can be transformed through commitment to values that emerge from their resistance and are expressed through protests. The protests could be motivated by the determination to say ‘no’ to dehumanizing situations, in Schillebeeckx’s words: “No, it can’t go on like this; we won’t stand for it any longer!”49 Therefore, developing positive self-image would facilitate women to affirm their sacred life and dignity as women which we will discuss in the next section. 3. The Reconstruction of the Self of Women The second section comprises the self-reconstruction of women. To develop this framework an attempt is made to explore how the hermeneutic theory of narrative identity developed by French philosopher, Paul Ricoeur could contribute to reshaping the identity of women. Then, the process of self transformation developed by Carol P. Christ, scholar of feminism and theology, is employed to build upon Ricoeur’s theory of narrative identity towards the reconstruction of the self in women. The insights of Ricoeur’s philosophical analysis and Christ’s ‘psycho-spiritual’ process of self transformation provides the practical and relevant orientation towards the reconstruction of the self through the narration of one’s 49 Edward Schillebeeckx, God the Future o f Man, 136. 224 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI life stories. Therefore, the possibilities of narration of life stories leading to self transformation of women are explored as strategies for resistance to VAWG in India. 3.1. Hermeneutic Theory of Narrative Identity Paul Ricoeur’s hermeneutic theory of Narrative Identity can serve as a central form of self-understanding.50 Ricoeur says that “life stories” become more intelligible when they are applied to narrative models—plots—borrowed from history and fiction.51 Although Ricoeur developed his theoiy of narrative identity in connection with literary novels in mind, we can apply its perspective to the self-understanding of women. By drawing on Ricoeur’s theory of narrative as a threefold mimesis (imitation or representation), this study shows to what extent the theory of narrative identity serves towards the self-understanding of women. Ricoeur developed his theoiy of narrative identity from the perspectives of historical narrative and fictional narrative. He draws on Aristotle’s poetics/tragic poetiy as a model to analyse threefold mimesis or imitation. For Aristotle, mimesis takes place only within the area of human action and the central concept is emplotment in which all other events are structured. Ricoeur’s central concern is the idea of Creative imitation, which mediates our experience in time.52 Taking Aristotle’s central idea of emplotment, Ricoeur argues that there are three levels in the imitation of action: prefiguration, configuration, and refiguration, Ricoeur names these as mimesisi, mimesis2 , and mimesisj. The threefold mimeses are also called the threefold dialectic of the self. According to Ricoeur, mimesisi, narrative prefiguration, refers to the prehistory, untold stories of our lives that constitute the stories not-yet-told, “the living imbrications from which the told story emerges.”53 The untold stories of one’s life are influenced by the mediation of living environment, culture, religion, signs, and symbols one integrates in one’s life. Ricoeur says that the life history of each of us is caught up in the histories of others—our parents, 30 “Self-understanding is an interpretation; interpretation of the self, in turn, fïnds in the narrative, among other signs and symbols, a privileged form of mediation; the latter borrows from history as well as from fiction, making a life story a fictional histoiy or if one prefers, a historical fiction, interweaving the historiographic style of biographies with the novelistic style of imaginary autobiographies.” Paul Ricoeur, Oneself As Another, trans. Kathleen Blamey (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1992), 114. 31 Cf. Paul Ricoeur, Oneself As Another, trans. Kathleen Blamey (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 114. 52 Paul Ricoeur, “Mimesis and Representation,” in Mario J. Valdes, ed. A Ricoeur Reader: Reflection & Imagination (New York: Harverster Wheatsheaf, 1991), 138. 53 Paul Ricoeur, Time and Narrative, trans. vol. 1 Kathleen McLaughlin and David Pellauer (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1984), 76-6. 225 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI friends, companions in work and in leisure.54 The prefiguration stage invites or provokes the narrator to unfold one’s stories as human lives are worthy of narration as Ricoeur says, “We teil stories because in the last analysis human lives need and merit being narrated.”55 Thus, mimesisi prepares for the narrative. Mimesis2 narrative configuration is mediation between mimesisi and mimesis3 . According to Ricoeur “to understand the story is to understand how and why the successive episodes led to the type of conclusion of a particular story which must be acceptable, as congruent with the episodes brought together by the story.” Ricoeur points out that confïgurational arrangement transforms the succession of events into one meaningful whole. Configuration is an act of assembling the events together and making the stoiy understandable. Ricoeur says, the act of narrating, reflected in the act of following a story which makes the story productive. He characterizes this stage as “concordant discordance” as it takes raw material from prefiguration and forms it into a meaningful whole. Ricoeur proposes to show that mimesis2 draws its intelligibility from its faculty of mediation.56 According to Ricoeur, mimesis3 , narrative refiguration “marks the intersection of the world of the text and the world of the hearer or reader.”57 He says that “it is the intersection of the world unfolded by fiction and the world wherein actual action unfolds.”58 Thus, Ricoeur highlights the dynamic of emplotment through the circle of mimesis. The circle of mimesis is a process by which the textual configuration mediates between the prefiguration of the practical field and its refiguration through the reception of the work. By constructing the relationship between the three mimetic modes Ricoeur constitutes the mediation between time and narrative.59 The circle of Ricoeur’s threefold mimesis from fictional perspective could be employed in dealing with the formation of personal identity through the narration of one’s life stories. To explain this premise Ricoeur recounts the situation of a patiënt who talks to a psychoanalyst presenting bits and pieces of lived stories, of dreams, of conflictual episodes etc. Such sessions with their goal and effect could provide space to draw from these bits and 54Cf. Paul Ricoeur, Oneself As Another, 161. 55 Paul Ricoeur, Time and Narrative, vol. I, 75. 56 Cf. Ibid., 66-8. 57 Ibid., 71. 58 Mario J. Valdés, ed., A Ricoeur Reader: Reflection & Imagination (New York: Harverster Wheatsheaf, 1991), 148. 59 Cf. Paul Ricoeur, Time and Narrative, vol. 1, 53. 226 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI pieces a narrative that will be both more supportive and more intelligible.60 According to Ricoeur “The narrative constructs the identity of the character, what can be called his or her narrative identity in constructing that of the stoiy told. It is the identity of the story that makes the identity of the character.”61 Ricoeur’s theory of narrative identity as a threefold mimesis for reconstructing the self of women could be relevant. The experience of women in India in understanding their self can be placed in three stages of prefïguration, configuration, and refiguration. Women in India have been configurating (mimesis2) their narrative identities by making use of a prefïguration (mimesisi) they experience in their oppressive environment in their families and societies. The Indian socio-cultural, religious, economic, and political environment has been oppressive towards women which devalues their identities as we have analysed in chapter one. Women’s identity created by men as vulnerable, weaker sex, second sex, inferior, and temptress keep women in situations of subordination, inferiority, and powerlessness. Women have been socially, culturally, and religiously described by males for their advantage. Women’s identity is also shaped by religious mimesis, for instance, goddesses in Hinduism, Mary, the mother of Jesus in the Catholic Church and tradition which we have discussed in our preceding chapters, are sometimes presented and interpreted as submissive, delicate, vulnerable, humble, obedient and so on, characteristics which women are expected to emulate. The refiguration (mimesiss) of narrative traditions are brought into the life of women which were influenced by socialised identity or “given identity” by men in patriarchal contexts which systemically devalue and eliminate women in India. Such narratives have been shaping women’s attitudes to life, their thoughts, and their behaviour as such experiences influence their actions too. By intemalizing socially and religiously imposed identities women have been carrying out their gender roles. Due to such experiences women have been refiguring (mimesiss) their identities which results in devaluing their very self which need to be reconstructed. The reconstruction of the self will be possible when women are encouraged to refer to other prefigurations. For instance: women reconstructing their bodies in Auschwitz through their care to other in situations of struggles and violence; women of Chipko contributing towards human survival and preservation and protection of life in nature and society. Likewise, rereading narratives from religious and historical sources that recognize women’s experiences could motivate women to develop their identity. The rereading of the stories of 60 Cf. Paul Ricoeur, Time and Narrative, vol. 1, 74. 61 Paul Ricoeur, OneselfAsAnother, 147-8. 227 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI women in Jesus’ tradition to reclaim their own liberation by resisting the structural powers of domination: the Syrophoenician woman, the woman at the well, Martha of Bethany, and Maiy Magdalene and many more women in the Bible show that the “women emerged as exemplary disciples and apostolic witnesses.”62 Sïta, the ideal woman of the Ramayana is the epitome of resistance. Sïta disapproves of her husband Rama’s attitude in not accept her fiilly. Therefore, “she prays to the Mother Earth to swallow her up and disappears into it—an appropriate ending as she was found in a ‘furrow’ by her father and named Sïta, meaning fiirrow.”63 Her act of going back to mother earth is a protest to oppression against women in patriarchal society, and could be more resourceful for women than the Sïta who was presented in Hindu mythology as a model of extreme tolerance, faithfulness to husband, and patience to be imitated by Hindu women. Thus, “Sïta emerges as a woman who is capable of shaping her destiny and affirming her deeper self.”64 Kalï and Durga represent independent and free females, free from male god domination and power. In her diverse manifestations of resistance in the Hindu tradition, Kalï represents a compassionate mother, defender of the innocent, and being in solidarity with indigenous people in her benevolent and terrific forms; Durga with her unlimited power in Hindu tradition represents the destroyer of evil and promoter of justice. These liberating resources from religious and historical traditions could refigure women’s new narrative identities. Furthermore, literature on religious and historical stories will help women to draw inspiration to their very life. It is also a process of healing of the wounded self leading to self- transformation. For instance, in Half the Shy: Turning Oppression into Opportunity for Women Worldwide by Nicholas D. Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn narrate the stories of the transformation of women victims worldwide from the perspective of three main areas of women’s exploitation: sex traffïcking and forced prostitution (the authors term it twenty-first- century slavery); gender-based violence, including honour killings and mass rape; and matemal mortality due to abortions, and poor health care.65 Reading of transformative stories of women will help other women to become aware of the powers of devaluation and take a positive step to discover the powers of empowerment. 62 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, In Memory ofHer: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction o f Christian Origins, 326. 63 Sharada Sugirtharajah, “Hinduism,” in Women in Religion, eds. Jean Holm and John Bowker, 64. 64 Ibid., 64. 65 Cf. Nicholas D. Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn, Half the Sky: Turning Oppression into Opportunity for Women Worldwide (New York: Vintage Books, 2009), xxi. 228 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI Ricoeur says we must equate life to the stories we teil about our life experiences. The act of telling appears to be the key to the type of connectedness that we evoke when we speak. The interconnectedness of life is a question of fundamental narrative unity.66 Women in India are often afraid to teil their stories and seek help because of the cultural dictates that family matters are not to be shared with outsiders and that girls need to leam to bear sufferings silently. When women are informed through media and oral communication about the resources available, they could receive encouragement to seek help for their development. Women’s support groups through counselling and follow-up programmes can handle the situations of abusive relationships, help women to find altemative ways to assert themselves and promote self-development. When stories are narrated in the group, other women also receive courage and confidence to articulate their stories. In Ricoeur’s view it is a process of being in interconnectedness of life. The collective power can also transform structures of oppression. Thus, human life is worthy to be expressed, and contains potentialities to enrich self and others. 3.2. Process of Self Transformation The hermeneutics of narrative identity approach could be employed in the process of reconstruction of the self of women and of self transformation. This is an attempt to explain the reconstruction of the self approach from the perspective of women’s liberation through the medium of narration of life stories. To do this the principal source we will use is Carol P. Christ’s Diving Deep and Sutfacing: Women Writers on Spiritual Quest.61 This approach is taken because it affirms not only the identity of the person but also transforms the person from within. It provides space for women to empty their interiorized inferiority and awaken them to their suppressed resources with new insight, and choose a medium of expressing their transformed self. Carol Christ explains the process of self transformation in four phases: experience of nothingness, awakening, gaining insight, and new naming. First, the process of self transformation begins in an experience of nothingness. Carol Christ describes the process of nothingness by focusing on women’s experience of self-hatred in being a victim, in their relationships with men, in the values that have shaped their lives. Carol Christ points out that women leam to doubt the value of their thoughts, feelings, and 66 Cf Paul Ricoeur, “Narrative Identity” 73-81, Philosophy Today 35, no. 1 (Spring: 1991), 77. 67 Carol P. Christ, Diving Deep and Surfacing: Women Writers on Spiritual Quest (Boston: Beacon Press, 1980), 13-26. Katherine Zappone, The Hope for Wholeness: Spirituality for Feminists (Mystic, Connecticut: Twenty- third Publications, 1991), 46-7 also highlights the importance of this imagery o f ‘diving deep and surfacing’ in discussing about the liberating aspect of narration of one’ s life stories. 229 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI their creativity. Such exposition positions women to believe that men are superior to them and that the work of men is more important and valued in contributing to the family. The qualities that they see valued in men are deemed “too threatening” in women because their attractiveness to men is based on nurturing men’s creativity, and not in affirming their own. Carol Christ further emphasizes how women’s feelings of inadequacy are epitomized in their feelings about their bodies, therefore they seek to gain the approval and love of men by appearing beautiful. The messages to maintain their bodies and the use of cosmetics in order to look attractive are also communicated by mothers to their daughters.68 Carol Christ says that women are conditioned to believe that they are inferior to men through religiously and culturally constructed ideologies and practices. Therefore, by becoming conscious of how women are conditioned by extemal powers of exploitation and oppression which they have intemalized, women can strip away the ideology of patriarchy that contributes to their lack of self, lack of power, and lack of value.69 Second, the awareness of the experience of nothingness enables women to empty the conditioned self. It means letting go of conventional messages, thoughts, and beliefs. This awareness leads to an experience of awakening. Carol Christ says that “awakening” suggests that the self needs only to notice what is already there. Awakening implies that the ability to see or to know is within the self. Carol Christ points out that awakening for women would be a coming to self, as a grounding of selfhood in the powers of one’s own being. Women’s awakening to their grounding in the powers of being often occurs through a specific mystical experience. By mysticism in women’s experience Carol Christ is referring to a woman’s direct experience of her grounding in the powers of being. Carol Christ suggests that it is essential for women to move through self-negation and self-hatred to new afHrmation of selfhood, power, and responsibility.70 Third, Carol Christ describes the process of gaining insight as a process of woman’s awakening or mystical experience that might be possible through interpersonal relationships in society or community, social or political movements, and in their experience of transcendence in nature. These experiences, with new insight could help to transform self and lead to new found self-awareness and self-confidence. Fourth, the process of self transformation is continued by naming that experience in words or symbols and sharing that experience with one another. It is a process of giving 68 Cf. Carol P. Christ, Diving Deep and Surfacing, 15-6. 69 Cf. Ibid., 17-8. 70 Cf. Ibid., 18-9. 230 Theoretical Ftamework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI language to the experience. This process creates new possibilities of being and living for themselves and for all women. Carol Christ emphasizes that leaming to value everything about being a woman is a key theme in women’s new naming. She suggests that women can leam to value their bodies, their life-giving potentialities, to overcome the “false naming” and devaluing of traditional women’s activities like mothering and nurturing, challenge the adequacy of the dualistic, hierarchical, and oppositional ways of viewing the world. Thus, women begin to discover their power within; they begin to experience inner value, authority, and responsibility. Thus, the process of women’s self transformation may proceed from the experience of nothingness, through awakening, to mystical insight, and new naming.71 The theory of narrative identity and the process of self transformation explained above have great significance in Indian women’s quest for liberation and transformation through reconstruction of the self. The process of implementing the sources discussed above in the context of India is explained here. Women’s support groups (Mahila Mandals) could be effective in providing space and facilitating the development of women and girls in India. Some of these groups both at secular and religious run institutions facilitate the development of women and girls with regard to literacy, financial autonomy, self-employment, counselling and so on. Women would be free and comfortable to disclose themselves in women’s groups as feminist theologian Katherine Zappone asserts that when women gather without male presence to nurture their self-development, women experience the psychological and physical freedom they need with one another to surface fears, experiences of oppression, anger, hopes, and dreams. The presence of a man can inhibit women’s self-revelations because his gender images could be a hindrance for women in their articulation of oppressive experiences caused by males.72 An environment of freedom, understanding, and trust is necessary in the process of reconstruction of the self through the narration of life stories. Women’s groups could also facilitate sharing and discussion on common concerns and problems of women and seek solutions to change the circumstances of VAWG. While sharing life stories in the group, the group can serve as a mirror which can throw light on one’s experience and the possibilities to change the situation. Telling of one’s life’s “story to someone willing to listen is a vital step in the healing process.”73 The Indian women’s experience of nothingness which Carol Christ speaks about, could be associated 71 Cf. Carol P. Christ, Diving Deep and Surfacing, 13-26. 72 Katherine Zappone, The Hope for Wholeness: Spiritualityfor Feminists, 45. 73 Elizabeth Soto Albrecht, Family Violence: Reclaiming a Theology o f Nonviolence (Maryknoll, New Yoik: Orbis Books, 2008), 126. 231 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI with religiously and culturally communicated messages through the interpretation of sacred texts, religious symbols and articulation, gender discrimination in the family, religion, society, movies, commercials, and gender discriminatory language communicated in daily life to girls and women. Being bom as a girl in many Indian families is seen as a disadvantage because the female is a liability to the family and will become the property of an ‘other’ family. Comparisons with boys in her movements, speech, and development are controlled and conditioned in the families. Women interiorize these messages of inferiority right from birth. Therefore, the process of ‘the experience of nothingness’ would help women to realize how they are motivated to think, to act, and to socialize themselves in a way that serves the purpose of the male control over the females. By emptying this conditioned self of discrimination and interiorized devaluation women would be awakened to their new self and articulate their new experience. The awakening-self would motivate women to resist the powers of oppression and not submit to such powers silently and passively. Carol Christ calls this stage a mystical experience. Indian women could be inspired by the stories of the power of the goddesses or by the lives of women in the sacred texts or in historical situations. Some of the personifications explored in this study would be meaningful and relevant for women. For instance, in the Hindu pantheon goddess Sarasvatï is invoked by devotees as the epitome of wisdom. She represents the human ability to think and enlighten the human intellect. She is believed to enlighten women in gaining self-knowledge and in leading them to cross the ocean of ignorance to their own worfh. In Judeo-Christianity Divine Sophia is the epitome of Divine wisdom. Women can find ideals of wisdom in Divine Sophia in their quest for justice and the promotion of life. Susan Cady et al. affirm that when women incorporate Sophia’s symbolism within themselves, they can experience extraordinary affirmation in every aspect of their being. Then women can claim their own Creative power - their procreative power - in all its wonder and mystery. This procreative power can also be understood as to bring into being new ideas, new projects, new ways of working and being together.74 As Carol Christ suggests the process of self transformation or the reconstruction of the self continues in giving a new naming to the experience of awakening. It means giving language to the new found experience. In the process of awakening of the self women discover the ability to fashion the self that resides within.75 Through this process women 74 Cf. Susan Cady, Sophia: The Future o f Feminist Spirituality, 83-4. 75 Cf. Katherine Zappone, The Hope for Wholeness: Spirituality for Feminists, 46-7. 232 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI would be in a position to reclaim their own resources and enhance their lives. It would help women to respond to abusive situations by affirming their dignity and identity. The powers of liberation bring to light the enriching powers women are endowed with. The realization of the powers of liberation is a source of empowerment of women to resist oppressive powers. In this process women need to be helped to re-articulate their identity in different terms and concepts. By articulating the new found experience verbally or in written form, through symbols, art, stories, biographies, and plays women can create new possibilities to give language to their experience and give voice to the voiceless from their empowered self to transmit the new found experience to succeeding generations. Thus, the process of self transformation would enable women to discover their resources within. To summarise, self transformation would help women not to participate in violence against themselves by eliminating their babies. It would lead women to the awakening of consciousness to their dignity. Women could be supported to affirm their womanhood and could refuse to become victims of violence. Women’s support groups can also function to disseminate the message of equality, human dignity, and value of life through constructive programmes for the development of women and girls. Women in rural areas need to receive access to such information and possibilities. Moreover, the narration of stories will not only reconstruct the self-understanding of women but also bring to light the hidden crimes against women, which will create a space to resist VAWG. Stories of the transformation of women from a religious and secular point of view would support women in similar situations. Women’s self reconstruction would be a significant element for the promotion of sacred life of women and their empowerment. 3.3. Transcending Gender-based Inequalities In the process of narrative identity and self transformation the elements that take prominence from the perspective of women are: experience, interconnectedness of life, awakening, and new naming. Using these elements in the process of reconstruction of gender roles would offer new possibilities to the development of women and girls in Indian society. The experience of women in India discussed in this thesis is of struggle, discrimination, injustice, and violence. It is the result of discriminatory stereotype gender roles assigned to women in the patriarchal context of India which need to be reconstructed because of their adverse impact on Indian society. 233 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI Women intemalize their contrasting roles presented in religious traditions and in historical contexts. Adrienne Rich in Of Woman Bom writes: Throughout patriarchal mythology, dream-symbolism, theology, language, two ideas flow side by side: one, that the female body is impurc, corrupt, the site of discharges, bleedings, dangerous to masculinity, a source of moral and physical contamination, “the devil’s gateway.” On the other hand, as mother the women beneficent, sacred, pure, asexual, nourishing; and the physical potential for motherhood—that same body with its bleedings and mysteries—is her single destiny and justification in life. These two ideas have become deeply intemalized in women... In order to maintain two such notions, each in its contradictory purity, the masculine imagination has had to divide women, to see us, and force us to see ourselves, as polarized into good and evil, fertile or bairen, pure or impure.76 Christianity is influenced by the Greek dualistic ontological hierarchy of the spiritual over the material, mind over body. Augustine also sees women’s “natural” subordination as linked to this hierarchy of mind over body, as male represents the mind and the female the body.77 Sharada Sugirtharajah presents the similar view of Adrienne Rich in her article “Hinduism” with regard to women from the perspective of Hindu religious texts and traditions: The authors of the legal texts reflect a profound sense of ambivalence in their attitude to woman. On the one hand, she is elevated to the status of a goddess, but on the other, she is seen as a temptress and seducer. A woman’s love and devotion to her husband are extolled but at the same time she is seen as incapable of these virtues (Manu 2:213-14). Women are both deified and dehumanized.78 Women’s identity is defined by the roles assigned to them by cultures and religions which are oppressive and which degrade women’s lives. Feminist scholarship seeks to transform structures of domination developed by religions, traditions, culture, and society. Katherine Zappone argues that patriarchal symbol systems promote unequal power relations by encouraging a dualistic worldview and the social pattems of dominance and oppression. She points out that the fact that patriarchal symbols exclude female experience from sacred symbols not only legitimates male rule of society but also creates inner psychic conditions, so that men feel superior to women, and women feel devalued and more powerless in relation to men.79 Zappone fiirther emphasizes that suppression in the deities and in religious history leads to women’s societal oppression as women’s experience from the creation of sacred stories, symbols, and traditions is excluded. Women’s experience has often not been considered revelatory of the truth about god, humanity, or the world. It is necessary that in 76 Adrienne Rich, OfWomanBom: Motherhood as Experience and Institution, 15-6. 77 Cf. Rosemary Radford Ruether, “Women in World Religions: Discrimination, Liberation, and Backlash,” in The World's Religions: A Contemporary Reader, ed Arvind Sharma (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2011), 146. 78 Sharada Sugirtharajah, “Hinduism,” in Women in Religion, ed. Jean Holm and John Bowker, 70. 79 Cf. Katherine Zappone, The Hope fo r Wholeness, 30. 234 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI order to affirm the truth and value of women, its symbols and stories must change through an incorporation of women’s experience.80 Carol Christ also points out that women appear in the stories of men in religious and historical narratives, only in roles defïned by men as mothers, sisters, lovers, nurses, assistants or prostitutes. These roles have not included women’s experiences, their feelings, their struggles, and their world from their perspective.81 Men in their stories also have organized dualisms hierarchically and have associated themselves with the positive sides of the dualisms—spirit, freedom, reason, and soul. Women are relegated to the (perceived) negative aspects of—nature, emotion, and the body, and are also associated with irrationality.82 Therefore, we realise the importance of reconstructing culturally and religiously defined stereotype roles of women by integrating resistance resources emerging from this study to reconstruct gender roles. Gender roles of women that are defined and articulated could be reconstructed most importantly through gender-inclusive religious concepts and images. Reconstructing stereotyped gender roles of women could be aided through the new imageries that are developed in this study from divine, human, and cosmic levels. For instance, inclusive monotheism in the imagery of Divine Sophia’s cosmic house discussed in chapter three could be seen as resistance to gender-based discrimination as it has a significant impact on human inclusiveness. The story of Jesus’ inclusive community of disciples unfolds all-inclusive God’s love and compassion to humanity. In our discussion on Jesus, the ‘prophet of Divine Sophia’ we have seen that many scholars affirm Jesus’ mission is all-inclusiveness as He welcomes all to his community of disciples and to table fellowship. The monotheistic religions of Judaism and Christianity carry the image of God as male, whereas God can arguably not be represented in any human picture as God is beyond gender. If God is to be explained in human terms, God must be explained inclusively as God carries the qualities of both female and male.83 Likewise, the Hindu concept of God includes the female as well as the male. The imagery of Ardhanarïswara (God as both male and female) in Hindu religious tradition represents that both male and the female of the species are of equal 80 Cf. Katherine Zappone, The Hope fo r Wholeness, 17-20. 81 Cf. Carol P. Christ, Diving Deep andSurfacing, 4-5. 82 Cf. Ibid., 25. 83 R. L. Hnuni, Vision for Women in India: Perspectives from the Bible, Church and Society, 42. Hnuni also presents some feminine terms used to describe God, like Shekinah—the feminine presence of God, Torah—“the word” of God, Hokma (Wisdom), Ruah—breath or spirit of God, and Binah—understanding which belongs to God. 235 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI importance. God can be imagined in male and female characteristics. This image liberates our mental constructs of God as male. Gender equality at the divine level could point toward the need of gender equality at human level.84 River Ganga could be seen as a powerful image transcending religious and social discrimination as she accommodates all her children who seek purification and blessings through their bathing in her waters irrespective of their castes. Reconstructing motherhood from the perspective of parenthood is another important dimension that needs to be considered. Care of children and the home is the combined responsibility of parents. The educative programmes on healthy parenthood could offer possibilities for parents to build up their families in values of sharing, mutual support, and respect. Therefore, nuclear families are more advantageous than traditional joint families (extended family consisting of many generations) as they provide healthy space for interaction between husband-wife-children, socialization, freedom of movement, and the making of decisions for family life. In addition, gender-inclusive language in religious circles, in the interpretation of the sacred texts, in places of worship, celebrations, in the use of religious symbols, in these ways the message of human dignity and equality between sexes need to be emphasized. Resistance to the use of sexist interpretation would help to build up a healthy human relationship between men and women by going beyond gender roles. All religions could focus on the issues which will foster gender equality and facilitate the dignity and wellbeing of both men and women. Reconstructing male-centred language in religious texts and traditions by the use of gender- inclusive language might facilitate to affirm the identity, experience, presence, and participation of women. It means to reconstruct sacred symbols and stories from the perspective of men and women which enhances equality and mutuality with each other. Participatory forms of leadership of men and women in all aspects in society and religion would facilitate mutual love, respect, and build up the dignity of men and women. Rosemary Radford Reuther suggests a new model called “reciprocity” to handle the problem of domination-subordination at all levels of divine human existence. It means each person actualizes himself or herself to support the dignity and self-actualization of the other.85 Furthermore, Vandana Shiva discusses the recoveiy of the feminine principle from the perspective of trans-gender which recognizes the belief that masculine and feminine as 84 K.V.K. Thampuran, “Hinduism and its Impact on Women,” in Religions and the Status o f Women, ed. Jyotsna Chatteiji (New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1990), 14-5. 85 Rosemary Radford Ruether, Mary: The Feminine Face o f the Church, 80. 236 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI gendered concepts as masculine is associated with violence and activily and feminine with nonviolence and passivily. Shiva argues that the concept trans-gender transcends gender as gender ideology creates dualism between male and female. In this non-gender based philosophy, Shiva says the feminine principle is not exclusively embodied in women, but is the principle of activity and creativity in nature, women, and men. From this perspective one cannot distinguish the masculine from the feminine, purusa (person) from prikrti (nature). Though distinct, they remain inseparable in dialectical unity, as two aspects of one being. Thus, Shiva says that the recovery of the feminine principle is associated with a non- patriarchal, non-gendered category of Creative nonviolence. Shiva gives importance to this perspective as it can recover humanity by creating a new wholeness. The recovery of the feminine principle stands for nature’s liberation, for women’s liberation, and for the liberation of men who, in dominating nature and women, have sacrificed their own humanness. Thus, Shiva gives importance to the inclusiveness of the feminine principle wherein nature, woman, and man can recover humanity by creating a new wholeness.86 In conclusion, the narration of one’s life stories would reshape one’s identity as would the sharing of that experience in an atmosphere of freedom and trust, which would develop an interconnectedness of life which could offer sources for liberation and transformation. Self- reconstruction is possible when women teil their life stories with their individual sense of self by affirming their dignity and autonomy. Both men and women need healing, transformation, and change. Therefore, the elimination of the stereotype roles and attributes of men and women which are opposing them would enhance harmonious mutual living. When the world view based on stereotype roles and attributes of men and women is changed, a new and healthier mutual understanding might emerge. The reconstruction of the self and transcending gender-based inequalities would offer women new possibilities to affirm themselves with their individual and collective support. 4. Women’s Empowerment and Agency This third section discusses how women can become agents of transformation and change by being empowered. Empowerment of women implies that women explore power within from their understanding of the self and assert themselves as women of worth and dignity. Various dimensions of powers operative in the process of empowerment and how women’s agency promotes the wellbeing of all is taken into consideration. The empowerment of women would facilitate resistance to VAWG. Finally, by redefïning and reinterpreting 86 Cf. Vandana Shiva, Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Development, 52-3. 237 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI resistance as “transformative resistance” practical implications are sought for the eradication of FF and FI in India. 4.1. Liberating Dimension of Women’s Empowerment and Agency Empowerment denotes ‘to explore power within’. It implies that “the individual has the potential to acquire power upon her own initiative or that another party could make it possible for her to have power.”87 Empowerment of women aims at generating an environment where women will have psychological potency to overcome the discriminations and interiorized inferiority. It is also a process of transforming one’s life-situation which includes social, economic, legal, and political dimensions.88 The power of women has been suppressed in Indian society through a patriarchal culture of domination. Therefore, it is indispensable that Indian women realise their resources with affirmation of their personhood towards their development. The transformed self of women could facilitate them in gaining confidence to counteract VAWG through resistance. In this process, four different forms of power presentéd by Jo Rowlands in Questioning Empowerment: Working with Women in Honduras could be helpfïil: i) Power over: control or manipulation over others. This type of power is an instrumentation of domination. From a feminist perspective, interpreting ‘power over’ entails understanding the dynamics of oppression and intemalized oppression. ii) Power to: generative or productive power which creates new possibilities and actions without domination. iii) Power with: a sense of the whole being greater than the sum of the individuals, especially when a group tackles problems together. iv) Power from within: the spiritual strength and uniqueness that resides in each one of us and makes us truly human. lts basis is in self-acceptance and self-respect, which extend, in turn, respect for and acceptance of others as equals. 89 The four forms of powers presented above are operative in the process of the empowerment of women. In order to be empowered, women could become aware of the dynamics of oppression in the patriarchal context. This discussion links up the process of empowerment of women with the resources of liberation explored in this study that could offer new perspectives for women to assert themselves. 87 Nareen Arif, Women ’s Empowerment: Myth or Reality? 7. 88 Cf. Snehalata Panda, “Empowering Women: A Post-feminisl Perspective,” in Empowerment of Women: Language and Other Facets, ed. Abha Gupta and Smita Sinha, 95. 89 Jo Rowlands, Questioning Empowerment: Working with Women in Honduras (London: Oxfam, 1997), 13. 238 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI The role of women’s agency is an essential component of the empowerment of women. Empowerment of women promotes wellbeing not only of women but also of the entire family, society and nation. Amartya Sen places importance on the role of women’s agency in promoting the wellbeing of women. He affirms that women’s wellbeing is strongly influenced by women’s education, employment, eaming of independent income, and ownership rights. These elements can contribute to women’s participation in decision making within and outside the family. It could serve as contributing to the wellbeing of women, family, and society. Sen points out that what these elements have in common is their positive contribution in adding force to women’s voice and agency—through independence and empowerment.90 Sen observes that even women’s increased empowerment has contributed to the reduction of excess female mortality, but the tendency to abort female foetuses with the use of new technology has increased in many parts of India. In this context, he brings out the important issue of women taking decisions on sex-selective abortions. Sen suggests women’s agency involves the freedom to question established values and traditional priorities. Therefore, Sen focuses on the importance of developing freedom of thought91 Sen emphasizes that agency freedom includes freedom to think freely, without being severely restrained or pressured by a need for conformity or by the ignorance of the prevailing practices. The impact of women’s agency not only enhances women’s freedom and wellbeing but also contributes substantially to the lives of all — women, men, and children. Women’s power and initiative can uplift the lives of all human beings. Even one woman could make a difference to the lives of many. Sen suggests women’s agency may require a more radical departure than mere education and outside employment to address the social and cultural climate in which mothers’ preference for sons over daughters is emphasized.92 To change the attitude towards women may take time. Changes have to be effected in the minds of men and women. Changes have to come in families respecting and accepting each other as equals, changes have to come in women themselves as they affirm their personhood and their dignity. Women’s organisations and support groups are important agencies that could function to facilitate the process of empowerment and development of women and girls. Women’s empowerment could serve as a transforming agency to the development of India. 90 Cf. Amartya Sen, The Argumentative Indian: Writings on Indian History, Culture and Identity, 237-8; Amaitya Sen, Development as Freedom (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 190-2. 91 Cf. Amaitya Sen, The Argumentative Indian: Writings on Indian History, Culture and Identity, 239-40. 92 Cf. Ibid., 248-50. 239 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI Empowerment also includes the spiritual dimension. Spiritual energy has power to heal and transform the individual from within. Developing spiritual resources has power to transform women’s lives. It is a process of women gaining insight to handle their intemal and extemal environment constructively by integrating spiritual resources. From the perspective of religions, the narration of sacred stories could enable women to gain insight into their circumstances. For instance, the story of Jesus and the Samaritan Woman at the well could be a good example to enhance self-esteem in women. The Samaritan woman is a symbol of protest to religiously and culturally perpetuated norms that dehumanize women. She became an agent for the transformation of her city. In addition, reimaging Mary in the Catholic Church in her revolutionary song of Magnificat, represents a significant role for women in gaining autonomy over their own resources and courageously fighting against injustice and violence meted out against them. Developing devotion to Mary by integrating Indian cultural symbols in Marian celebrations, celebration of girl-child day on the Nativity of Mary help to create awareness to respect, defend, and promote the life of women and girls. Likewise, Kalï and the positive aspects associated with her could be a powerful symbol and a source of hope for women for their positive empowerment. Mary John Mananzan has argued that Kali’s wild dance is an invitation to women to transcend stereotyped roles and venture into liberating actions of struggle for the development not only of women but also of society as a whole.93 When women develop self-esteem and self-confidence by affirming their womanhood and dignity, they become agents of change. Moreover, developing self-esteem in women is another dimension of empowerment of women. Developing self-esteem in women involves acquiring new knowledge by developing positive statements to afïïrm dignity and the value of women in daily conversations, social gatherings, and religious participation that could reinforce confidence in women to believe in themselves that they are of worth as individual human persons. Women’s conscious efforts to empty their conditioned self and affirm their new self as being ‘women’ because they are of worth in themselves, with potential resources that would enhance self-esteem in women, would be important for their future wellbeing. Reaffirming the sacred privilege and responsibility of the Creative energy that women are endowed with would help them to affirm their dignity and womanhood. Women are chosen to contain the divine power within their womb in the form of human life. Teresa Okure 93 Cf Mary John Mananzan, Woman, Religion & Spirituality inAsia, 71. 240 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI emphasizes that “woman’s special charism from God is “to be covenanted with life.”94 Rosemary Radford Ruether affirms that when women affirm their own bodies and bodily experiences as good and normative for them, rather than deviant, their own feelings and thoughts as intelligent and healthy, rather than stupid they will be empowered. From this empowerment to self-affirmation, they are able to question and place under judgment—and also progressively free themselves from—that culture which negates them.95 This self affirmation leads women to respect self and they will be empowered to live in dignity and freedom. 4.2. Redefïnition and Reinterpretation of ‘Transformative Resistance’96 The discussion on the sacredness and dignity of human life, the reconstruction of the self of women, and women’s empowerment for addressing the issue of VAWG will be developed further. In this sub-section, two terms, ‘resistance’ and ‘transformation’ will be discussed and then the implication of transformative resistance to the development of women and girls will follow. The word ‘resistance’ is context specific. Resistance can be understood in positive and negative perspectives. There is political, social, cultural, and religious resistance which is understood both in positive and negative ways. Sometimes the common good also is resisted by those who hold destructive ideologies. According to Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza “resistance has two phases or moments that are interdependent: the abolition of relations of domination and the struggle for autonomy. The possibility of genuine human respect, love, and equality can be achieved only when relations of domination are resisted and transformed into relations of equality.”97 Resistance can reinforce individuals to reject dehumanizing realities and adopt a commitment to justice and liberation. The resistance approach can be employed in various situations of oppression and liberation, for instance, issues conceming slavery, caste system, ethnicity, poverty, religious fanaticism, and corrupt political systems, but our main emphasis here is the context of VAWG in India. Resistance could be a power. It 94 Teresa Okure, “The Mother of Jesus in the New Testament: Implications for Women in Mission,” 198,200. 95 Cf. Rosemary Radford Ruether, “Feminist Interpretation: A Method of Coirelation,” in Feminist Interpretation of the Bible, ed. Letty M. Russell (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1985), 114. 96 The term transformative resistance is used elsewhere. Daniel G. Solorzano and Dolores Delgado Bemal use this term as transformative resistance and positive youth development theory. Gustavo Lopez and John Yap, “Youth and Transformative Resistance,” (accessed 21 October 2013), http://www.rwc2020.org/uploads/Transfonnative%20Resistance.Ddf We redefine and reinterpret transformative resistance from the perspective of women as a source of empowerment towards the elimination of dehumanizing situations of female life. 97 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Wisdom Ways: Introducing Feminist Biblical Interpretation, 88. 241 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI is a power which emerges from the person influenced by value commitments to resist dehumanizing elements which harm human life and existence. Therefore, as used throughout this study, the term “resistance” denotes power aimed at the transformation of structures of oppression against women and girls to enhance their development. Feminist Theologian, Letty M. Russell emphasizes that “Transformation comes only through resistance, interpretation, and shared action.”98 According to Marie F. Fortune, transformation is grounded in the conviction of hope and empowered by a passion for justice in the face of injustice. She points out that transformation is grounded in a faith that the way things are is not the way things have to be; it is a trust in righteous anger in the face of evil which pushes people to action. Fortune asserts that transformation is the means for refusing to accept injustice and refusing to assist its victims in enduring suffering any longer." Elizabeth Soto Albrecht argues that the transformation process begins when women, “discriminated against on the basis of sex” experience oppression and thus start to question violence and struggle to stop it, regaining their voices in the process.100 These explanations on transformation have a number of important aspects of resistance power: righteous anger, refusing to accept injustice, a passion for justice, and refusing to collaborate with victims in remaining in their own suffering. These elements suggest that at the deepest level there is resistance towards dehumanizing structures with the conviction of hope towards transformation. Therefore, this study redefines transformative resistance from the perspective of women as “resistance that aims towards transformation of oppressive power structures, gender discrimination, and women’s devaluation which are systemically perpetuated in patriarchal context. Such a resistance emerges from the conviction of sacredness and dignity of woman’s life. It is a resistance with double effect: transformation of the self lead to the transformation of society.” Transformation within the individual will have potential to arrive at transformation extemally through individual and collective support. Therefore, transformative resistance aims at self-awakening in a woman to affirm her identity as a human person with potentials. Transformation from this perspective would unfold possibilities for the development of women and girls. This discussion will give implications for transformative resistance in India for the life of women towards the eradication of FF and FI. 98 Letty M. Russell, “Spirituality, Struggle, and Cultural Violence,” in Women Resisting Violence: spirituality for Life, eds. Mary John Mananzan et al. (Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1996), 25. 99 Cf. Maric F. Fortune, “The Transformation of Suffering: A Biblical and Theological Perspectivc,” in Christianity, Patriarchy andAbuse: A Feminist Critique, eds. Joanne Carlson Brown, Carole R. Bohn, 146-7. 100 Cf. Elizabeth Soto Albrecht, Family Violence: Reclaiminga Theology o f Nonviolence, 125. 242 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI 4.2.1. Resistance that gives Power to the Powerless The ‘powerless’ are those who are silenced by the powerful through domination, violence, injustice, and discrimination. They speak more powerfully than the powerful because their power emerges from their pain, struggles, and quest for life. Their voice echoes from the margins calling the powerful to true freedom and justice. The power of the powerless could be to evoke a response to change. For instance, Schillebeeckx reflects that the story of God in Jesus’ suffering and death manifests a seemingly powerless and defenceless God. God was close and present in power, but without misusing power. Schillebeeckx emphasizes that God conceals his superior power over evil and expresses it at the same time in his defencelessness, in order to give us room to become ourselves in solidarity with oppressed men and women. However, in this defencelessness at the same time he uses his superior power so that his defencelessness is the consequence of his fïght against evil in an evil world.101 The relevance of resistance that gives power to the powerless is feit when female babies are seen in powerless and defenceless situations because of gender-based infanticide. Though they are not in a position to defend themselves, yet by dying they disapprove the power of the dominating system of discrimination and injustice against them and against millions of babies in the world. Thus, they invite the oppressors to be compassionate because they affirm the sacredness and dignity of human life. Just as religious and historical narratives have liberating power so also narratives of life stories unfold liberating resources in the person. People still hope to affirm life, affirm justice amidst violence and injustice. The historical instances where women have demonstrated their sakti (power) through mass resistance movements in India are noteworthy. For instance, the stories of women during war in India in the ninth century,102 the Chipko movement of the 101 Edward Schillebeeckx, For the Sake of the Gospel, 96-7. 102 There was a war between two small kingdoms. One clan was stronger than the other, and the stronger clan had declaied war on the weaker. The women of the weaker clan knew that if their men went to war they would be massacred. So the women got together and came to a decision and then told their men: ‘You are not going to war this time. It will be our business to manage things at the war front. This war will be fought by us.’ And the day declaied for war came and all of these women went with all their little babies and cradles. TTiey took their little babies and cradles and set up a line at the war front. They set their cradles sidc by side and lined up with their children in front of them. The other clan came with all their arms and they were shocked and dumb-founded by what they saw: ‘What is this?’ they didn’t come to fïght with women and children. According to Yudha Dharma (the justice of war) one cannot attack people who are unarmed, so they did not fïght the war. These men became ashamed of themselves and left in retreat, and so the war never took place. And even to this day, this event, the war of the Kongars, a war that was won by women, is celebrated at the Kongar Padai festival in Tamil Nadu, South India. Stella Baltazar, “Women and War in India,” (A Historical Event from the Ninth Century Recounted by Stella Baltazar, India) in Feminist Interpretation o f the Bible and the Hermeneutics of Liberation, eds. Silvia Schroer and Sophia Bietenhard, (London: Sheffield Academic Press, 2003), 153. 243 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI peasant women for forest protection in 1970’s,103 rural women’s resistance to illegal stone quarrying in Kundapur, South India,104 Nirbhaya (“Brave one”) the stoiy of Jyoti Singh Pandey, the 23-year-old physiotherapy student who died after being brutally gang raped in New Delhi in December 2012, highlight women’s transformative resistance which sees women considered as “powerless” enthused with “power” resulting from their resistance which aims at transformation in the society. In these historical narratives, resistance emerged from the righteous anger of women. These narratives bring to focus women’s courage to face challenges, determination in their struggle for justice, self-confidence, and commitment to justice rather than being symbolic of their powerlessness and inferiority. In these historical narratives we observe women’s quest for life and transformation demonstrated through nonviolent resistance. Women encounter new suffering in their struggle to address VAWG. The quest, therefore, is to transform their suffering by resisting meaningless suffering and by reclaiming their identity and dignity.105 Amartya Sen points out that women’s movements in many parts of the world show that women are active promoters and facilitators of social transformation. He affirms that such transformation influences the lives and wellbeing of women, men, and children. This is momentous enrichment for the reach of women’s movements.106 4.2.2. Resistance that Transforms the Oppressor and the Oppressed The ‘oppressed’ is the key figure in transformative resistance with potentials for transformation. The oppressed has power to transform self, the oppressor, and the structures of oppression. In Pedagogy of the Oppressed, the Brazilian educator Paulo Freire points out “the great humanistic and historical task of the oppressed: to liberate themselves and their oppressors as well. The power that springs from the weakness of the oppressed will be sufficiently strong to free both.”107 We have discussed the historical evidences in chapter four, about the transformative impact of nonviolent resistance of women. Women became the agents of transformation through their active participation in various activities during freedom 103 Vandana Shiva, Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Development, 67-77. 104 Silvester D’Souza, “Kundapur: Women up in arms against illegal stone quarry,” Daijiworld Media Network - Kundapur (VM), October 3, 2013. In spite of villagers repeated eomplaints no action was taken with regard to illegal stone quarrying. It was reported that women protested in big numbers and made the work stop. The initiative of women will offer some hope to handle this issue. 105 Cf. Gabriele Dietrich, A New Thing on Earth: Hopes and Fears facing Feminist Theology, 102. 106 Cf. Amartya Sen, The Argumentative Indian: Writings on Indian History, Culture and Identity, 222. 107 Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, trans, from Portuguese by Myra Bergman Ramos (New York: Herder and Herder, 1972), 28. 244 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI movement. The realisation of the oppressive situation enabled women to affirm their resources and confront the situation of oppression with their collective power. In the context of FF and FI, women are the victims, they are the oppressed group. This study argues that women have power in themselves for transformation in the form of resistance. The affirmation of their unique individuality will empower them to explore new ways of resistance to resist those powers of exploitation, denounce injustice, leam to articulate their struggle with courage, say ‘no’ to use and misuse of their bodies, oppose strongly the decision taken to eliminate their babies in the family. Self-confidence in women and courage to express their anger and resentment will be healthy steps to say ‘no’ to violence, whether physical or environmental. Women’s convincing response in saying ‘no’ to becoming victims and victimizers would serve as liberating strategies towards the elimination of FF and FI. In most societies women are the perpetuators of cultural norms and religious practices which devalue their personhood. Through accompaniment and conscientisation women would be able explore self understanding and resist discriminatory gender roles in the family and in society. Mutual support, encouragement, and the social exposure women receive through women’s groups would definitely reinforce women to reclaim their power to change the situation of violence beginning from their families. The acceptance of their own power would give them courage to denounce injustice and expose violence rather than remaining silent sufferers and participators in crimes against them, or in their own crimes when they assist in FF and FI. Courage to refiise to put up with the humiliations and degradations caused by the members of their own families especially husbands and in-laws, would emerge from their transformed self. Thus, women can become agents of change, change in self, change in the family, and change in the society through their affirmation of dignity and identity. Rereading religious and historical stories of transformation would help women to find new ways of interpreting women’s stories. Women’s transformed self would enable them to defend and protect their girl babies as the midwives Shiphrah and Puah in Exodus upheld the sacredness and dignity of human life. Pharaoh wanted to eliminate male babies who were a threat to his power. Shiphrah and Puah became instruments to affirm human life by countering the oppressive power of Pharaoh in their act of saving Hebrew babies. Gandhi believed that there is “in every human being a spark of the Divine which would respond to the 245 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI call of love in action.”108 As female babies in India are eliminated in order to perpetuate patriarchal power, women in India would be inspired to explore new and Creative ways to affirm and protect their female babies also by emulating the positive characteristics associated with the goddess of the Hindu tradition. Some Goddesses, especially goddess Sarasvatï is portrayed in a non-violent form. They communicate powerfiilly the uniqueness of feminine spiritual depth. The gentleness and kindness that they manifest in the stories about them is not a feminine weakness rather a transforming strength to handle oppressive elements in a non-violent manner. Therefore, 'ahimsa ’ or non-violence can be a noble approach of resistance towards oppressive elements. Ahimsa refers to that value which does not hurt any being physically, emotionally, and psychologically. It is a powerfiil means to develop courage to achieve good over evil. One can attain this value with self realization and wisdom. 4.2.3. Resistance that Transforms Structures of Oppression In the socio-cultural, economic, religious, and political spheres, the structures of oppression remain because of mass cooperation with dominating powers. When people do not cooperate with the powers of domination, the structures lose their power. The same principle applies in every sphere of life. In order to transform structures of oppression there needs to be a power of liberation to motivate the victims to social change. The power of transformation becomes visible in the narration of Jesus’ stories which proclaim liberation from the structural powers of oppression that seek to hold people captives to power, wealth, and to lack of vision for human wellbeing. Jesus, placing persons before wealth and power, proclaims the jubilee year, in which wealth will be redistributed and people will live free, as the accumulation of wealth distorts human life and serves as a source of human violence.109 Women have power to make structures of oppression powerless. Therefore, consciously rejecting to obey those powers of oppression requires courage, may be even extreme self-sacrifice. Noncooperation with evil is a technique of nonviolence in order to suppress oppressive power by being convinced of the values of authenticity and justice to enhance wellbeing in society. Most importantly, building families based on values is the need of the hour because families are currently often built up in patriarchal structures of male-female, dominate- 108 G. Ramachandran, “The Cause and a Man,” in Gandhi: His Relevance for our Times, eds. G. Ramachandran and T.K. Mahadevan, 2. 109 Cf. Charles L. Campbell, The Word Before the Powers: An Ethic of Preaching, 50. 246 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI subordinate, preference-discrimination, and gender-roles. Transformation of the mind set of men and women may bring about the desired change. Parents also need healing from abuse. They need help to handle their emotions and leam the techniques of disciplining children with love and logic and not with anger and punishment. Some parents exercise their authority over their children by treating them badly. The violent behaviour of parents demonstrates their power, and parents who feel they lack control are the ones who are most likely to use violent means to discipline their children.110 Gandhi insisted that nonviolence must begin in families, in the relationship between husband, wife, children, and other members of the family, and in the neighbourhood.111 Nonviolent parenting skills will help adults and children to evaluate their behaviour with each other. An atmosphere of freedom in families would help parents and children in their healthy and harmonious development.112 Furthermore, “when the dowry system is not questioned and fought against, the patriarchal attitude remains unchanged.”113 Women activists in India have been arguing that “dowry is a reflection of the devaluation and inequalities which women experience in Indian society from birth throughout their entire life cycle. In order to have gender equality and property rights the women need to fight against dowiy.”114 The dowiy system shows that women have instrumental value, and therefore, women are treated as objects. Self- transformation of women regarding their own identity as they are of worth in themselves would be a new way to transformation. The culturally developed ethos that a girl is a liability because from birth, in different stages of her development, a lot of expenditure will be incurred for omaments on various culturally demanded occasions, could be seen as exploitation or oppression against women and girls. The culture of a ‘no dowry’ system could save Indian women and girls. The willingness on the part of men and women to resist dowry would be a major step to handle the issue of FF and FI. Therefore, transformation of the mindsets of men and women and developing a culture of respecting women and girls is imperative. Thus, the discussion on women’s empowerment and agency highlights that women have power within for their development. Women have been deprived of their power to think and decide for themselves as their power has often been controlled through the imposition of 110 Elizabeth Soto Albrecht, Family Violence: Reclaiminga Theology o f Nonviolence, 118. 111 C£ V.P. Gaur, Mahatma Gandhi: a Study o f his Message o f Non-violence, 50-1. 112 Cf. Elizabeth Soto Albrecht, Family Violence: Reclaiming a Theology o f Nonviolence, 119,120. 113 Ashapuma Devi, “Indian Women: Myth and Reality,” in Indian Women: Myth and Reality, ed. Jasodhara Bagachi, 21. 114 Rajni Palriwal, “Dowiy in Contemporary India: An Overview,” in Expanding Dimensions o fDowry, 23. 247 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI oppressively construed stereotype roles o f ‘wife’ and ‘mother’. Hence, developing freedom of thought about the worth of women with their individuality would lead to the transformation of women’s perception of themselves. The empowerment of women would reinforce women to recognize their worth and value their contribution to the wider context in the family and society. Moreover, women by enhancing their self-esteem would commit themselves to uphold the sacred life of women and girls by becoming the agents of transformative resistance to VAWG. 5. Summary and Conclusion The attempt in this final chapter was to develop a theoretical framework on envisioning resistance to FF and FI in India. In the first place God’s love for humanity is manifested in affirming the sacredness of life when all people are able to live in dignity and in harmony. The divine is experienced in the human experience of love and affirmation of life. The various narratives discussed in this study with regard to resistance to dehumanizing situations of women could be seen as affirming the sacredness and dignity of women’s life. The quest for human life emerges when life has to be protected and promoted in circumstances of violence. Such a disposition suggests that evil can be overcome by good, violence by nonviolence, and the negative by the positive. The experience of women’s struggle for life is manifested in their experience of sufferings, fears, frustrations, values, belief systems, and hope. The telling of life stories in an atmosphere of trust, freedom, and confidence, and the process of reconstruction of the self through psycho-spiritual integration would help women to explore possibilities to break their “oppressive silence” and be empowered. Through this method, the victims are able to give voice to their pain, unload hurts and negative feelings, and reinforce their strength. Such experiences can bring healing and transformation to oneself and others. The empowerment of women is indispensable in the transformation of mindset and in eliminating discrimination and VAWG. The empowered women could help other women to assert themselves and live in dignity. The transformed self could motivate and reinforce women to resist violence against themselves and to resist the killing of female babies with courage and determination. Women’s movements are possibilities to rediscover women’s resources in their experience of struggle, of value commitments, and their interconnectedness with each other and with the nature. In such collective experiences women discover that in their powerlessness there is power; in their pain there is healing; in their fragility there is strength; 248 Theoretical Framework on Envisioning Resistance to FF and FI in their death there is life; and in their resistance there is transformation. Women’s demonstrations with nonviolent resistance strategies in women’s care and environmental concerns reveal their quest for life in human life and nature. Their resources of resistance, justice, wisdom, and compassion could become transforming strengths. Zappone affirms that sacred stories will inspire, guide, and help people to imagine ways of living interconnectedness. The sacred stories that value the female and nature can help to sustain lives and create new possibilities for life on earth.115 Women, by taking stories of transformation from some religious and historical perspectives can refigure themselves to be the subjects of transformative resistance. Corona Mary says that women are called to be leamed and wise like Sarasvatï, courageous in destroying evil like Kali and Durga, and empowered to resist structures of oppression like Mary, symbols of liberation for women today.116 Women, through education and conscientisation, and with individual and collective support would be powerful in enhancing women’s wellbeing which extends to the wellbeing of family, society, and the nation. Formal education would contribute to improve gender identity by fostering positive gender identities through the school curriculum, as argued by Nareen Arif.117 Government and NGOs could support good education emphasizing the sacredness and dignity of human life. Media could play an important role in creating awareness regarding VAWG among the masses. Laws would make a lot of difference in bringing about changes in Indian society when implemented with conviction to protect the wellbeing of individuals and of the common good. The strategies drawn from this study when implemented with commitment to promote the sacredness and dignity of women’s life and the protection of human rights would have a transforming effect in our quest for life for the wellbeing of all. 115 Cf. Katherine Zappone, The Hope for Wholeness: Spirituality for Feminists, 34. 116 Cf. Corona Mary, The Divine Dream, 54. 117 C f Nareen Arif, Women 's Empowerment: Myth or Reality? 6. 249 General Conclusion The main research question stated in the general introduction was: can resistance resources from religious and philosophical perspectives help to promote the sacredness and dignity of the lives of women, the protection of human rights, and aid the eradication of female foeticide (FF) and female infanticide (FI) in India? The present context of violence against women and girls (VAWG) in India has resulted from many factors that come together to promote the devaluation of and discrimination against females which have been developed in a patriarchal context. In order to seek a future vision for the transformation of the lives of women and girls, this study has explored how women could resist their present oppressive situation by transforming themselves through drawing resistance resources from the religious and philosophical perspectives that we have discussed in this study. Indian woman (Bharatiya nari) is expected to be an embodiment of suffering, self- sacrifïce, and self-effacement. This image of the Indian woman is projected at religious, cultural, and social levels and it is strongly communicated through religious practices, the media, and in daily life in the family and society. This cultural image of women is neither specifïcally Hindu, nor Muslim, nor Christian but women participate (or are forced to participate) in it. Many women have even come to believe that this is a noble image and to accept their ascribed status in their roles as wives and mothers.1 As most women are confïned to domestic roles, they do not receive adequate exposure to other options or the backing to develop their own resources. Discrimination against women within India is seen in many domains. Cultural norms, received ideologies, and religious texts have contributed considerably towards women’s devaluation.2 Though every type of violence against women is found in the world, what is specifïc to India are the various contributing causes viz. the dominant culture of patriarchy, the obsessive preference for sons over daughters, religious discrimination, the dowry system, and the neglect of women’s issues that contribute to VAWG. These have been analysed in this study. When men and women are prejudiced with regard to women’s worthlessness, this 1 Cf. Doris Franklin, “Impact of Christianity on the Status of Women from the Socio-Cultural Point of View,” in Religions and the Status o f Women, e i Jyotsna Chatteiji, 82. 2 Cf. Vasudha Narayanan, “Brimming with Bhakti, Embodiments of Shakti: Devotees, Deities, Performers, Reformers, and Other Women of Power in the Hindu Tradition,” Feminism and World Religions, 31. 250 General Conclusion situation leads to the destruction of female life. FF and FI can be perceived as ‘self destructive’, as women participate in their own violence by taking part in eliminating their babies, on account of their interiorized inferiority. Therefore, it was considered that FF and FI are major concerns for India, which require tackling so that such crimes can be eliminated. Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza points out that “when seeking future vision and transformation, we can only extrapolate from present experience, which is always predetermined by past experience.”3 The critical analysis of the various factors that contribute towards the elimination of female babies exposed the devaluation, subordination, and discrimination of women and girls in Indian patriarchal society. Through a critical analysis of the context and resources drawn from Hinduism, Judaism, Christianity, and the Gandhian perspective, this thesis explored, on the one hand, the resistance possibilities to VAWG which have transformative effects towards the eradication of FF and FI, and on the other hand, an attempt was made to gather up resources to shore up the development of women and girls by alTirming their sacred life. The religious and philosophical sources reflect ambivalence in the attitudes of religions and ideologies towards women. The devaluation of and discrimination against women is often supported through theological interpretations of religious texts which have contributed to a failure to fully acknowledge the inalienable dignity and worth of women on the part of some sections of the Hindu, Jewish, and Christian religions. Even in Gandhian thought, the status ascribed to women was problematic. The different narratives from the sacred texts analysed in this study showed that often the religious “text encodes and reinforces structures of oppression” while it can also help to explore “values and visions that promote liberation.”4 The discussion and analysis of Hinduism, Judaism, Christianity, and Gandhian philosophical thought with regard to the limitations and possibilities for resistance against FF and FI has been elaborately discussed in this study. Moreover, attempts were made to bring together the resistance resources in order to draw new applications and meaningfiil conclusions to the explorative study on religious and philosophical resources for resistance to FF and FI in India. In order to envision the theoretical framework on resistance, three important elements were discussed in this study: resistance that promotes the sacredness and dignity of human life, reconstruction of the self of women, and women’s empowerment and agency. From this discussion, this study arrived at 3 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, Wisdom Ways: Introducing Feminist Biblical Interpretation, 186. 4 Cf. Ibid, 200. 251 General Conclusion the redefinition and reinterpretation of transformative resistance that unfolds the possibilities for “preventive strategies” to address the problem. VAWG being the subject of this study, brought the realization of the need to empower women by helping them to reconstruct their self and their social roles which would facilitate transformation for women and the affirmation of their dignity and that of their daughters. The redefinition and reinterpretation of “transformative resistance” from the perspective of women is the nucleus of this study. Transformative resistance could bring about attitudinal change in the minds of women and men because transformative resistance emerges from the transformed self, the empowered self. It is resistance with power to change, power to make a difference, power to motivate one to action, and thus, power to enhance life. It will be the result of inner positive power that can not only motivate women to say ‘no’ to being victims and victimizers but it can also be a resource to enhance the development of women and girls. Such resistance could help women to create a positive social change and would foster individual and collective transformation. In this process, women’s empowerment and agency play an important role. The resistance resources explored in this study signify the potentiality in women to resist every type of violence with a hope of enhancing their lives. Thus, this study is concentrated on two important claims: first, the possibilities of theology to address the social problem of VAWG. In the words of Schillebeeckx “negative experiences make us realise the absence of what things ought to be”5 which calls for protest to affirm and protect human life in circumstances of violence where the right to live in dignity is being denied and human life is being destroyed. Theology provides a scope for the way human life ought to be and thus offers a vision for the future of history.6 Likewise, attempts were made to contribute to theological reflection by analysing different religious traditions of resistance and Gandhian philosophical thought on nonviolent resistance which was deeply influenced by the Hindu religion and by other religions. The novelty of this study lies in going beyond the parameter of theology by exploring transformative resistance resources drawn from the various major religious and philosophical perspectives to be found in India, thus widening the scope of the study. The second claim is about the need for women to reconstruct their own sense of self because, by reconstructing their own self, they affirm that they are of worth as human being so that they may resist being treated as objects and as subjects of annihilation. By affirming 5 Edward Schillebeeckx, God the Future o f Man, trans. N.D. Smith (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1968), 136. 6 Cf. Katherine Zappone, The Hope for Wholeness: A Spirituality for Feminists, 4. 252 General Conclusion their potentialities, women will have the power within to resist violence against them through individual and collective engagements. The analysis of the context of female devaluation and the impact of oppression in the life of women evokes a response of ‘self-awakening’ in women to resist such situations and rediscover their own potentialities to be the agents of their own emancipation. When women realize and affirm their self worth, they will be able to resist violence against themselves and contribute their resources towards the transformation of society and the enhancement of their own lives. This study presented various narratives on women’s resistance from mythical, religious, and historical perspectives in diverse contexts and from individual stories of the transformation of women in order to help women to refïgure their own identities. It is certainly a great challenge to affirm one’s dignity and the sacredness of human life and address the prevailing violent situation with fearlessness and defïance of an evil social system through altemative ways of resistance and transformation specific to the context. The transformed self and the reconstruction of the social roles of women inspired by divine personifications and the human examples which emerged in this study can motivate women to become change makers and to become self-confïdent leaders empowered to contribute to the development of the nation. Thus, this study poses a challenge and an opportunity for women to bring about an attitudinal change with a resolve to affirm the sacredness and dignity of women and in this way contribute substantially towards the eradication of VAWG. Two areas for fiirther research are offered: one, as the institution of dowry is one of the main factors behind female elimination, resistance to the dowry system could be explored from the perspective of the sacredness and dignity of human beings. For instance, Immanuel Kant, one of the most influential Western Philosophers, emphasizes that humanity should be treated not as a means but as an end in itself. Such insight would facilitate upholding the sacredness and dignity of women and girls and could be resourceful in eradicating VAWG. Secondly, this thesis explores the reconstruction of the self of women that would have a transformative impact on them in affirming their life and resisting violence. It would be a good contribution, if the reconstruction of the self of men could be explored. This would facilitate the transformation of the mindset of men; men could free themselves from dominating powers which are exploitative and their socialized identity, which is perceived as being superior to women and which leads to violence, not only in the family but also in society and in the nation at large. Thus, men and boys could also be helped to promote the wellbeing of humanity with their transformed self. 253 General Conclusion The present situation of women and girls in India is a social challenge and it needs to be addressed emphatically. A concerted effort should be made to address gender-based attitudes and the devaluation of women and girls which is embedded in Indian social structures. The values of sacredness and dignity of human life could be disseminated through secular and religious education. The promotion of girls’ education would improve the worth and the esteem of the girl child, enable her to become an economically productive woman and a contributing person to the development of society.7 Political and religious leaders also must take practical steps to raise social awareness and protect female life. The protection of female life is a collective task of the nation which includes the political, religious, social, economic, and cultural realms. The possibilities of implementing transformative resistance in the context of VAWG suggest that the transformation of society is possible through the transformation of people’s mindsets. Laws by themselves do not create an ideal society. Changes have to be efFected in the minds of people, beginning from the family which is the basic social unit. The mutual support of women and men and inter-networking has a great power to address the issues that lead to VAWG in India. It is important to create public awareness of VAWG and also of social support systems. These strategies for implementation are drawn from and inspired by various sources that are discussed in this study. Finally, transformative resistance resources offer avenues for women to be empowered in oppressive contexts that call for radical transformation. Divine, human, and cosmic personifïcations, images, and narratives discussed in this study are new pathways leading to liberation and transformation. They could help women to develop minds free of the fear of the negative influence of socialized identities attributed to them. It is an invitation for women and girls in India to believe in their uniqueness, inner strength, and to celebrate the beauty of being females in freedom and dignity. This affirmation emerges as a seed of hope for women to assert their sacred lives through transformative resistance. The conclusion is derived with the imagery of a rainbow giving hope to millions of women and girls to live with dignity and wellbeing. 7 Cf. National Plan of Action, A report of working group on development of children for the Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007-2012), 15. 254 Glossary GtQSSARY Advaita non-dual Ahimsa non-violence, non-injury, love Anubhava experience Aranyani the goddess of the forest Ardhanarïssara the lord who is half female Ashram a spiritual hermitage Asura demon Atma the self (the body, the soul, or the senses) Bal Pothi a book for children of primary school Bapu father Bhagavad-Gita sacred text of Hinduism, is part of Mahabharata Epic Bhakta devotee Bhakti devotion Bharat Mata Mother India Bharatiya nari Indian woman Bhoodan land gift Brahmacharya celibacy Brahmin member of a priestly caste Charka spinning wheel Chipko to embrace Dalit oppressed Darsan to see, sight, behold Deva male deity or god Devadasï girl dedicated to the temple, temple prostitute Devï female deity or goddess Dharma doctrine or religious duty, law, religion, righteousness, virtue Grahasta householder Guna quality Harijan literally, the people of Hari, i.e. God; Gandhi’s name for untouchables Himsa violence Hindutva Hinduness, Hindu identity Jati occupational caste group Karma action, work Khadï hand-spun cloth Ksatriya member of warrior and ruler caste Mahabharata the Indian Epic, story of the great war between Pandavas and the Kauravas. Mahatma great soul Mandir temple Manusmriti Hindu Legal Code 255 Glossary Moksa liberation, salvation Nishkam karma selfless action, desireless action Padayatra joumey by foot Pahca-mahavratas five great vows Pahca-sïla five precepts Panchamas a fifth-caste, an outcaste (untouchables) Panchayat local self- govemment Pao püja worship of the feet Pitribhumi fatherland Punyabhumi holy land Prikrti earth, nature Puranas the sacred Hindu legends Purdah veil; institution of seclusion of women Ram Rajya rule of Ram, kingdom of God on earth; the ideal social order Ramayana the Sacred Epic of India wherein Rama is the Divine hero. 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It is a major setback for the promotion of female life, human dignity, and the promotion of human rights. Presently, FF and FI are receiving national attention in India because of the alarming difference in the female-male ratio reported by the censuses of 2001 and 2011. According to the 2011 census, among the 0-6 year age group, there were 914 females for every thousand males compared to 927 in 2001. The Central and State Govemments and other non- govemmental organisations (NGOs) have undertaken many projects for the welfare of girl children in recent years. Despite legal, political, and economic measures tailored to care for female babies, the practice of FF and FI have been increasing over the years. FF and FI have socio-cultural, economic, and religious roots interwoven with the devaluation of and discrimination against women and girls at all levels. Some of the factors that contribute to VAWG are: the dominant culture of patriarchy where high emphasis is placed on woman’s subordination to man, obsessive preference for sons over daughters, religious discrimination, dowry system (bride price), and neglect of women’s issues. In this context, women by interiorizing their devaluation become ‘victims’ while often they are also willing participants in eliminating their own babies. On the one hand, women become victims at the hands of men and of the structures of oppression, and on the other, women involve themselves in perpetuating those structures and participate in crimes against their own sex. When women realise FF and FI as self-attack on them, they will be able to resist such crimes which are against the sacredness and dignity of women’s life. Therefore, this study explores 278 Sum mary in English the possibilities of resistance to VAWG and brings to the centre the analysis how women’s resistance would emerge from their affirmation of life. The term “resistance” in this study denotes power aimed at the transformation of structures of devaluation of and oppression against women and girls with the aim of enhancing their lives and development. To address the above context, this study explores religious and philosophical resources of resistance to empower women to promote and protect female life. With a critical analysis of both oppressive and liberative elements in Hinduism, Judaism, Christianity, and Gandhian philosophical thought on nonviolent resistance, this study explores resistance resources to develop a deeper consciousness in Indian thought that life is sacred. The primary goal of this thesis is to empower women to resist VAWG with their individual and collective conviction by affirming their sacred life and their potential power. The main research question in this study is: can resistance resources from religious and philosophical perspectives help to promote the sacredness and dignity of women’s life and the protection of human rights and aid the eradication of FF and FI in India? To research this question, this dissertation presents a joumey of a quest for life and transformative resistance to defend female life in three parts. Part I “Mapping the Pathway” presented the complex context of the socio-cultural and religious diversity of India with a specific focus on the threat to female life. Chapter one presented an overview of India and discusses the problem of FF and FI, its causes and its impacts. The multi-faceted factors that cause the heinous crime of FF and FI were examined in detail. The first was a socio-cultural factor, namely, patriarchy which is supported by culture and religion. Though patriarchy is a global phenomenon, what is specific to India is the life-long subordination of the female as daughter, wife, mother, and widow to male authority. Preference for sons over daughters is built into the cultural ideology of India and therefore, girls are discriminated against and are even eliminated by those families who do not favour girl children. Many elite Hindu communities practice son preference for both religious and secular reasons. This even extends to funerary customs. According to which, sons are supposed to perform their parents’ cremation rites. The second dominant factor which has taken the lives of many young girls is the ‘dowiy system.’ It also contributes to female elimination; girl-children are killed at the infant stage, simply because families believe that they are a liability for the future. Thirdly, religion is the other important factor that upholds the devaluation of and discrimination against women and girls, and its impact is experienced by them at all levels of life. Politically, women are underrepresented in national 279 Summary in English and local politics, which has led to the neglect of women’s issues. Thus, the deep roots of female devaluation interwoven with various factors contribute to the denial of the gift of life to girls in India. In the process of the analysis of causes of the contemporary situation of FF and FI, and its impact on women, this chapter arrived at a conclusion conceming the need for gathering resistance resources in order to eliminate FF and FI in India. As Part I suggested the gathering of resistance resources, Part II “Exploring Resources on the Pathway” served to address the issues that are central to this study from religious and philosophical perspectives. In chapter two, an attempt was made to explore the resistance resources from Sakti, the divine feminine principle in Hinduism, from a number of diverse perspectives. The identification of Sakti in Kalï, Durga, Sarasvatï, and other goddesses show diverse conceptions of divine power in Hinduism, and their relationship with human life. The goddesses are presented as fiill of dignity, courage, justice, and strength and as being interested in the wellbeing of humanity. Sakti as relating to these goddesses is not something distant but it pertains to human beings and involves concepts of benevolence, compassion, care, and protection. The spiritual resources associated with these goddesses, in our opinion, could enable women to draw inspiration to assert themselves and gain courage to resist social structures that give preference for sons over daughters and lead to the elimination of their daughters. Change in women’s attitudes towards themselves would help women to develop an optimistic attitude towards life. When women assert themselves they will be in a position to affirm the life of their daughters and sons in equal dignily as Hindus believe Sakti is present in both. The affirmation of divine presence in the human invites us to a pro-life culture, to accept human life as precious and sacred. Chapter three is a study on three representative figures from Judaism and Christianity: Divine Sophia, Jesus, the ‘prophet of Divine Sophia’, and Mary, the Mother of Jesus. It explores in detail resistance possibilities which can lift dehumanizing structures which oppress women. The discussion on the “inclusive” dimension of Divine Sophia in the Wisdom Literature provides resources of resistance for the contemporary struggle of women for social justice. Furthermore, the hermeneutical interpretation on the inclusive character of Jesus’ mission and how Jesus can be imaged as the ‘prophet of the Divine Sophia’ through his mission manifesto provide resources of resistance against socio-cultural, political, and religious structures of oppression. Women in Jesus’ tradition are seen as agents of transformation because of their resistance to the structures of oppression and because they 280 Summary in English reclaimed their powers of liberation, for instance, the Syrophoenician woman, Martha of Bethany, the Samaritan woman at the well, and Mary Magdalene. Likewise, Mary, the Mother of Jesus could be seen as a symbol of liberation for women. Going beyond the glorification of Mary in the Catholic Church, Mary could be a symbolic resource of resistance to structures of oppression especially through her revolutionary song Magnificat. Mary’s Magnificat offers motivation and inspiration to resist the present day devaluation of and oppression against women and recognize their potential power to affirm their identity as resourceful women. Thus, the liberating resources from the perspectives of Judaism and Christianity would motivate women to ‘fight’ for justice with faith, courage, and defiance in the face of oppressive social and religious systems as they reclaim their power. Chapter four examines the importance and the relevance of Gandhian philosophical thought on nonviolent resistance for India today and in relation to the wellbeing of women in particular. Apart from political freedom, Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance approach can also be seen as resourceful for social justice in India. The contribution of Gandhi towards the emancipation of women remains unique since he addressed the issues of exploitation of women prevalent at his time with courage and determination. Gandhi remains unique because he saw women as active agents of social change. On the one hand, Gandhi witnessed women’s potentialities for nation building as he was supported by women in his mission to free India; on the other, women were influenced by Gandhi’s principle of nonviolence and they were encouraged with his support to explore possibilities for their participation in politics. Gandhi also argued that women are easily attuned to nonviolence and that this disposition enables women as builders of the nation. What is important and relevant for today’s India is the fact that Gandhian thought can promote the life of women and thus the wellbeing of humanity. Therefore, this chapter attempts to revisit Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance approach, which would be resourceful for an attitudinal change for the wellbeing of Thus, in this study, we presented an examination of Hinduism, Judaism, Christianity, and Gandhian philosophical thought and an analysis of each discourse with regards to the limitations and possibilities for resistance against FF and FI. In particular, these three chapters focus on exploring resistance resources that would help women in their quest to affirm their life by resisting VAWG. Part m “Discovering New Pathways” serves to review the resistance resources in order to draw new applications and meaningful conclusions from this explorative study on religious 281 Summary in English and philosophical resources of resistance to FF and FI in India. This final chapter in three sections draws a theoretical framework on resistance to envision transformation in praxis. The focus in these sections is: 1) the sacredness and dignity of human life; 2) the reconstruction of the self of women; and 3) women’s empowerment and agency. The discussion of these three issues would provide scope to affirm the sacredness and dignity of human life and the fiindamental ‘right to life’, since the gift of life is being denied to female babies by eliminating them either before or soon after their birth. These circumstances underline the importance of the reconstruction of the self of women. A new positive self-understanding of women would reinforce them to affirm the sacredness and dignity of their life and would also facilitate women to be empowered and determined to resist being ‘victims’ and refiise to be ‘victimizers’ and thus resist violence. The resistance this study envisions is motivated by self- awakening in women and their discovery of potentialities for constructive actions towards transformation. This thesis “A Quest for Life and Transformative Resistance” treats women’s constant struggle and search to affirm life through resistance power amidst various forms of violence surrounding them. It encompasses the vision of religious traditions to promote the sacredness and dignity human life as well as the vision of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) 1948 which upholds the right to life and the inherent dignity of all human beings. Moreover, theology in general and Christian theology in particular has been addressing issues that concern human life. When human life is threatened, it is imperative to resist violence and promote life. It is to such a vision that this research contributes through developing resistance resources towards the development of women and girls. This study concludes with the imagery of a rainbow giving hope to millions of women and girls to live with dignity and wellbeing. As the rainbow is a symbol of hope, women’s transformed life will make it possible for women to affirm life and live with dignity as women. 282 Summary in Dutch SUMMARY IN WITCH VERLANGEND OP ZOEK NAAR LEVEN EN TRANSFORMEREND VERZET Een verkennend onderzoek naar de religieuze en filosofische bronnen van verzet tegen het opzettelijk doden van vrouwelijke foetussen en van meisjes in India Het opzettelijk doden van vrouwelijke vruchten (Female foeticide, verder afgekort als FF) en de kindermoord op meisjes (Female infanticide, verder afgekort als FI) behoren tot meerdere vormen van geweld jegens vrouwen en meisjes, welke de bredere context vormen van deze theologische verkenning. Daarbij duidt FF het opzettelijk verwijderen van vrouwelijke vruchten aan en FI het opzettelijk doden van vrouwelijke baby’s onmiddellijk na de geboorte of tijdens de peuter- en kleuteijaren, louter omdat ze niet van het mannelijke geslacht zijn. Dit is een belangrijke inbreuk op de bevordering van het leven van vrouwen, de menselijke waardigheid, en de bevordering van de mensenrechten. Momenteel krijgen FF en FI de nationale aandacht in India vanwege het verontrustende verschil in de meisjes/jongens verhouding die de volkstellingen van 2001 en 2011 tonen. Volgens de volkstelling van 2011 telde de leeftijdsgroep van 0-6 jaar 914 meisjes ten opzichte van iedere 1000 jongetjes, vergeleken met 927 meisjes voor iedere 1000 jongetjes in 2001. De centrale regering en de regeringen van de deelstaten, en ook NGO’s hebben de laatste jaren vele projecten uitgevoerd gericht op het welzijn van meisjes. Maar ondanks wettelijke, politieke en economische maatregelen die zijn toegesneden op de zorg voor vrouwelijke baby’s, zijn de praktijken van FF en FI in de voorbije jaren verder toegenomen. Die praktijken van FF en FI hebben sociaal-culturele, economische en religieuze wortels, die verweven zijn met de lagere waardering en de discriminatie van vrouwen en meisjes, en wel op alle niveaus. Enkele factoren die bijdragen aan het geweld jegens vrouwen en meisjes zijn de dominante patriarchale cultuur, waarin een belangrijke nadruk wordt gelegd op de ondergeschiktheid van vrouwen ten opzichte van mannen, de obsessieve voorkeur voor zonen boven dochters, religieuze discriminatie, het systeem van bruidschatten, en het verwaarlozen van aangelegenheden die vrouwen betreffen. In dit verband worden vrouwen door internalisering van hun ondergeschiktheid zowel slachtoffers en zijn ze vaak tegelijkertijd 283 Summary in Dutch bereidwillige handlangers bij het uit de weg ruimen van hun eigen baby’s. Van de ene kant worden ze zo slachtoffers van mannen en van structurele onderdrukking, en aan de andere dragen zij zelfbij aan het voortzetten van deze structuren en aan het deelnemen aan misdaden jegens hun gelijken. Wanneer vrouwen gaan beseffen dat FF en FI aanvallen op henzelf zijn, dan zullen ze in staat zijn in verzet te komen tegen deze misdaden die ingaan tegen de heiligheid en de waardigheid van het vrouwelijke leven. Om die reden onderzoekt deze studie de mogelijkheden tot verzet tegen het geweld jegens vrouwen en meisjes; de kern van de analyse vormt de vraag hoe het verzet van vrouwen kan voortkomen uit de bevestiging van het leven. De uitdrukking ‘verzet’ in deze studie verwijst naar de kracht die gericht is op de transformatie van de structuren van waardevermindering en onderdrukking van vrouwen en meisjes, met als doel het verbeteren van hun levens en ontwikkeling. Om de genoemde context tegemoet te treden, onderzoekt deze studie religieuze en filosofische bronnen van verzet die vrouwen in staat stellen het leven van vrouwen te beschermen en te bevorderen. Met behulp van een kritische analyse van zowel onderdrukkende als bevrijdende elementen in het Hindoeïsme, het Judaïsme, het Christendom en Gandhi’s filosofie van het geweldloze verzet, onderzoekt deze studie bronnen van verzet die een dieper bewustzijn in het denken in India kunnen ontwikkelen dat het leven heilig is. Het primaire doel van deze dissertatie is het om vrouwen in staat te stellen zich te verzetten tegen het geweld jegens vrouwen en meisjes, zowel individueel als collectief, door het bekrachtigen van de heiligheid van hun leven en van hun krachtpotentieel. De belangrijkste onderzoekvraag van deze studie luidt: kunnen bronnen van verzet vanuit religieus en filosofisch perspectief eraan bijdragen om de heiligheid en de waardigheid van het leven van vrouwen en de bescherming van de mensenrechten te bevorderen, en helpen om de praktijken van FF en FI in India uit te roeien? Om deze vraag te onderzoeken, biedt deze dissertatie een zoektocht in drie delen naar het verlangen naar leven en naar transformerend verzet, gericht op de verdediging van het leven van vrouwen. Het eerste deel , ‘In kaart brengen van de route’, presenteert de ingewikkelde context van de sociaal-culturele en religieuze diversiteit van India, met specifieke aandacht voor de bedreiging van het leven van vrouwen. Het eerste deel, dat het eerste hoofdstuk beslaat, biedt een overzicht van de situatie in India en bespreekt het probleem van FF en FI, en de oorzaken en effecten daarvan. De veelvormige factoren die de afschuwelijke misdaad van FF en FI veroorzaken, worden gedetailleerd onderzocht. De eerste factor is van sociaal-culturele aard, te weten het 284 Summary in Dutch patriarchale systeem dat door cultuur en religie wordt ondersteund. Hoewel het patriarchaat een globaal voorkomend verschijnsel is, is de specifieke Indiase vorm ervan de levenslange onderworpenheid van de vrouw als dochter, echtgenote, moeder en weduwe aan een mannelijke autoriteit. De voorkeur voor zonen boven dochters is ingeworteld in de culturele ideologie van India. Daarom worden meisjes gediscrimineerd en zelfs geëlimineerd door die families die liever geen kinderen van het vrouwelijk geslacht willen. Vele Hindoegemeenschappen die tot de elite behoren praktiseren om zowel religieuze als seculiere redenen een voorkeur voor zonen. Naar religieus gebruik worden zonen verondersteld de crematierituelen van hun ouders uit te voeren. De tweede dominante factor die het leven van vele jonge meisjes heeft gekost is het systeem van bruidschatten. Dit draagt eveneens bij aan de eliminatie van vrouwelijke kinderen: een meisje wordt in het kinderstadium om het leven gebracht, om de eenvoudige reden dat ze in de toekomst een financieel risico is. Ten derde is religie een belangrijke factor die de devaluatie en discriminatie van vrouwen en meisjes in stand houdt. De impact daarvan wordt door hen in alle levensstadia en op alle niveaus ervaren. Dan is er tenslotte de politieke factor, aangezien vrouwen ondervertegenwoordigd zijn in de nationale en lokale politiek, wat ertoe heeft geleid dat zaken die vrouwen betreffen verwaarloosd worden. Op deze wijze zijn diepe wortels van de onderwaardering van vrouwen verknoopt met meerdere factoren die gezamenlijk bijdragen aan de beroving van het geschenk van het leven aan meisjes in India. Door de doorgedachte analyse van deze factoren, van de huidige werkelijkheid van FF en FI, en van hun inwerking op vrouwen, mondt dit hoofdstuk uit in de conclusie betreffende de noodzaak om bronnen van verzet te bijeen te brengen, met het oog op het uitbannen van de praktijken van FF en FI in India. Vanuit de in dit eerste deel geconcludeerde noodzaak van het bijeenbrengen van bronnen van verzet, wil deel II - ‘Een verkennen van bronnen voor de weg die te gaan is’ - de thema’s aan de orde stellen die centraal staan in dit onderzoek vanuit religieuze en filosofische perspectieven, en wel in de volgende drie hoofdstukken. In het tweede hoofdstuk worden de mogelijke bronnen van verzet onderzocht die te verbinden zijn met Sakti, het goddelijke vrouwelijke principe in het Hindoeïsme, en wel vanuit een aantal uiteenlopende perspectieven. De manifestatie van Sakti in Kali, Durga, Sarasvati en andere godinnen tonen verschillende vormen van goddelijke kracht in het menselijk leven. Deze godinnen worden getoond als vol van waardigheid, moed, gerechtigheid en kracht, en zijn gericht op het welzijn van de mensheid. Sakti in de godinnen is niet iets afstandelijks maar heeft betrekking op mensen en haar welwillendheid, compassie, 285 Summary in Dutch zorg en bescherming met zich mee. De spirituele krachtbronnen van de godinnen, zo menen wij, zou vrouwen in staat kunnen stellen er inspiratie uit te putten, om voor zich op te komen en om moed te verzamelen zich te verzetten tegen sociale structuren die zonen boven dochters prefereren en die voeren tot het elimineren van hun dochters. Een verandering in het zelfbegrip van vrouwen zou hen kunnen helpen in het ontwikkelen van een meer positieve levensgerichte houding. Wanneer vrouwen voor zichzelf opkomen komen ze in een positie om het leven van hun dochters en zonen te bevestigen als gelijkwaardig, omdat Sakti gelijkelijk in hen aanwezig is. De bevestiging van de goddelijke presentie in de mens nodigt ons uit tot een pro-life cultuur, tot een aanvaarding van het menselijk leven als kostbaar en heilig. Het derde hoofdstuk brengt de onderzoeksvraag in verband met drie representatieve gestalten uit het Judaïsme en Christendom: de Goddelijke Sophia (ook wel Vrouwe Wijsheid genoemd), Jezus, profeet van Vrouwe Wijsheid, en Maria, de moeder van Jezus. Het onderzoekt nauwkeurig de mogelijkheden tot verzet die ontmenselijkende structuren van onderdrukking van vrouwen kunnen opheffen. Een bespreking van de ‘inclusieve’ dimensie van Vrouwe Sophia in de wijsheidsliteratuur biedt bronnen van verzet ten dienste van de hedendaagse strijd van vrouwen voor sociale gerechtigheid. Voorts tonen we de wijze hoe de hermeneutische interpretatie van het inclusieve karakter van Jezus’ missie, en hoe Jezus kan worden voorgesteld als de profeet van de Goddelijke Sophia in de uitspraken van zijn missie, bronnen van verzet kunnen bieden tegen sociaal-culturele, politieke en religieuze structuren van onderdrukking. Bovendien brengen we naar voren hoe de vrouwen in de Jezustraditie gezien kunnen worden als actoren van transformatie, door zich te verzetten tegen de structuren van onderdrukking, en ook door het opeisen van hun bevrijdingskracht. Men denke bijvoorbeeld aan de Syrophoenicische vrouw, Martha van Bethanië, de Samaritaanse vrouw bij de bron en Maria Magdalena. Zo kan ook Maria, de moeder van Jezus, gezien worden als bevrijdingssymbool voor vrouwen. Naast de verheerlijking van Maria in de katholieke Kerk, kan Maria ook als een symbolische bron van verzet tegen onderdrukkende structuren worden gezien, vooral vanwege haar revolutionaire lofzang — het Magnificat. Maria’s Magnificat biedt de motivatie en de inspiratie om zich ook tegen de hedendaagse devaluatie en onderdrukking van vrouwen te verzetten, en hun potentiële kracht te erkennen om hun identiteit als vindingrijke getalenteerde vrouwen te bevestigen. Zo kunnen de bevrijdende bronnen van het Judaïsme en het Christendom vrouwen motiveren om de strijd op te nemen voor gerechtigheid - met geloof, moed en trotsering van de onderdrukkende sociale en religieuze structuren - en zo hun eigen kracht terug te vorderen. 286 Summary in Dutch Het vierde hoofdstuk onderzoekt het belang en de relevantie van het wijsgerig denken van Gandhi betreffende het geweldloos verzet, en wel voor het India van vandaag en in het bijzonder in relatie tot het welzijn van vrouwen. Naast politieke vrijheid kan Gandhi’s benadering van geweldloos verzet ook als een rijke bron voor het streven naar sociale rechtvaardigheid in India worden gezien. De bijdrage van Gandhi aan de emancipatie van vrouwen blijft uniek omdat hij de kwesties rond de in zijn tijd gangbare uitbuiting van vrouwen met moed en vastberadenheid aan de kaak stelde. Gandhi is voorts uniek omdat hij vrouwen zag als actieve actoren in het proces van sociale verandering. Aan de ene kant getuigde Gandhi van het vermogen van vrouwen om mee te bouwen aan een nieuwe staat; hij werd door vrouwen gesteund bij zijn missie om India te bevrijden. Aan de andere kant werden vrouwen beïnvloed door Gandhi’s beginsel van de geweldloosheid en werden ze bemoedigd door zijn steun bij het verkennen van de mogelijkheden om hun rol te spelen in het politieke leven. Gandhi stelde ook dat vrouwen gemakkelijk instemmen met geweldloosheid, een karaktertrek die vrouwen in staat stelt de samenleving op te bouwen. Het gedachtegoed van Gandhi is belangrijk en relevant voor het India van vandaag, door het bevorderen van de levenskwaliteit van vrouwen en daardoor van het menselijk welzijn. Daarom ook probeert dit hoofdstuk Gandhi’s benadering van het geweldloze verzet opnieuw te bezien, een benadering die de basis kan zijn voor een verandering van houdingen ten behoeve van het algemeen welzijn. Zo wordt in deze studie een onderzoek gepresenteerd van Hindoeïsme, Judaïsme, Christendom en het wijsgerig gedachtegoed van Gandhi en biedt het onderzoek een analyse van elk van deze vertogen met betrekking tot de beperkingen en mogelijkheden voor op verandering gericht verzet tegen FF en FI. In het bijzonder concentreren deze drie hoofdstukken zich op het verkennen van bronnen van verzet die vrouwen kunnen helpen in hun verlangende zoektocht naar levensbevestiging versus het geweld jegens vrouwen en meisjes. Deel III - ‘Ontdekken van nieuwe wegen’ - beoogt om de onderzochte bronnen van verzet opnieuw te bezien om daaruit nieuwe toepassingen te putten en zinvolle conclusies te trekken vanuit deze verkennende studie betreffende religieuze bronnen van verzet tegen de praktijken van FF en FI in India. Dit laatste hoofdstuk, verdeeld in drie secties, put uit een theoretisch model van verzetsbronnen met het oog op een proces van transformatie in de praktijk. Deze secties concentreren zich op: 1) de heiligheid en waardigheid van menselijke personen; 2) deconstructie van zelfVerstaan van vrouwen; en 3) de bevordering van de kracht 287 Summary in Dutch en het handelingsvermogen van vrouwen. De bespreking van deze drie thema’s biedt de ruimte om de heiligheid en waardigheid van het menselijk leven te herbevestigen alsook het fundamentele recht op leven, omdat juist dit geschenk van het leven wordt ontkend aan vrouwelijke baby’s door ze hetzij voor of na de geboorte te elimineren. Deze situatie onderstreept het belang van een reconstructie van het vrouwelijke zelf. Zulk zelfbegrip van vrouwen kan hen versterken in de bevestiging van de heiligheid en de waardigheid van hun leven en kan vrouwen helpen sterker te worden en vastbesloten zich te verzetten om slachtoffers te zijn en te weigeren slachtofferaars te zijn, om zo geweld te weerstaan. Het verzet dat deze studie in het vizier heeft wordt gemotiveerd door een ontwaken van het zelf in vrouwen en hun ontdekken van de mogelijkheden voor een constructief handelen gericht op transformatie. Deze dissertatie ‘Verlangend op zoek naar leven en transformerend verzet’ is ingebed in de constante strijd van vrouwen voor en hun zoektocht naar levensbevestiging door middel van verzetskracht te midden van meerdere vormen van geweld die hen omringen. Het is de visie van de religieuze tradities en ook van de Universele Verklaring van de Rechten van de Mens (1948) die de heiligheid en de waardigheid van het menselijk leven bevorderen en het recht op leven en de intrinsieke waarde van alle mensen hoog houden. Bovendien heeft de theologie en in het bijzonder de christelijke theologie thema’s die het menselijk leven betreffen vaak aan de orde gesteld. Wanneer het menselijk leven wordt bedreigd, is het dringend geboden geweld te weerstaan en het leven te bevorderen. Het is deze visie waaraan dit onderzoek wil bijdragen door het ontwikkelen van bronnen van verzet enerzijds, die anderzijds gericht zijn op de ontwikkeling van vrouwen en meisjes. Deze studie besluit met het beeld van de regenboog, die hoop geeft aan miljoenen vrouwen en meisjes om te leven met waardigheid en welzijn. De regenboog is een symbool van hoop, de hoop op een situatie waarin het getransformeerde leven van vrouwen hen mogelijk maakt met het leven in te stemmen en het in waardigheid als vrouw te beleven. Vertaling: Prof. dr. W.F.C.M Derkse 288 ABW F THE AUTOCHt Rita Sanctis (M Dona Sanctis BS) is a religious sister of the Congregation of the Sisters of the Little Flower of Bethany, Mangalore, India. Dona Sanctis holds a Bachelor’s Degree in Education from the University of Madras. The Bachelor studies in Theology from Vidyajyoti College of Theology, New Delhi facilitated her to contextual theology. During the academic years 2008 to 2010, she completed her Master’s degree in Inter-Cultural Theology at Radboud University Nijmegen. She has pursued her doctoral studies at the Faculty of Philosophy, Theology, and Religious Studies since September 2010. Giving prime importance to the mission of the Congregation, Dona Sanctis was engaged in different assignments, addressing and fulfilling the need of the congregation. She served as an office assistant in the Generalate. She also served as an office assistant in Sandesha Communication Centre of the Diocese of Mangalore during which she developed an interest in media apostolate. Furthermore, she was involved in the religious formation of the young members of the congregation. She has served as the directress of candidates and novices in the Congregation and has conducted retreats to the novices and seminars on religious themes and personal development to the religious sisters of her Congregation and other women religious Congregations. Moreover, she was involved in BCC (Basic Christian Communities) in the parish community in Mangalore Diocese. Exposure to social and human problems as part of her religious formation and especially during her theological studies in Vidyajyoti, New Delhi, motivated Dona to get involved with social struggles, especially problems and struggles of women and girls within diverse religious faiths and cultural context of India. 289 TRANSFORMATIVE When human life is threatened, it is imperative to resist violence and promote life. The present-day context o f violence against women and girls in India, and specifïcally the high incidence o f female foeticide and infanticide, has its roots in many factors which cumulatively lead to devaluation of and discrimination against females. In order, therefore, to seek a future vision for the transformation o f the lives o f women and girls, this study focuses on two important claims: Firstly, the possibility that religious and philosophical thought can address this social problem; and secondly, that there is a need for women to reconstruct how they perceive themselves so that they can resist being treated as objects and thus becoming the subjects o f violence. It is hoped that a critical discussion and analysis o f some elements o f Hindu. Judaic, Christian, and Gandhian philosophical thought will generate resistance resources which can support a transformative praxis. This study envisions how transformative resistance could ignite inner positive power which would not only motivate women to say ‘no’ to being victims and victimizers, but which would also be a resource to enhance the development of women and girls. For women, transformative resistance raises new possibilities for the self, which could have a positive corresponding impact on the transformation o f Indian socifty. Rita Sanctis (M Dona Sanctis BS) is a religious sister of the Congregation of the Sisters of the Little Flower of Bethany, Mangalore, India. She pursued her doctoral studies at the Faculty of Philosophy, Theology, and Religious Studies, Radboud University Nijmegen, the Netherlands. This study is made under the supervision of Prof. dr. G.M.F. Troch and Prof. dr. C.W. Hübenthal.