The Social Structure of a Mysore Village M

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY October 30, 1951 The Social Structure of a Mysore Village M. N. Srinivas, Professor of Sociology, M. S. University of Baroda The author spent the greater part of 1948 making a field-study of Kodagahalli, a village about 22 mites from Mysore. The study was possible owing to the generosity of the University of Oxford which permitted him to spend the first year of his appointment as University Lecturer in Indian Sociology in making such a study. The following outline of an Indian village community is intended for the general reader.—Ed. HERE are about 560 thousand of Permanent Settlement in 1793. lage. A distant pilgrimage or a T villages in what is now Indian The ' joint' type may further be journey to a cattle fair, were prob Union, and the bulk of the popu sub-divided into the pattidari and ably the only occasions when an lation of 357 millions live in these the zamindari sub-types, in both of individual ventured beyond the villages where the traditional mode which the village, lands constitute range of his normal contacts. of life still continues. But the villages the joint property of an organised Even then, he was often accom have begun to change rapidly now proprietary body. But while in the panied by his friends and relatives, adays, and the pace of the change pattidari system the joint families Groups, of relatives and friends is likely to increase rather than de constituting the proprietary body moved a considerable distance only crease in the near future. This own separate, shares in the culti when there were compelling reasons makes the field study of typical vil vable land and hold the waste and like a famine, war, or religious per lages in the different linguistic areas pasture lands in common, in the secution by a prince professing a of our country an urgent necessity. zamindari system all land is held different faith. Either we collect the facts now, or and managed in common, and not The overall political authority they are lost forever. divided. In the latter sub-type, the does not seem to have been much The Indian village community tenants, if any, are. the tenants of more than a tax-collecting body in has figured rather prominently in the whole body of proprietors, their its relations to these villages. As early sociological literature. rents and other receipts are paid long as a village paid its taxes and Sir Henry Maine brought the into a common fund from which no great crime was committed in Indian village community into the common expenses are met; and it, it was allowed to go its own way. prominence by making it the basis the annual profits are divided among II we exclude for a moment the of his theory of primitive commun the co-sharers according to their hereditary headman of the village ism of property. Basing his theories respective shares. In a ' joint ' vil and the hereditary accountant who on a certain type of village com lage, there are two classes of men, are primarily members of the village munity existing in parts of North one with proprietary rights, the community discharging certain India, he argued that originally other without them, power resting duties for the government, officials land, that is property, was owned exclusively with the former. of the government rarely visited jointly by kin-groups, and that In the 'severalty' or ryotwari the village. The elders in Kodaga- individual ownership of land was a village, a type which prevailed over halli told me that even as recently later phenomenon in the history of the greater part of India, the unit as fifty years ago a policeman was human societies. Attempts to re for land revenue is not the village, a rare sight in their village, only construct the history of social insti but the holding of each cultivator, 22. miles from the capita! of the tutions were, fashionable in the which is separately assessed, and State of Mysore. f Formerly every latter half of the 19th century. each cultivator is individually res village had its own watch and Social anthropology or comparative ponsible for its payment. There is ward, and this continues in certain sociology is a more mature sub no waste land held in common villages even today, ) ject today, and consequently so which can be divided if required Nobody can fail to he impressed cial anthropologists are m o r e for cultivation, though there may be by the isolation and stability of modest than t h e i Victorian common rights of use in the waste, these village communities. Some of predecessors. They either attempt e.g., for grazing and collecting fuel. the early British administrator to describe the structural features A feature of the village com have left us their impressions of the of a small society which they have munity all over India is the pan- village community. Sir Charles studied intensively for two or three chayat or council of elders which Metcalfe wrote in 1832 : years, or compare similar institu decides disputes between villagers, tions in a few neighbouring and discusses matters of common " The village communities air societies. interest like holding a festival, little republics, having nearly We may note briefly one or two building a temple or road, etc. everything they want within general points about village com The nature of the village com themselves, and almost independ munities all over India, before pro munity is much better realised if ent of any foreign relations. ceeding to give an outline of this we disregard for a moment the They seem to last where nothing village community in Mysore. development of communications and else lasts. Dynasty after dynasty Earlier writers like Maine distin the increase of administrative tumbles down; revolution suc guished between two types of vil centralisation the revenue, police, ceeds revolution . . , but the vil lages in India—the ' joint ' and the law courts, etc. of the last 150 lage community remains the' " severalty '. The first type prevails years or more. Before this. the same. . . . This union of village in the N.W.F.P., the Punjab, and village communities were far more communities, each one forming a the UP, and the second in Penin isolated than they are today. A separate little state in itself, has, sular ' and Central India. The man's effective contacts and rela I conceive, contributed more latter type existed in Bengal tions, one imagines, normally stop than any other cause to the pre and Bihar before the introduction ped a few miles from his natal vil servation of the people of India,

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY October 30, 1951 The disease was ritually driven out haili, and every year, in the month in certain contexts. There are 16 of the village—the village bound of Kartik (October-November) sub-castes in Kodagahalli. Each of ary had a certain ritual significance. there is a festival in honour of this these sub-castes has a distinctive This ritual unity of the village deity. People from within a radius tradition with strong ties with the is important. During the early of about twenty miles come to this same sub-caste in villages nearby. part of the summer of 1948 there festival. Parties of devotees from That is, the village is a vertical was a long drought and this ad surrounding villages come and unity of many castes whereas caste versely affected the summer crops, carry an image of the deity round is a horizontal unity, its alliances horse gram, black gram, given gram, the temple. It is customary to going beyond the village. etc. The villagers felt that allow each party to carry the image There is one aspect of the caste they were being punished by God. three times round the temple. In system winch does not receive suffi Some attributed the drought to the 1947 a party from Arakere was cient emphasis. All the various fact that the priest of the Basava intercepted by a party from Sihalli castes in a village are interdepend temple, an old widower, was living soon alter the former had complet ent. This is seen in day-to-day with two women to whom he was ed the second round. Arakere matters, and is prominent on ritual not married. The rains are liable people said they wanted to complete and other important occasions. to fail for other reasons too: burial the three rounds. Sihalli people Any villager will tell, for instance, of a leper's corpse leads to defile replied that a great many people that at the wedding of a peasant. ment of Mother Earth (Bhumitai) were waiting, and there was no time all the castes have to co-operate. and this results in a drought. A for the customary three rounds. A The Brahmin is priest, the carpen leper's corpse has to be cremated or fight ensued, in which an Arakere ter puts up the pandal, the gold floated down a river. youth was injured. Soon Arakere smith makes the ornaments, the There was a striking demonstra people massed up for a fight, and potter makes the pots, the washer tion of village unity during my started moving towards Kodaga man supplies clean cloths for the stay. The government suddenly haili. The police then intervened, bridal pair to walk on, the barber shaves the groom, the oil-presser passed an order that fishing rights fired a few rounds in the air, and 1 in tanks all over the state should were able to prevent the fight from supplies the oil for the lamps and he sold by auction. When Kodaga- assuming serious proportions. cooking, the shepherd provides halli people learnt of it, their spon Sihalli people felt uncomfortable wool for the sacred thread which is taneous reaction was " What right after the festival was over. They tied round the wrists of the bridal lias the government to auction fish knew that Arakere people would pair, Banajigas (traders) supply the ing rights in our tank?" The gov try to avenge themselves. So they provisions, the Med as (basket- ernment was, according to them, wanted to come to a settlement makers) the baskets, and the encroaching on something that (raji). They reported their desire Holeva (untouchable) performs belonged to them. (It must be for settlement to the headmen of menial tasks and makes a pair of mentioned here that in Kodagahaili. Kodagahaili and Bannur- in the sandals for the groom. once every year, during the height latter is an important pane hay at The carpenter (he belongs to the of summer, when water is at the for the settlement of disputes. Ara caste of carpenters and blacksmiths, lowest, the headman and elders kere1 people were asked to be pre it is important to remember) makes organise a fishing expedition. At sent, in Bannur on a certain day for the peasant's plough and it is his night, by moonlight, most of the the settlement of the dispute. duty to see that the peasant's agri adults go with fishing baskets to They refused to comply with the cultural implements are all in good the tank and catch fish. Next dav request. Arakere has a pavchayat repair. Each family he serves pays there is a feast in every house). On of the same standing as Bannur, him annually a fixed amount of the day fixed for auction, the vil and Arakere people thought that it paddy and straw at the rice har lagers saw to it that nobody in the was a slight for them to be sum vest. He also gets a share— a very village or from any of the neigh moned to Bannur. Finally it was small one, though in the grains bouring villages was there to bid. agreed that the parties concerned that are grown during summer. The visiting government official should meet in the Madeswara The washerman similarly washes had to return without an auction. temple itself. They met at last, the clothes of every family in the This sense of unity is also usually and the battle took a legal turn. village, except of families U'longing seen when the villagers contrast It was finally decided that Sihalli to very low castes. The men of the themselves with others. Kodaga people had committed a wrong, washerman's family wash the men's haili people think themselves refined and they reluctantly paid the fine clothes, while the women members compared to Sihalli people. They imposed on them. They then went wash the women's clothes, A man concede that Arakere people are hack to their village and fined considers it beneath him to wash a more educated than themselves, but heavily all the youths who had woman's clothes'. The washerman they say that they are quarrelsome, taken part in the light. At both also has special duties and privilege's and do not co-operate with others Arakere and Sihalli, people were on ritual occasions. He is paid for constructive tasks. On the informed of the end of the dispute annually in paddy and straw by other hand, Arakere people regard by beat of drum, with a stern every family he serves. The same themselves as advanced and consider warning that anyone who did not holds good for the potter and Kodagahaili backward. Pride in heed the decision would be sum barber. one's village is very common marily dealt with by the village The oil-presser does not seem to though this does not completely panchayat. be included in such traditional shut out objectivity. We have said enough to show arrangements. The Brahmin and Occasionally we find two villages that the unity of the village has Lingayat (non-Brahmin, Shaivite fighting each other. There is a several aspects. Most members of sect of South India) priests of the Madeswara (a form of Shiva) the village, whatever their caste, three important temples in Kodaga temple two furlongs from Kodaga consider themselves to be villagers halli are also paid a small quantity 1053 October 30, 1951 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY of paddy and straw annually. It more. all objects of ritual respect. must be mentioned here, that each The village is even today largely The various sub-castes in a village of these temples has been endowed self-sufficient. But nowadays there are interdependent economically with lands which the priestly fami is a need for goods made or grown and otherwise, and they see them lies enjoy. The paddy and straw outside the village: clothes, salt, selves as villagers in certain con which they are paid in addition is sugar, matches, kerosene, soap, tea, texts, but these do not prevent said to be a contribution towards coffee, beedis, lanterns, cycles and inter-caste rivalry and even hosti the daily rice-offerings to the safes are some of the goods that lity. This is the natural corollary deities. come from outside. A self-suffi of caste solidarity. Intercaste Formerly, in Kodagahalli, it was cient economy is possible only if rivalry expresses itself in joking customary for two families, one each sub-caste adheres to its tradi about the customs and habits of belonging to the upper caste and tional occupation. The occupations the castes of which one is not a the other to the untouchable caste, are complementary. This is true to member. Along with a pride in to be linked in a master-servant a great extent in Kodagahalli even one's own caste, there goes an relationship. The servant was call today, though that every caste ignorance of, and often contempt ed the halemaga (old son) of the has agriculture either as its main for, the ways and customs of other master The servant family had occupation, or p r a c t i s e s agri castes. The upper castes tend to certain duties on ritual and social culture along with its main occupa be specially contemptuous of the occasions: e.g., at a wedding in the tion. The members of the peasant ways of the lower castes. master's family the servant had to caste practise agriculture, the barber Occasionally there are fights be present a pair of sandals (chemma- shaves, the washerman washes tween sub-castes. Recently Besthas lige) to the bridegroom. The ser clothes, the potter makes pots, and Lingayats fought each other in vant family was paid a quantity of the Banajiga trades, the Ganga a village near Kodagahalli. Both paddy and straw at the harvest. works the oil-press and sells Besthas and Lingayats are credited In addition, it had the right to the oil, the Besthas are fishermen, the with a great deal of caste-solidarity. carcass of any cow or bullock which Idigas sell toddy, though they no There are villages in which stones died in the master's house. longer tap it, the Mr das make have been planted to mark the Nowadays, untouchables are baskets and the Koramas are swine boundary of a caste. A man who beginning to refuse to perform herds. The untouchables are finds himself on the wrong side of these and other tasks which are labourers and servants. the boundary might be beaten. It considered to be degrading. But But most of the Kurahas are is necessary to mention here--even the upper castes want them to agriculturists though their tradi though it means digressing- that continue performing them, and tional occupation is keeping sheep there is another type of solidarity there is friction. and making woollen blankets. besides those of kinship, caste and Formerly, it seems that entire There are a few Muslims in Koda village. The various sub-castes in a sub-castes occupying a very low- gahalli who are recent immigrants, village are grouped into two divi position in the hierarchy were and they are traders and contractors. sions, viz., Nadu and Desha. It is attached as halemagas to certain A few peasants and a Lingayat not very easy to discover which sub-castes occupying a high posi have opened grocery shops, and a sub-castes belong to the Nadu divi tion relatively. Thus we find a potter and a fisherman sew clothes sion and which to the Desha. One man of a high caste saying that on a sewing machine1. The version is that Brahmins, Kshatrivas " formerly such-and-such a sub- priestly castes also cultivate their and Okkaligas belong to the Nadu caste were halemagas to us. They lands. It is even today considered division, whereas all the castes are no longer so." Sometimes this a proper thing to follow one's which usually have the suffix Shetti relationship seems to have been traditional occupation. (This view, (from Sanskrit " Sreshti ', elect ) purely nominal—as when a wander however, does not obtain among belong to the Desha division. Thus ing sub-caste like the Garudigas many of the younger people who the Banajiga, Agasta (Madivala), (caste of acrobats and magicians) have been to school and who are Kumbara, Ganiga, Hajama, Bestha, are halemagas to a sub-caste in a urban in their outlook.) weaving castes. Medas and Koramas village. The Garudigas might visit belong to the Desha. It is thus A caste has a ritualist attitude this particular village once a year seen that all the trading and artisan towards the tools, implements or only. Sometimes a man might castes belong to the Desha division. objects associated with its occupa claim a sub-caste higher than his The Okkaligas certainly belong to tion. Annually, at the festival of own as halemaga in order to boost the Nadu, but one is not so certain Gauri (Parvati, wife of Shiva), his own sub-caste. about the Brahmin and Kshatriva. each caste worships its tools. Books Perhaps the Brahmin was extra Servants cultivating their master's are identified with Saraswati, the lands are paid in paddy or paddy- neous to the village in this matter, goddess of learning, and everyone as he certainly is in some others. eum-money. and tenants pay their has ritual respect for them. The landlords a certain share of the It is relevant to introduce an Brahmins worship books during the other matter here: the smith group crop. Paddy occupies to a large Dassera. It is customary to per extent the place of money in the of castes are said to have ' one form Saraswati Puja in the village colour less' than the others. For economy, and barter is even today school common in individual transactions .* merly this group suffered from cer Hut money is being used more and The entire community, composed tain civic disabilities. Their wed of all the Hindu castes, regard the dings could not be performed earth as Mother Earth, and the inside the village. They were exclu * The role of barter has increased, in crops and manure are regarded as ded from village assemblies, prayer certain spheres, in the post-war years which have been characterised by acute Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth. parties and marriage houses. They shortage of rice. Vegetable sellers refuse The domestic- lamp, granary, a heap were not allowed to wear red cash and sell only for rice. of grain, a grain-measure, etc., are slippers. No other caste, not even 1054 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY October 20, 1951 the Holeya, the right-hand division But actually it functions vigorously. is for very grave offences like living of the untouchable caste, dined at Even as recently as 1945, there was with a very low caste man, or eat the house of a smith. It is usual an instance of a woman of the ing with him. The milder punish to say that the Holeya is the lowest washerman caste who was very ment is for smaller offences: the caste. But there are castes to which nearly thrown out of cash; because offender expresses regret for his the Holeya does point and say that of alleged inter-dining with a sister action, pays a fine, undergoes puri he does not eat food cooked by who had been thrown out of caste ficatory ritual after which he gives them, or drink water given by sometime previously for living with a feast to the members of his caste. them, or even borrow chunam (lime an untouchable. Excommunication When one is excommunicated for paste for betel leaves). from caste' is the most powerful good, he is as good as dead to his weapon in the hands of the caste- caste which stops all social inter An attempt by the smiths to courts. It can be final and irrevo course with him. A notice is often assert their equality with the other cable, or temporary. The former circulated which makes it impossible castes led to a fight between them and others. Fifty years ago the Cheluvadi (untouchable, hereditary servant of the village, belonging to right-hand division) of Arakere village beat a wealthy smith from Mysore who walked into the village wearing red slippers. The smith had lent money to the extent of Rs. 50,000 to the villagers.

Perhaps the grouping of castes into those " with full colours " and those " with one colour less " coin cides with the grouping of castes into right-hand and left-hand divi sions. The smiths certainly belong to the latter. Of the untouchables, the Holey as belong to the right- hand, while the Madigas belong to the left-hand division. Formerly, a fight usually arose when a left-hand caste tried to assert a privilege which was denied to it by the right- hand division

The village has a solidarity even though corn posed of several differ ent castes. Each caste again has a solidarity cutting across the village. Thirdly, the various castes living in a village can be grouped into Nadu and Desha divisions. This distinc tion, like the " with full colours " and " one colour less " division, and the right-hand and left-hand divi sion, is a general distinction between castes and is not confined to the castes of one village. In even village one finds castes belonging to the right- and left-hand divisions, " full colours " and " one colour less" divisions, and Nadu and Desha divisions.

We must now mention the exist ence of caste-courts, which punish people guilty of caste offences. They are even today powerful orga nisations though the legal system introduced by the British has well- nigh broken them. For instance, a person who has been excommunica ted by a caste-court can sue it in a court of law for defamation. Theoretically, the caste-court has been more or less declared illegal. 1055 October 30, 1951 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY for the wretched man to settle else The ritual of betel distribution at the headman of the Okkaliga caste where. If the offender is the head a wedding reflects the village orga are well-to-do, and have a reputa of a family, the entire family comes nisation, and also reveals the exist tion for being fair-minded. This under the ban. unless they disown ence of a hierarchy of caste-courts. normally ensures the settling of dis him. Sometimes the hierarchy is not very putes within the village. Also, the clearly defined and one of the two headmen refrain from trying At a wedding, betel leaves and reasons for this may be the fact to exercise their authority in dis nuts are distributed to all the guests that a caste-court which is supreme putes in which certain people well- assembled. This distribution has to in one area tries to assert its autho known for their quarrelsomeness take, place in a certain order. It rity in a different area. This would are involved. The latter take their has to take into account the quali reveal that the process of unifica disputes to the law courts. fications of each guest. The wed tion had not been carried suffi The headman of the Okkaliga ding guests are very touchy on the ciently Jar. question of precedence, and if a caste in Kodagahalli is normally guest feels that he has been dis Certain matters fall very clearly called in to settle disputes of non- honoured, he creates a scene. The within the jurisdiction of a caste- Okkaligas, disputes which dearly formal distribution of betel leaves is court, e.g., dining or living with a lie within the jurisdiction of res such a hazardous affair, that several member of low caste. Matters like pective cast authorities. For years ago the elders of Kodagahalli lopping off the blanches of some instance, the case of a Kuraba decided that anybody could drop one else's tree, diverting water- (shepherd) girl of Kodagahalli who it if he paid Rs. 8-40 into the belonging to another Held, stealing did not want to join her husband village fund. Nowadays most take grass from a field, setting fire to away, was taken before the Okka advantage of this escape. hay-ricks, etc., fall within the juris liga caste headman. The reputation diction of village authorities who of a leader for fairness often might There are caste-courts for the are armed with powerful sanctions, induce people of other castes to take potters at Keragodu and Ashta- ranging from fines to boycott of the their disputes to him. grama. These courts are called offender. The offender who has gadi which literally means frontier been boycotted (and his family) Every political leader and every or boundary. Each caste has lose access to the village tank or official who comes into direct con several caste-courts and they are canal. His cattle will not be allow tact with villagers, complains about said to constitute a hierarchy. Hut ed to graze on the village pasture. " party politics" in the village. the hierarchy does not seem to be The barber, washerman, etc., will Every village is divided into fac clearly defined. For instance, there not serve him. No neighbour will tions; and each faction headed by a is a keen rivalry between Keragodu offer '' fire and hot water ". Even leader. These factions are prevent gadi and Mysore gadi. The Mysore today in the village it is common to ing the working of the village as a people claim precedence over Kera light a stove from the embers taken unit. godu on the ground that they from a neighbour's stove. Simi The village is an interdependent represent the gadi of the capital of larly, hot water for bathing or unit, economically self-sufficient, Mysore State. To this the Kera washing is borrowed from a neigh- having its own village assembly, godu people reply that these gadis hour if the neighbour has a cauldron watch and ward, officials and ser came, into existence during the time full of boiling water. vants. Inside each village each of Hyder Ali, father of Tipu Sultan; caste lives its own life, though it is The village and caste authorities and even then Keragodu had prece dependent on other castes within normally work together. Sometimes dence over Ashtagrania, the then and without the village. There is the former may tell the disputants. capital of Mysore State that is to also a division along class lines. The '' We don't like to interfere in this say, Keragodu has always enjoyed untouchables are never wealthy, case. It is much better if you took precedence over the capital. and they are usually servants and this matter up to your caste autho Two years ago, representatives of labourers at the houses of the upper rities.'' Again, the caste-authorities the potter caste in Mysore started castes. But there are also poor consult the village authorities when claiming precedence over Keragodu members of the upper castes who a question of fact is involved— the representatives in villages like Ara act as servants to rich members of latter are the men on the spot and kere, Pura, Kadlagala, etc. In none their own caste. Thus a poor know the parties to, and sometimes of the plates did they have any Okkaliga often becomes the servant the facts as well of, the dispute. success. But in Tagadur gadi they of a rich Okkaliga. Usually an were successful in pressing their In Kodagahalli. as far as the upper caste man never becomes a claim. Okkaligas (peasants, 735 of them) servant at the house of a man who belongs to a much lower caste. Again, Arakere gadi claims to are concerned, there is a caste headman (Nadu Gauda) in the include under it Keragodu gadi, but We have said enough to indicate village to whom they can take the. latter considers itself to be a the kind of ties that bind together their disputes. The village head separate gadi and not merely part the members of the village com man (Patel) is also an Okkaliga, of Arakere. lt is said that formerly munity. These ties are strong and and he and the village headman are potters had 48 gadis, and at a wed traditional. But the forces set in great friends. Each supports the ding in a potter's house, 48 betels motion in the last 150 years have other in almost all matters. The had to be kept aside, irrespective been such as to weaken them, and result is that disputes from Kodaga of the fact that only a few of the the arrival of Independence has halli Okkaligas rarely go out of the 48 representatives were present. In marked a concentrated effort to village. In fact, Kodagahalli Arakere village, this custom was snap these ties. What kind of vil stopped only a few years ago, and peopIe are well-known for their love lage community will come to exist nowadays only those actually pre of peace. in the future can only be a matter sent receive betel leaves. Both the village headman and for speculation. 1956